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Since the 1970s, the European Union's distinctive characteristics have created a lively debate among International Relations (IR) scholars on its role concept and identity in international politics. In this framework, the concept of normative power was coined to explain the international profile of the Union on the basis of its founding norms and principles. In the post-Cold War era, dramatic changes in the international system have forced the Union to accelerate its initiatives to establish an effective foreign and security policy. With the end of the Cold War, the Union's effectiveness in these fields has been questioned by scholars. The Union's actions and policies towards the Israeli-Palestinian conflict have particularly been at the center of discussions. To shed light on this, this thesis undertakes to present a critical perspective on the Union's involvement in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict resolution process as a normative power. To provide a clear theoretical ground, the Union's identity and profile in international politics are analysed from a constructivist point of view. In accordance with the arguments of the constructivist school of thought, this thesis addresses the Union's international identity and its impact on foreign policy, and outlines the concept of normative power. After an examination of the Union's foreign and security policy evolution and its objectives in its neighbourhood policy, the study proceeds to an analysis of the Union's involvement in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict resolution process. In order to present a comprehensive and critical conceptual basis, Ian Manners's triple analysis method, which is based on examining the Union's principles, actions and outcomes arising from these is used. The main argument of this thesis is that because of the lack of consistency in the policies of member states, the Union cannot portray an effective actor profile in the case of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. ; KABUL VE ONAY…………………………………………………………………….i BİLDİRİM…………………………………………………………………………….ii YAYIMLAMA VE FİKRİ MÜLKİYET HAKLARI BEYANI…………………….iii ETİK BEYAN………………………………………………………………………….iv DEDICATION………………………………………………………………………….v ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS………………………………………………………….vi ABSTRACT………………………………………………………………………….vii ÖZET…………………………………………………………………………………viii TABLE OF CONTENTS…………………………………………………………….ix LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS……………………………………………………….xii LIST OF TABLES………………………………………………………………….xiii INTRODUCTION.1 CHAPTER 1: A CONCEPTUAL ANALYSIS OF NORMATIVE POWER EUROPE…………………………………………………………………………….…6 1.1. Introduction…………………………………………………………….6 1.2. Analysis of the Theoretical and Epistemological Basis of "Normative Power Europe": Constructivism and Identity…………………………….…9 1.2.1. Constructivism…………………………………….…………….11 1.2.2. The Concept of Identity……………………………………….15 1.3. Analysis of the Concept of Normative Power Europe…………….….21 1.3.1. Early Discussions on the Actorness of the Union….………….21 1.3.2. Definition of the Ideal Type…………………………….………25 1.3.3. Dimensions of the Concept of Normative Power…………….…27 1.3.4. Normative Basis of the European Union………………….…….30 1.4. Critiques and Limitations of the Concept of Normative Power Europe………………………………………………………………………….33 1.4.1. The Lack of Conceptual Clarity.……………………………….34 1.4.2. The Lack of Normative Intensity……………………………….37 1.4.3. Geographical Limits of the Concept of Normative Power Europe.……………………………………………………………….39 1.4.4. Presence, Opportunity and Capability………………………….41 1.5. Conclusion……………………………………………………………….43 CHAPTER 2: A COMPREHENSIVE ANALYSIS OF THE EVOLUTION OF EUROPEAN FOREIGN AND SECURITY POLICY AND EUROPEAN NEIGHBOURHOOD POLICY………………………………………………………46 2.1. Introduction……………………………………………………………….46 2.2. Attempts to Establish a Common Foreign and Security Policy from the 1950s to Maastricht……………………………………………………………49 2.2.1. Plans for a European Defence Community and European Political Community…………………………………………………………….50 2.2.2. The Single European Act……………………………………….57 2. 3. Establishing a "Common" Foreign and Security Policy in the Post-Cold War Era……………………………………………………………………….58 2.3.1. The Road to Maastricht…………………………………………. 59 2.3.2. The Maastricht Treaty……………………………………………63 2.3.3. The Amsterdam Treaty………………………………………….67 2.3.4. The Nice Treaty………………………………………………….72 2.3.5. The Lisbon Treaty……………………………………………….74 2.4. European Neighbourhood Policy……………………………………….79 2.5. Conclusion……………………………………………………………….85 CHAPTER 3: THE EU'S INVOLVEMENT IN THE ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN CONFLICT: PRINCIPLES, ACTIONS AND OUTCOMES…………………….88 3.1. Introduction……………………………………………………………….88 3.2. First Period of the Union's Involvement in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: 1970-1990……………………………………………………………92 3.2.1. Analysis of the Union's Official Statements: Principles……….93 3.2.2. Actions and Outcomes………………………………………….98 3.3. Analysis of the Union's Involvement in the Conflict after the Cold War……………………………………………………………………………102 3.3.1. Analysis of the Principles of the Second Period……………….103 3.3.2. Actions and Outcomes………………………………………….118 3. 4. Conclusion………………………………………………………………129 CONCLUSION………………………………………………………………………132 BIBLIOGRAPHY……………………………………………………………………137 APPENDIX 1. Orijinallik Raporu………………………………………………….161 APPENDIX 2. Etik Kurul İzin Muafiyeti Formu………………………………….163 ; 1970'lerden itibaren, Avrupa Birliği'nin kendine özgü karakteri Uluslararası İlişkiler akademisyenleri arasında, Birliğin uluslararası politikadaki rol kavramı ve kimliği üzerine hararetli bir tartışma yaratmıştır. Bu çerçevede normatif güç kavramı, Birliğin uluslararası profilini, kurucu norm ve prensipleri temelinde açıklamak için ortaya konulmuştur. Soğuk Savaş sonrası dönemde uluslararası sistemdeki köklü değişiklikler, Birliği etkin bir dış politika ve güvenlik politikası kurmak için faaliyetlerini hızlandırmaya zorlamıştır. Soğuk Savaş'ın sona ermesiyle birlikte, Birliğin bu alanlardaki etkinliği akademisyenlerce sorgulanmıştır. Birliğin İsrail-Filistin çatışmasına yönelik eylem ve politikaları özellikle tartışmaların merkezinde olmuştur. Buna ışık tutmak için, bu tez Birliğin İsrail-Filistin çatışma çözüm sürecine bir normatif güç olarak dahil olması üzerine eleştirel bir bakış açısı taahhüt etmektedir. Açık bir kuramsal temel sağlamak için, Birliğin kimliği ve uluslararası politikadaki profili sosyal inşacılık perspektifinden analiz edilmektedir. İnşacı düşünce ekolünün argümanları doğrultusunda, bu tez Birliğin uluslararası kimliğine ve dış politikası üzerindeki etkilerine değinmekte ve normatif güç kavramının ana hatlarını belirtmektedir. Birliğin dış politika ve güvenlik politikası gelişimini ve komşuluk politikasının amaçlarını inceledikten sonra çalışma, Birliğin İsrail-Filistin çatışma çözüm sürecine dahil olmasının analizi ile devam etmektedir. Kapsamlı ve eleştirel bir kavramsal temel sunabilmek için Ian Manners'ın Birliğin prensipleri, eylemleri ve bunlardan doğan sonuçlarının incelenmesine dayanan üçlü analiz metodu kullanılmaktadır. Bu tezin temel argümanı, üye devletlerin politikaları arasındaki uyum eksikliği sebebiyle Birliğin İsrail-Filistin çatışmasında etkili bir aktör profili sergileyemediğidir.

Intro -- Endorsements -- Half Title -- Series Page -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- Acknowledgements -- Introduction -- Justification, domestic force, and international legitimacy in IR -- A sociological approach to legitimacy -- Cases -- Sri Lanka -- Aceh, Indonesia -- On isolating texts -- A new framework for analysis -- Outline of the book -- Notes -- Reference list -- 1. Language: Approach and Key Concepts -- Introduction -- Approaches to language and justification -- Conceptual tools for analysing language -- Conventional constructivism -- Critical constructivism -- Resonance -- Dominance -- Conclusion -- Notes -- Reference list -- 2. Legitimacy and the Domestic Use of Force: Charting a Theoretical Approach -- Introduction -- The sociological approach to international legitimacy -- Legitimacy, law, morality, and constitutionality -- Legitimacy as constitutive of interests and power -- Legitimacy as hegemonic -- The legitimacy terrain -- Sovereignty as responsibility -- International Humanitarian Law -- The Global War on Terror -- Conclusion -- Notes -- Reference list -- 3. The Sri Lankan Conflict (2006-2009): Justifications -- Introduction -- Context -- Audiences -- Sri Lanka's justifications -- The LTTE in the global war on terror: rhetorical coercion -- The necessity of force: Mavil Aru Damn and the prospect of a negotiated settlement -- From 'limited objectives' to a war of 'liberation' -- Conduct in the war of 'liberation': commissions and contested figures -- Conclusion -- Notes -- Reference list -- 4. The Aceh Conflict (2003-2005): Justifications -- Introduction -- Context -- Audiences -- Indonesia's justifications -- GAM in the Global War on Terror: resonance -- The necessity of force: special autonomy and the Tokyo talks -- From 'combined operation' to disaster relief -- Progress.

Cover -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Part I: Overview of Ethics and Decision Making in Counseling and Psychotherapy -- Chapter 1: Introduction to Ethical Issues and Decision Making in Counseling and Psychotherapy -- Objectives -- Introduction -- Defining Ethics -- Professional Ethics Versus Legally Mandated Ethics -- Ethics Governance -- Decision Making Skills -- Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 2: The Mental Health Professions and Counseling Specialties -- Objectives -- Introduction -- Counseling and Psychology: Two Closely Related but Now Distinct Mental Health Professions -- Licensing and Credentialing in the Mental Health Professions -- Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 3: Value Issues in Counseling -- Objectives -- Introduction -- Values -- Morals, Ethics, and Values -- Values in Counseling: Historical Perspective -- Values of Counselors and the Counseling Relationship -- Values, Cultural Worldviews, and Multiculturalism -- Values Clarification -- Values Conflict Resolution -- Strategies for Counselors -- Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 4: Ethical Decision Making Processes -- Objectives -- Introduction -- Ethical Judgment -- A Review of Ethical Decision Making Models -- Theoretical or Philosophical Models of Individual Choice -- Quantification as a Means to Individual Choice -- Practice-Derived Models of Individual Choice -- Models of Relational Influence -- Empirical Findings on Models or Premises -- Willingness or Resoluteness as a Factor in Decision Making -- The Tarvydas Integrative Decision Making Model of Ethical Behavior -- Cottone's Social Constructivism Model of Ethical Decision Making -- Applying the Social Constructivism Model of Ethical Decision Making -- Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 5: Introduction to Ethical Principles in Counseling -- Objectives -- Introduction -- The Principles.

The book introduces pragmatic constructivism as a paradigm for understanding actors' construction of functioning practice and for developing methods and concepts for managing and observing that practice. The book explores, understands and theorises organisational practices as constructed through the activities of all organisational actors. Actors always act under presumptions of a specific actor-world-relation which they continuously construct, adjust and reconstruct in light of new experiences, contexts and communication. The outcome of the actor-world-relation is a reality construction. The reality construction may function successfully or it may be hampered by fictitious and illusionary elements, due to missing or faulty actor-world relations. The thesis is that four dimensions of reality - facts, possibilities, values and communication - must be integrated in the actor-world-relation if the construct is to form a successful basis for effective, functioning actions. Drawing on pragmatic constructivism, the book provides concepts and ideas for studies regarding actors and their use of management accounting models in their construction of organized reality. It concentrates on researching and conceptualizing what creates functioning reality construction. It develops concept and methods for understanding, analysing and managing the actors' reality constructions. It is intended for people who do research on or work actively with developing management accounting.

The purpose of this article is to explore positioning and rebranding as tools for state security in global space, using the methodology of constructivism in international relations. The author hypothesizes that positioning the country as safe will be attractive only if there is a unifying factor based on the principles of consocial democracy. To achieve this purpose, the authors used several scientific approaches and methods: constructivism as a scientific paradigm; dialectical method; content analysis, and comparison. The article covers the following issues: Positioning and rebranding in modern conditions; Level of branding effectiveness in Ukraine; National identity as the basis for rebranding and state security; Rebranding states in the face of new challenges and threats. The essence of the conclusions is as follows: States will choose a partner for economic cooperation under difficult conditions in terms of political risks, benefits, and costs. This trend is about renewed positioning and rebranding to facilitate decisions on cooperation. The effectiveness of the existing state brand depends not only on creating an attractive external picture of the country's positioning. Without a genuine alignment of the declared brand with the internal situation of the state, the political system as a whole, the congruent of the mental construct of the main political structures and the social environment, the brand will not be attractive to investors and the country will remain in an unstable environment.

AbstractThis article presents social construction as a research framework, rather than an explanatory theory in constructivism, to outline different research strategies. Varieties of constructivism thus far conceived in international relations prefer cleavages where scholars are regarded as thin/thick, conventional/critical, or mainstream/radical. In contrast, I introduce a new landscape of social construction to show unique mechanisms for socially constructing international politics. The new landscape varies on two dimensions. The first, source of socialization, asks whether scholars treat social context as fixed in discrete, observable forms or as fluid in indiscrete, shifting arrangements. The second dimension, focus of analysis, asks whether scholars primarily study social structures, social subjects, or some interaction of the two. The dimensions make visible a multitude of research strategies with implications for the stability of social processes and the potential for causal analysis. Moreover, within this landscape, the article focuses on four processes of social construction—aggregating, assembling, internalizing, and performing—as seen inductively through examining prominent constructivist projects. Disaggregating the many processes avoids the misuse of social construction as a catchall mechanism. Finally, the article applies the select processes to the social construction of international norms to better grasp the relative payoffs of constructivist IR scholarship for research and teaching.

Розкрито сутність та особливості соціалконструктивістського підходу. За допомогою залучення методів абстрагування, аналізу та синтезу, а також порівняльного методу, досліджено онтологічні та гносеологічні основи соціалконструктивізму, його форми та місце у політичній науці. Виявлено, що соціалконструктивістський підхід перебуває на стадії становлення, характеризується внутрішньою різнорідністю, дуалістичною раціоналістичною і рефлексіоністською природою, та одночасно протиставляється як класичним, так і постмодерністським концепціям. Доведено, що конструктивістські фундаментальні дослідження соціального виміру міждержавної взаємодії, ґрунтовно вплинули на розвиток науки про міжнародні відносини.Ключові слова: теорія міжнародних відносин; соціалконструктивізм; раціоналізм; рефлексіонізм; соціальне конструювання; соціальна ідентичність; міжнародна система; агент.The paper deals with the essence and features of social constructivist approach. Using a comparative method, methods of abstraction, analysis and synthesis, the ontological and epistemological foundations of social constructivism as well as its forms and the role in political science are investigated. It is shownthat the social constructivist approach is developing and is identified as being internally diverse. It is also characterized by a rationalist and reflexionist dualism nature being in opposition to classical and post-modern concepts. It was proved that the basic constructivist social dimension of intergovernmental cooperation research fundamentally influenced the development of the theory of international relations.Key words: theory of international relations; social constructivism; rationalism; reflexionism; social construction; social identity; international system; agent.

Pētījuma "Zemnieku paaudžu pēctecība gaļas liellopu saimniecībās Latvijā" mērķis ir izpētīt zemnieku paaudžu pēctecības procesu gaļas liellopu saimniecībās Latvijā no sociālā konstruktīvisma perspektīvas, un, balstoties uz izpēti, izvērtēt lauksaimniecības politikas atbalsta pasākumus pēctecības veicināšanai. Darbā izmantotas kvalitatīvās pētījuma metodes – daļēji strukturētās intervijas ar gaļas liellopu saimniecību jaunāko un vecāko paaudzi. Pētījumā iegūtie dati analizēti izmantojot konstruktīvisma pieejā balstīto datos pamatoto teoriju. Rezultāti parāda zemnieku paaudžu pēctecību kā kompleksu, vecākās un jaunākās paaudzes mijiedarbībā konstruētu procesu, kas ietver sociālo, ekonomisko, politisko un vides kontekstu. Rezultāti ļāvuši izstrādāt arī rekomendācijas zemnieku paaudžu pēctecības vides veicināšanai valstī. ; The aim ot the master thesis "Farm succession in beef cattle farming in Latvia" is to investigate the process of farm succession in beef cattle farming in Latvia from perspective of social constructivism. The additional task is to evaluate support measures of agricultural policy for the succession promotion. The study is based on qualitative research methods: semi – structured interviews with beef cattle farming both younger and older generations. The findings were analyzed using the grounded theory based on constructivism approach. The study results reflect farm succession as complex process, based on interaction between both younger and older generation. Farm succession analysis include social, economic, political and environmental context. The data obtained allow to develop recommendation for promotion of farm succession in Latvia.

Politics is a public effort directed at the allocation of resources, both material and symbolic. Quite often it involves conflict in the form of a public struggle over the allocation of resources. Informed by Antonio Gramsci's theory of hegemony, this article offers a political reading of constructivism (a theoretical perspective here called Political Constructivism). It maintains that politics is guided by a conscious effort by political agents to control the commonsensical understanding of social reality using the media of political concepts, metaphors, symbols, and — the focus of this article — names and definitions. Political agents regard controlling the commonsense as one of the most effective political tools. They understand that it can be controlled by attaching meanings to political concepts, by linking metaphors and symbols to ideas, and by linking events to classes of events through naming and defining. This article examines the civic warring in Israel over the defining and naming of the Second Lebanon War as a case in point. Defining and naming the event involved a political struggle to frame the commonsense, gain the upper hand in the political process of constructing socio-political reality, and reap the political gains. The article argues that the political struggle was resolved by what I call a weak Kripkean-like defining, in other words, defining by naming.

In this article, we incorporate the study of diasporas into international relations (IR) theory by focusing on diasporas as independent actors who actively influence their homeland (kin-state) foreign policies. We argue that diasporic influences can best be understood by situating them in the 'theoretical space' shared by constructivism and liberalism; two approaches that acknowledge the impact of identity and domestic politics on international behavior. We also maintain that the exploration of diasporic activities can enrich both constructivism and liberalism. First, diasporas' identity-based motivations should be an integral part of the constructivist effort to explain the formation of national identities. Second, diasporic activities and influences in their homelands expand the meaning of the term 'domestic politics' to include not only politics inside the state but also inside the people For the liberal approach, this is a "new fact" in the Lakatosian sense of the word. We theorize that the extent of diasporic influence on homeland foreign policy is determined by three components that make up the 'balance of power' between homelands and diasporas. We then test this theory by delving into the interaction between the newly established state of Armenia and its powerful diaspora, and by comparing this case with examples taken from the relations between Israel and diaspora Jews.

The theme addressed is the criticism of constructivism and rationalism in politics as presented in the political theory of F. A. Hayek. Hayek's thesis is that goal‐directed rationality in politics is counter‐final. The main argument of this article is that on closer examination Hayek appears to be a constructivist himself. The purpose of Hayek's anti‐rationalism is primarily ideological and instrumental. Hayek wants to induce certain anti‐rationalistic beliefs because he believes rationalism has bad consequences. Yet this very project can be considered a case of goal‐directed rationality. Furthermore, the argument is that Hayek mixes abstract philosophical doctrine with empirical theory. In his critique of constructivism, Hayek confuses two notions of 'rationality'. On the one hand he argues against epistemological rationalism associated with Descartes, and on the other he argues against the subjectivistic, action‐oriented notion of 'rationality' associated with the idea of 'economic man'. Arguments against Cartesian rationalism do not, however, imply the impossibility of goal‐directed rationalism in politics. The so‐called information problem cannot be solved at an epistemological level. It is a practical problem, which Hayek has certain ideas how to solve. The argument here, therefore, is that Hayek's thesis of 'tacit knowledge' is not an expression of skepticism as is often believed.

Since its establishment throughout the critical period of Lebanese Civil War (1975-1990) in the Middle East, Hezbollah has performed as both a powerful player within the Lebanese political system and a key regional non-state actor that received considerable international attention. Hezbollah as a Shi'a militia has a history of numerous struggles with Israel. It carries a strong and enduring alliance with the Iranian regime through its constructed Shi'a revolutionary identity. In fact, there is undeniable importance within the International Relations (IR) discipline in thinking about religious incentives and leadership in shaping the political identity of this non-state actor's in the Middle East. On the other hand, there are little works to suggest that religious incentives for creating political movements are acting as a systematized and documented instrument of the foreign policy of a state. This is the reason for the current study to scrutinize the complex mechanism that Shi'a Islamic tradition, led by Iranian religious leaders in influencing their sympathizers across the region. This study shows how Iran tries to gain stronger partnership with political movements - in the form of a non-state actor especially Hezbollah - to support its revolutionary agenda against the hegemony of the United States in the Middle East. Despite the fact that religious identity construction through Islamic traditions and teachings are neglected in theorizing in the IR discipline, social constructivism as the theoretical approach is progressively being employed in this study by focusing on formation and exchanges of collective borderless identity phenomena such that could be observed in the construction and expansion of Shi'a revolutionary identity in the Middle East by Iran after the 1979 Islamic Revolution. ; ACCEPTANCE AND APPROVAL i YAYIMLAMA VE FİKRİ MÜLKİYET HAKLARI BEYANI ii ETİK BEYAN iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENT iv ABSTRACT v ÖZET vi TABLE OF CONTENT vii LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS x INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER 1: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK 7 1.1. INTRODUCTION 7 1.2. ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK OF SOCIAL CONSTRUCTIVISM 9 1.1.1. Theoretical Arguments on "Identity" 10 1.1.2. Constructivism as an IR Theoretical Approach 11 1.2. EVOLUTION OF THE SOCIAL CONSTRUCTIVISM 12 1.2.1. Explanation of the Identity Formation Process 13 1.3. IDENTITY AS A POLITICAL INSTRUMENT 14 1.3.1. Construction of Collective Identity 15 1.3.2. Response of Constructivism to Social Identity Formation 16 1.4. CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF COLLECTIVE IDENTITY FORMATION PROCESS 17 1.5. COLLECTIVE IDENTITY FORMATION AND POLITICAL MOVEMENTS 19 1.6. RELIGIOUS IDENTITY CONSTRUCTION AND SOCIOPOLITICAL ORIENTATIONS 22 1.6.1. Self-Identity Concept in Religion 23 1.6.2. Radicalization and Self-Identity 25 1.6.3. Identity Struggle in the Islamic World 26 1.7. CONSTRUCTION OF SHI'A POLITICAL IDENTITY IN THE MIDDLE EAST 27 1.7.1. Hezbollah's Identity as a Non-State Actor 27 1.7.2. "Islamic Shari'a" and Collective Shi'a Identity 28 1.8. CONSTRUCTION OF HEZBOLLAH'S IDENTITY 29 1.8.1. Role of Iran in Construction of Hezbollah's Revolutionary Identity 30 1.8.2 Construction of Transnational Shi'a Identity 31 1.9. CONCLUSION 33 CHAPTER 2: A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORICAL ANALYSIS OF FORMATION OF HEZBOLLAH'S IDENTITY AS A SHIA MILITIA IN LEBANON 38 2.1. INTRODUCTION 38 2.2. LEBANON AND ITS HISTORICAL POLITICAL STRUCTURE 41 2.3. SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF THE SHI'A MOVEMENTS IN LEBANON 45 2.4. POLITICAL IDENTITY OF THE SHI'A COMMUNITY IN LEBANON 49 2.5. SHI'A MOVEMENTS IN LEBANON 52 2.6. BIRTH OF HEZBOLLAH 55 2.6.1 Constructing Leadership within Hezbollah's Structure 57 2.6.2 Role of external players in Hezbollah's Revolutionary Identity 58 2.7. HEZBOLLAH'S IDENTITY 59 2.7.1. Hezbollah as A Terrorist Organization for The West 63 2.7.2. Hezbollah's as A Resistance Movement for Shi'as 65 2.8. CONCLUSION 67 CHAPTER 3: IMPACTS OF IRANIAN POLITICAL SYSTEM ON HEZBOLLAH'S REVOLUTIONARY IDENTITY 72 3.1. INTRODUCTION 72 3.1.1 Concept of Unity in Shi'ism 73 3.1.2. Revolutionary Political Identity as instrument for Influence 74 3.2. RELIGION AS INSTRUMENT OF IRAN TO BUILD REGIONAL SYMPATHIZERS 76 3.3. IRAN AND CONSTRUCTION OF HEZBOLLAH'S SHI'A REVOLUTIONARY IDENTITY 79 3.4. CHANGES IN FOREIGN POLICY DIRECTION OF IRAN IN THE MIDDLE EAST 82 3.4.1. Political Reformation in Iran and its Impacts on Hezbollah's Revolutionary Identity 84 3.4.2. Iranian Conservatives and Escalation of Tension with Israel 90 3.4.3 Ahmadinejad's Approach in Antisemitism 92 3.4.4 A Proxy War in 2006 Between Tehran and Tel Aviv 95 3.5. CONCLUSION 99 CONCLUSION 103 REFERENCES 109 APPENDIX 1. ETHICS COMMISSION FORM 117 APPENDIX 2. ORIGINALITY REPORT 119 ; Hizbullah, Lübnan İç Savaşı'nın (1975–1990) en kritik dönemine tekabül eden kuruluşunu takiben, bir yandan Lübnan iç siyasetinde kudretli bir aktör olarak ön plana çıkarken, diğer yandan da uluslararası toplumun dikkate değer ölçüde gündemini işgal eden bölgesel bir devlet dışı aktör haline gelmiştir. Şii kökenli paramiliter bir yapı olarak, Hizbullah'ın tarihi, İsrail'le çok sayıda çatışmaya sahne olmuştur. Örgütün devrimci ve Şii karakteri, İran İslam Cumhuriyeti rejimiyle güçlü ve dayanıklı bir ittifakı beraberinde getirmiştir. Esasen Uluslararası İlişkiler disiplininin de ortaya koyduğu üzere, Ortadoğu'daki devlet dışı aktörlerin siyasi kimliğinin şekillenmesinde, din kökenli unsurların ve dini liderlik kurumlarının yadsınamaz bir ehemmiyeti bulunmaktadır. Bununla birlikte, devletlerin dış politikasında siyasi oluşumların kurulması ve bu yolda dini dinamiklerin araçsallaştırılmasına ilişkin, sistemli ve kaynaklara dayalı olarak hazırlanmış az sayıda çalışma bulunmaktadır. İran dini liderliği tarafından yürütülen ve Şii İslam yorumu üzerinden bölgedeki Şii kökenli grup ve topluluklar üzerinde nüfuz oluşturan kompleks mekanizmaların mütalaa edilmesini hedefleyen bu çalışmanın hazırlanmasının arkasındaki asıl saiklerden biri de bu eksikliktir. Bu çalışma, ABD'nin Ortadoğu'daki hegemonyasıyla mücadelesinde, İran'ın dayandığı devrimci dış politikaya destek tabanının oluşturulması çerçevesinde, bölgedeki siyasi oluşumlarla kurduğu ortaklık ilişkisini güçlendirme yönündeki gayretlerine odaklanmakta ve Hizbullah örneği temelinde bu ilişkinin boyutlarını incelemektedir. Uluslararası İlişkiler disiplinindeki teorik yaklaşımlarda İslami kökenli dini kimlik inşası ihmal edilmiştir. Bununla birlikte, bu çalışmada teorik çerçeve olarak Sosyal İnşacılık (social constructivism) teorisinden faydalanılacaktır. Bu kapsamda, 1979 İslam Devrimi'ni takiben İran tarafından Ortadoğu ölçeğinde devrimci Şii kimliğinin kurgulanması ve yaygınlaştırılması çabaları bağlamında, sınırlar üstü kimlik oluşumu ve etkileşimi olgusuna odaklanılacaktır.

The EU's Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) has mainly been used to deploy small-scale operations, which generally did not provide the member states with clear security benefits. This article combines insights from different theories of international relations to explain this disappointing track record. It argues that liberal theories adequately identify the domestic pressures the member states' governments need to accommodate in the area of crisis management. Constructivism, on its part, properly emphasises the diverging strategic cultures of the member states. Both theories however fail to explain why domestic pressures and diverging strategic cultures lead to small-scale operations. Rational-choice institutionalism does provide a convincing explanation for the latter by drawing attention to the CSDP's ineffective institutional design. Realism, in turn, is best positioned to explain why the CSDP was not designed more effectively, by emphasising the reluctance of states to transfer sovereignty to international organisations. The article concludes by discussing two measures that could alleviate the impact of the identified impediments on the CSDP's track record: devising a CSDP-strategy and adapting the consensus rule. However, since the latter is very unlikely in the near future, the CSDP is not expected to develop into a more effective framework for crisis management. Keywords: Common Security and Defence Policy, liberal theories, constructivism, rational-choice institutionalism, institutional design, realism, sovereignty. (Romanian Journal of European Affairs / SWP)