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This book illuminates the way in which measures of intercession, inspired by the ideals of Responsibility to Protect (R2P), have provided a solution to the dilemma of articulating when and how the international community may respond to atrocity crimes occurring in other States

AbstractThe defining moment of Libya's relationship with the United States during the last decade of the 20th century was the 1991 implication of Libya and its government by the United States and United Kingdom in the 1988 bombing of Pan American Flight 103 over Lockerbie, Scotland. The controversial decision of the United Nations Security Council to employ sanctions against Libya after its refusal to surrender two bombing suspects to the United States and United Kingdom was largely ignored by European countries with interests in Libya, and led to the eventual open opposition to sanctions by many of Libya's African neighbors. Libya was quickly found guilty in the U.S. and UK courts of public opinion; however the common assumption that Libya's refusal reflected its indignation toward the West is problematic, and does not take into account historical factors that pushed Libya away from compliance, nor the lengths to which Libya attempted to sidestep those factors in order to respect international law. This article places Libya's reaction to the destruction of Flight 103 into the context of its recent relationship with the United States, and argues that despite the tainted U.S. public perception of Libya and its leader, the aftermath of the destruction of Flight 103 no longer plays an important role in shaping United States–Libya relations.

The purpose of this paper is to investigate the role of the state in international labor migration. Recent conceptualizations of the state have concentrated on receiving states, placing their actions within the framework of control–the process of stemming the entry of immigrants whose supply currently outstrips demand. This study focuses instead on the role of the sending state and the attempt to manage outflows of labor migrants through policy. Using the case study of the Philippines, I analyze the impact of policy interventions on the annual number of processed overseas contract workers (OCWs) using time series regression techniques. Results show that state policy does have a statistically significant effect on the rate of OCWs processed each year, net of per-capita GDP and unemployment. However, not all of the major state policies identified yield statistically significant or expected results. The policies that impact migration are those formulated to (1) coordinate the activities of the private recruitment sector under state supervision, and (2) reorganize the state bureaucracy that processes OCWs. These results push us to examine more closely the role of the Philippine state in contemporary labor migration and to consider the effect of different types of state intervention aimed at managing migration flows.

Inflation targeting is the monetary strategy of all EU member states; whether in the euro area, the two euro-outs, Sweden and the United Kingdom. The latter are now faced with two alternatives to achieve price stability: either remain outside the euro area or join it as full-fledged members. This paper examines this policy choice starting from the views of Knut Wicksell, who considered it in his 1920s analysis of an international monetary system based on price level targeting. Price stability could be achieved either within every country by maintaining flexible exchange rates or jointly on a global scale through a system of fixed exchange rates, that is through a monetary union. To him this was a choice between two 'evils': fluctuating price levels in the member states of a global monetary union while the average price level is maintained constant versus fluctuating exchange rates in the absence of a monetary union. To Wicksell, the choice of the proper route towards price stability was less complicated than today because he analysed it solely in monetary terms. The current choice for Sweden and the United Kingdom involves other crucial dimensions, such as the existence of nominal rigidities, and the politics of domestically issued money. Political aspects concerning the euro will be the ultimate determinants of the future monetary path for both countries.

This book provides a clear and thorough account of the process leading up to the revision of the International Telecommunication Regulations (ITRs) one of the four treaties administered by the ITU. The author's inside view of the events, and his legal analysis of the new ITRs, are different from that what has been aired in most other accounts to date. His systematic approach shows how much of the criticism of the WCIT-12 process, and of the ITRs themselves, is unjustified. This book provides the most accurate view to date of what the ITRs really mean and of what really happened at WCIT-12, which was undoubtedly a key event in the history of telecommunication policy and which is likely to have significant long-term effects. The book covers in some detail the events leading to the non-signature of the treaty by a significant number of states, outlines possible consequences of that split between states, and offers possible ways forward. The book includes a detailed article-by-article analysis of the new ITRs, explaining their implications, and concludes with recommendations for national authorities. It concludes with an analysis of events from the point of view of dispute resolution theory, offering suggestions for how to avoid divisive outcomes in the future

During the last decade there has been a phenomenal increase in the flow of international remittances received by the developing countries in general, and Pakistan in particular. In 2013, officially recorded remittances to Pakistan amounted to US $14.6 billion and were six times more than the official development assistance received. In order to investigate how the receipt of international remittances affects the average and marginal spending behaviour of households, this paper uses nationally representative household income and expenditure survey data for Pakistan to analyse households' consumption behaviour on five different categories of goods: food, education, health, non-durables and durables. Understanding that the decision of a household member to migrate and remit money may not be taken at random and to control for endogeneity, a two-stage Heckman model is used to address the selection in unobservable heterogeneity. Two findings emerge. First, expenditure share on food for households that receive remittances would have been more if the households had not been receiving remittances. Similarly, less spending on the other four categories of education, health, non-durables and durables is predicted for remittances- receiving households had they not been receiving remittances. Second, households that receive remittances spend less at the margin on food and durables and more on education, health and non-durables. At the mean, compared to households that do not receive remittances, the households receiving remittances spend, at the margin, 10 per cent and 4 per cent less on consumption of food and durables, respectively. Moreover, the respective marginal increase in spending on education and health is 26 per cent and 6 per cent more for a remittances-receiving household than for a non-receiving household. Finally, the households receiving remittances spend, at the margin, 14 per cent more on non-durables (which includes their spending on housing, and is thus akin to investment in physical capital) than the households with no remittances. A key policy feature of these results is the likely positive impact of remittances on economic development. Remittances provide an alternative way to finance development by the way of increased spending on human capital or education as well as physical capital. Remittances-receiving households appear to look at the remittance earnings as a transitory income and therefore tend to spend remittances more on investment than consumption. This finding lends support to the permanent income hypothesis.

The General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) has extended its institutional arsenal since the Kennedy round in the early 1960s. The current institutional design is the outcome of the Uruguay round and agreements reached in the ongoing Doha round (begun in 2001). One of the institutional outgrowths of GATT is the World Trade Organization (WT0), created in 1995. In this book, Petros Mavroidis offers a detailed examination of WTO agreements regulating trade in goods, discussing legal context, policy background, economic rationale, and case law. Each chapter examines a given legal norm and its subsequent practice. In particular, he discusses agreements dealing with customs clearance; "contingent protection" instruments, which allow WTO members unilaterally to add to the negotiated amount of protection when a certain contingency (for example, dumping) has occurred; TBT (Technical Barriers to Trade) and SPS (Sanitary and Phyto-sanitary Measures) agreements, both of which deal with such domestic instruments as environmental, health policy, or consumer information; the agreement on Trade Related Investment Measures (TRIM); sector-specific agreements on agriculture and textiles; plurilateral agreements (binding a subset of WTO membership) on government procurement and civil aviation; and transparency in trade relations. This book's companion volume examines the GATT regime for international trade. ; https://scholarship.law.columbia.edu/books/1129/thumbnail.jpg

This article explores changes in the international political significance of "strategic minerals" over the past half-century. The method of analysis is comparative historical, or "diachronic", and the major issues examined are: 1) minerals as a cause of international conflict; 2) minerals as a factor contributing to the military potential of states; and 3) the question of mineral scarcity. In addition to the above issues, the author analyzes two central concepts, "geopolitics" and "strategic minerals" . He concludes that while it does make sense to speak of a "new geopolitics of Minerals" in the post-1973 era, there are nevertheless important ways in which recent strategic-minerals issues resemble those of the earlier period under examination, the interwar years (and, in particular, the 1930s). What does not seem to have changed in respect of strategic minerals since the 1930 s is that access to them continues ultimately to be a function of political processes, and therefore the access question remains what it was, a matter of geopolitical concern. Where there have been differences in the relevance of strategic minerals, these have mainly consisted in: 1) the declining importance of minerals as a major contributory factor in the breakdown of world order; 2) the lessening of what had formerly been a deterministic equation between mineral possession and military potential; and 3) the increased salience in the post-1973 era of the perception that access will be affected by the growing scarcity of minerals, whether due to the actual depletion of reserves or politically induced supply disruptions.

Particularly the impact of refugee flow on regional tension. Argues that where the cause of the refugee flow is domestic repression and violence, the response to the flow is likely to be politicized; includes discussion of Honduran response.