Suchergebnisse

This book builds on Suleiman's earlier research on the link among the Arabic language, identity and conflict, which he explored at some length in 'The Arabic Language and National Identity' and 'A War of Words'. The present study builds on his interest in the symbolic realms of signification, and Suleiman approaches the Arabic language as a marker of identity and as a factor in sociopolitical conflict in society

Offering a philosophical investigation of the relationship between moral wrongdoing and criminalization, this work provides an account of the nature of moral wrongdoing, the sources of moral wrongdoing, why wrongdoing is the central target of criminal law, and the ways in which criminalization of non-wrongful conduct might be permissible

This chapter presents novel estimates on the numbers and shares of workers in exporting and importing firms of the formal private sector in 132 countries. It shows that the share of workers employed by exporting firms dropped significantly during the trade collapse caused by the global economic crisis and has stagnated ever since. For the same set of countries, the chapter also documents that exporters and importers are more productive and pay higher wages than their non‐trading counterparts. There is, however, a gap between the productivity and the wage premium of exporting and importing firms, indicating that gains from trade are only partially translated into gains for workers. Within exporting firms, heavy exporters tend to have lower labour productivity and pay lower wages than other exporters, while firms that supply inputs into GSCs have higher productivity and pay higher wages than other exporters. Exporters, especially those that form part of GSCs by assembling final goods, employ more women than non‐exporters, but at the same time tend to have higher shares of temporary employment. Importers are found to employ fewer temporary workers.

This research explores the critical role of Sasak Muslim Women Scholars in empowering and strengthening Islamic education in the community of Lombok. The primary focus of this study is to identify the impact of the empowerment of female scholars on the local community through the Islamic education approach. Utilizing qualitative research methods, in-depth interviews with female scholars and field observations were conducted to understand their role in empowering the community. The results indicate that female scholars serve as spiritual leaders and act as agents of social change through efforts to empower and strengthen Islamic education. The Islamic education provided by female scholars encompasses not only religious aspects but also addresses social, economic, and cultural issues. The impact is evident in the increased well-being of the community, the formation of Islamic character, and contributions to local economic development. This research has significant implications for the development of education policies and the empowerment of women in the region. By detailing the contributions of female scholars to enhancing Islamic education and empowering the community, this study provides a deeper understanding of the potential role of female scholars in the positive transformation of the local community.

El feminicidio o asesinato de mujeres por razones de género es ya un reconocido problema de salud pública, además de una grave vulneración de los derechos humanos. Todavía se desconoce con exactitud su magnitud en el mundo, dadas las dificultades metodológicas para diferenciar estos asesinatos de otros homicidios de mujeres. El Programa de la Unión Europea «Redes de Cooperación Europea en Ciencia y Tecnología» puso en marcha en 2013 la Acción COST Femicide across Europe, abriendo un marco europeo óptimo para la cooperación transnacional entre personas expertas que aborden grandes retos sociales y de salud pública como el feminicidio. En esta nota de campo se describen sus principales objetivos, los grupos de expertos y expertas que lo conforman, y los resultados obtenidos a medio plazo con dicha experiencia. ; Femicide or the murder of women because of their gender is a recognised public health problem as well as a serious violation of human rights. Its magnitude worldwide is still unknown, given the methodological difficulties to differentiate these murders from other female homicides. The European Union programme entitled «European Cooperation in Science and Technology» (COST) launched the «Femicide across Europe» COST Action in 2013, establishing an optimal European framework for transnational cooperation among experts addressing great social and public health challenges such as femicide. This field note describes the main objectives, the participating groups of experts and the mid-term results of this experience.

<p><strong>Background: </strong>The HealthKick (HK) study showed that educators (teachers) had a high prevalence of risk factors for the develop­ment of non-communicable diseases (NCDs). Little data are available on parents or other primary caregivers of learners from disadvan­taged schools.</p><p><strong>Aim: </strong>The aim of our study was to determine modifiable risk factors for the development of NCDs in a sample of caregivers of schools included in the HK intervention program.</p><p><strong>Participants: </strong>Caregivers of grade 4 children from 25 schools were invited to take part in the study and 175 participated. Caregivers were Black Africans and of mixed ethnic origin.</p><p><strong>Methods: </strong>Dietary intake was measured using a validated frequency questionnaire. Physical activity was measured by completing the Global Physical Activity Questionnaire (GPAQ). Caregivers described their smoking habits and alcohol usage. Weight and height were measured for each participant and body mass index (BMI) was calculated.</p><p><strong>Results: </strong>Eighty percent women and 50% men had a BMI ≥25 (overweight or obese). The most frequently consumed categories of foods were processed foods, energy-dense foods, and high-fat foods represent­ing unhealthy food choices. More than half of the total group (81.7%) and both males and females were meeting physical activity recommendations of 600 METs/week. Many caregivers, particularly men (53%), smoked cigarettes and reportedly consumed alcohol during the week and on weekends.</p><p><strong>Conclusion: </strong>Caregivers of children in the HK study population presented with a large number of modifiable health risk behaviors. These results highlight the importance of engaging caregivers, as part of a whole school intervention, to promote healthy eating and physical activity.</p><p><em>Ethn Dis. </em>2018;28(2):93-98; doi:10.18865/ed.28.2.93</p>

What Does A Government New To Office Do When The Idealistic principles that guided its members in opposition face the hard realities of power? Recent German experience in the realm of foreign policy provides an instructive case study – not least because Germany's history in the first half of the twentieth century has created tremendous sensitivities in this sphere. Following a history of opposition to German military participation in actions beyond the NATO area, the parties of Germany's political left were immediately confronted with the need to make decisions on foreign and security policy when they were elected to govern in 1998. Pacifist principles or aspirations proved unsustainable in practice, and a policy consistent with that pursued by the outgoing conservative-liberal coalition was adopted. The new government developed a pragmatic foreign policy, incorporating the use of military means, notwithstanding the existence of a domestic political culture suspicious of the employment of military force.

AbstractGuided by social information processing theory and regulatory focus theory, this study examines embeddedness contagion related to supervisors' age. Older (vs. younger) supervisors are more likely to become embedded in their organizations, and when employees see these older supervisors as more embedded, they are likely to take this as a positive cue signaling them to become embedded in the organization, too. This tendency is an important topic within employee age research because it can strengthen employees' regulatory focus, which in turn affects their job performance. Analysis of matched data collected from 406 employees and their supervisors showed that supervisors' age was positively related to supervisors' perceptions of their own organizational embeddedness, which then positively affected employees' perceptions of supervisors' and their own embeddedness. Employee embeddedness perceptions, in turn, were positively related to their promotion and prevention focus. Crucially, promotion focus, but not prevention focus, predicted a variety of performance outcomes. Thus, this study explains why employees are more likely to become organizationally embedded in the presence of older supervisors and shows that such embeddedness contagion enhances their work productivity.

Issued also in print format. ; Series: Africa, missing voices series 6 ; A century ago, agriculture was the dominant economic sector in much of Africa. By the 1990s, however, African farmers had declining incomes and were worse off, on average, than those who did not farm. Colonial policies, subsequent 'top-down' statism, and globalization are usually cited as primary causes of this long-term decline. In this unprecedented study of the Igbo region of southeastern Nigeria, Chima Korieh points the way to a more complex and inclusive approach to this issue. Using agricultural change as a lens through which to view socio-economic and cultural change, political struggle, and colonial hegemony, Korieh shows that regional dynamics and local responses also played vital roles in this era of transformation. British attempts to modernize the densely populated Igbo region were focused largely on intensive production of palm oil as a cash crop for export and on the assumption of male dominance within a conventional western hierarchy. This colonial agenda, however, collided with a traditional culture in which females played important social and political roles and male status was closely tied to yam cultivation. Drawing on an astonishing array of sources, including oral interviews, newspapers, private journals, and especially letters of petition from local farmers and traders, Korieh puts the reader in direct contact with ordinary people, evoking a feeling of what it was like to live through the era. As such, The Land Has Changed reveals colonial interactions as negotiated encounters between officials and natives and challenges simplistic notions of a hegemonic colonial state and a compliant native population. ; Yes

Prologue: the end of the beginning -- Aid and assistance: the calm before the storm -- National reconciliation: drugs, war, and peace -- Geostrategy: with friends like these -- Democratization: exorcising the ghosts of elections past -- Engagement: prove the skeptics wrong -- Sanctions: putting the "special" in specially designated nationals list -- Investment: a leap of faith -- The Rohingya: everything old is new again -- Epilogue: beyond Rangoon.

Este artículo tiene un doble objetivo: en primer lugar, indagar en la prevalencia de la violencia de género en Marruecos y en las estrategias de la acción gubernamental contra este tipo de violencia desde los años 80 del siglo XX hasta la actualidad. En segundo lugar, y retomando algunos referentes teóricos de la subalternidad, analizar las principales tendencias del debate que existen en Marruecos en torno a este tema. Basando la metodología en el análisis de datos estadísticos oficiales y de fuentes secundarias, se incide en el aumento significativo de la violencia contra las mujeres a lo largo de los últimos años y en los factores que la caracterizan. Entre otras aportaciones, este estudio pone en evidencia que Marruecos no solamente se inició tarde en la lucha contra la violencia de género, sino que denota una falta de voluntad política para ejecutar de forma eficaz las diferentes estrategias de acción y los compromisos internacionalmente adquiridos. En cuanto a las tendencias del debate, dos son las preponderantes, de tal forma que la sociedad civil más comprometida con la violencia de género reclama espacios de laicidad en el marco de los referentes universales más vanguardistas, mientras que el modelo islamo-islamista, en el que se ubica el gobierno de Marruecos desde el acceso al poder del Partido de la Justicia y el Desarrollo (PJD) en 2012, propone una interpretación/adaptación de ciertas especificidades culturales, históricas y nacionales, impregnadas de valores religiosos. ; This article has a double objective: firstly, inquiring into the prevalence of gender violence in Morocco and the governmental action strategies against this kind of violence from the 1980s to the present. Secondly, and taking up some theoretical references of the subalternity, analyzing the main tendencies of the debate that exist in Morocco around this subject. Basing its methodology on the analysis of official statistical data and secondary sources, this article focuses on the significant increase in violence against women throughout the last years and its characteristic factors. Among other contributions, this research highlights that not only the fight against gender violence was introduced late in Morocco, but that it also denotes a lack of political will to effectively execute the different action strategies and the internationally acquired commitments. Regarding the debate tendencies, two of them are the main ones: the most committed civil society with gender violence claims secularity spaces in the framework of the most advanced universal referents. While the Islamic-Islamist model, where the Morocco government is situated since the Justice and Development Party (JDP) took power in 2012, proposes an interpretation/ adaptation of certain cultural, historical and national specificities founded on religious values.

This article has a double objective: firstly, inquiring into the prevalence of gender violence in Morocco and the governmental action strategies against this kind of violence from the 1980s to the present. Secondly, and taking up some theoretical references of the subalternity, analyzing the main tendencies of the debate that exist in Morocco around this subject. Basing its methodology on the analysis of official statistical data and secondary sources, this article focuses on the significant increase in violence against women throughout the last years and its characteristic factors. Among other contributions, this research highlights that not only the fight against gender violence was introduced late in Morocco, but that it also denotes a lack of political will to effectively execute the different action strategies and the internationally acquired commitments. Regarding the debate tendencies, two of them are the main ones: the most committed civil society with gender violence claims secularity spaces in the framework of the most advanced universal referents. While the Islamic-Islamist model, where the Morocco government is situated since the Justice and Development Party (JDP) took power in 2012, proposes an interpretation/adaptation of certain cultural, historical and national specificities founded on religious values. ; Este artículo tiene un doble objetivo: en primer lugar, indagar en la prevalencia de la violencia de género en Marruecos y en las estrategias de la acción gubernamental contra este tipo de violencia desde los años 80 del siglo XX hasta la actualidad. En segundo lugar, y retomando algunos referentes teóricos de la subalternidad, analizar las principales tendencias del debate que existen en Marruecos en torno a este tema. Basando la metodología en el análisis de datos estadísticos oficiales y de fuentes secundarias, se incide en el aumento significativo de la violencia contra las mujeres a lo largo de los últimos años y en los factores que la caracterizan. Entre otras aportaciones, este estudio pone en evidencia que Marruecos no solamente se inició tarde en la lucha contra la violencia de género, sino que denota una falta de voluntad política para ejecutar de forma eficaz las diferentes estrategias de acción y los compromisos internacionalmente adquiridos. En cuanto a las tendencias del debate, dos son las preponderantes, de tal forma que la sociedad civil más comprometida con la violencia de género reclama espacios de laicidad en el marco de los referentes universales más vanguardistas, mientras que el modelo islamo-islamista, en el que se ubica el gobierno de Marruecos desde el acceso al poder del Partido de la Justicia y el Desarrollo (PJD) en 2012, propone una interpretación/adaptación de ciertas especificidades culturales, históricas y nacionales, impregnadas de valores religiosos.