Suchergebnisse

This is an introduction to the JIRD special issue Uses of 'the East' in international studies: provincialising IR from Central and Eastern Europe. The special issue makes a twofold contribution. Our first aim is to take stock of the uses of 'the East' in the scholarship of politics and international relations in order to account for the relative silence about CEE in the debates on 'worlding IR'. Our second objective is to explore what provincialising the discipline from CEE might look like. Combining bibliometric, historical, ethnographic and discourse-analytic methods with the participants' 'deep hanging' in the fields of IR and CEE area studies, this special issue is both an empirical stock-taking exercise of the disciplinary traffic patterns between the CEE area studies and IR theoretical debates, and a critical attempt at theorising the interaction between these discrete academic fields of study and research.

La question examinée porte sur la nature et les règles de la gouvernance moderne. Il s'acquitte d'abord de clarifier le sens des termes fondamentaux. Le concept de modernité est ainsi décrit comme ayant pour corollaire celui de progrès ; et la gouvernance apparaît comme une manière nouvelle de nommer le gouvernement, au sens où ce terme désigne l'administration de la puissance publique ou de la souveraine puissance (MONTESQUIEU, ROUSSEAU). La gouvernance moderne ne renvoie donc à rien d'autre qu'à l'administration de la volonté générale, par opposition à la gouvernance archaïque, gouvernement monarchisant et de tendance despotique. Il s'ensuit que la république est, par excellence, la forme moderne de l'État : les droits de la critique étant consacrés (KANT), le gouvernant est déchu de son statut traditionnel de souverain, dignité à laquelle est désormais élevé le peuple. Mais comment une « gouvernance moderne » est-elle possible en Afrique dans l'actuel contexte géopolitique de la mondialisation ? Il est suggéré que seule une Afrique industrialisée et unie peut acculer à un « contrat international » équitable, analogue amphictyonique du « contrat social ». ; The article looks into the question of the nature and the rule of " modern governance ". It carries out to clarify the meaning of the main concepts. The concept of modernity appears as naturally combined to the idea of progress ; and the concept of governance refers to the idea of the administration of the supreme power (ROUSSEAU, MONTESQUIEU). Modern governance consists therefore on an administration which is in according with the people's will, contrary to the archaic governance, that is to say the governance of a monarchy in the whole sense of the term, which is despotic. The consequence of this is that the republic is the real form of a modern State : this sort of State recognizes the right to criticize (KANT), and deprives the person in power on the dignity of sovereign, which is the modern title of the people. But how is modern governance possible in Africa in the actual geopolitics of globalization ? The article suggests that only an industrialized and united Africa can force to a fair " international pact ", analogically to the fiction of the " social pact ".

This paper draws on climate justice principles developed in the context of international negotiations between national governments to assess the distribution of carbon reduction roles between different actors involved in residential energy use within the UK. In so doing, it aims to provide a new understanding of equity aspects of current residential policy and to highlight opportunities for more effective and equitable policy. The paper uses three criteria: rights and corresponding duties; mitigation responsibilities and capabilities. It applies them systematically to assess the roles of five key actors involved in residential energy use in the UK. The assessment finds a suboptimal distribution of actors' duties, responsibilities and capabilities and roles and discusses whether and how a more effective and fair allocation of outcomes, in terms of carbon reduction and fuel poverty, could be achieved. In particular, it raises questions about whether the right actors are being legally obliged or incentivised to deliver energy efficiency improvements, and suggests that particular actors – local authorities and community groups – are under-used and require greater government support with capability. The paper represents the first use of international climate justice frameworks to investigate residential energy policy within a country.

This paper draws on climate justice principles developed in the context of international negotiations between national governments to assess the distribution of carbon reduction roles between different actors involved in residential energy use within the UK. In so doing, it aims to provide a new understanding of equity aspects of current residential policy and to highlight opportunities for more effective and equitable policy. The paper uses three criteria: rights and corresponding duties; mitigation responsibilities and capabilities. It applies them systematically to assess the roles of five key actors involved in residential energy use in the UK. The assessment finds a suboptimal distribution of actors' duties, responsibilities and capabilities and roles and discusses whether and how a more effective and fair allocation of outcomes, in terms of carbon reduction and fuel poverty, could be achieved. In particular, it raises questions about whether the right actors are being legally obliged or incentivised to deliver energy efficiency improvements, and suggests that particular actors – local authorities and community groups – are under-used and require greater government support with capability. The paper represents the first use of international climate justice frameworks to investigate residential energy policy within a country.

Kurz nach Ende des Zweiten Weltkrieges gründete der Aachener Textilkaufmann Dr. Kurt Theobald Pfeiffer den Lesekreis "Corona Legentium Aquensis". Anhand von Diskussionen, Ausstellungen und Vortragsreihen beschäftigten sich dessen Mitglieder mit der Frage, wie der Friede in Europa künftig gewahrt werden könnte. Vor allem in der Einigung Europas sahen sie eine Möglichkeit, militärische Auseinandersetzungen in Zukunft zu verhindern. Aus diesen Überlegungen heraus kam es im Dezember 1949 zur Proklamation des "Internationalen Karlspreises zu Aachen." Mit dem Preis sollen Persönlichkeiten und Institutionen ausgezeichnet werden, welche sich für Europa ? für dessen Frieden und Freiheit ? und die europäische Integration einsetzen. Aufgrund ihrer geografischen Lage und historischen Bedeutung als ehemalige Residenzstadt Karl des Großen fühlt sich Aachen bis heute dazu berufen, nationale Gegensätze zu überwinden und die europäische Integration zu fördern. Bereits in der Zwischenkriegszeit wurde die Idee von einem friedlichen europäischen Zusammenschluss rege diskutiert. Nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg fanden diese Gedanken in der Westhälfte Europas ihre Umsetzung. Mit der Gründung der "Europäischen Gemeinschaft für Kohle und Stahl" (EGKS) im April 1951 wurde der Grundstein für eine europäische Föderation gelegt. Es folgte die Gründung der "Europäischen Wirtschaftsgemeinschaft" (EWG) und der "Europäischen Atomgemeinschaft" (EURATOM). Mit dem Fusionsvertrag von 1965 wurden neben einem gemeinsamen Gerichtshof und einem Parlament für EGKS, EWG und EURATOM, auch die übrigen Organe vereinigt. Die Karlspreisträger der Jahre 1950 bis 1989 haben durch ihren persönlichen Einsatz und Engagement wesentlich zum Erfolg dieser Entwicklungen in der Westhälfte Europas beigetragen. ; Right after the end of the Second World War Dr. Kurt Theobald Pfeiffer, a trader in Aachen, founded the reading circle "Corona Legentium Aquensis". On the basis of discussions, exhibitions and courses of lectures the members occupied with the question, how the peace in Europe can be secured for the future. Especially the unity of Europe seemed to them a possibility, how a military conflict can be avoided. Out of these considerations, in December 1949 "The International Charlemagne Prize of Aachen" has been proclaimed. With this award persons and institutions who campaigned for Europe ? its peace and freedom ? and for European integration are honoured. Due to its geographical location and its historical importance as former imperial residence of Charlemagne, Aachen feels itself also nowadays qualified to overcome national differences and to support the European integration. Already in the interwar period the idea of a peaceful European federation was lively discussed. After the Second World War these thoughts were realized in the western part of Europe. By founding the "European Coal and Steel Community" (ECSC) in April 1951, the cornerstone for the European federation was initiated. Afterwards the "European Economic Community" (EEC) and "European Atomic Energy Community" (EAEC) were founded. With the Merger Agreement of 1965 a common tribunal and a parliament for ECSC, EEC and EAEC as well as the remaining institutions were unified. Because of their personal effort and commitment of the Charlemagne Prize Winners from the years 1950 to 1989, they have significantly contributed to the development of the western part of Europe. ; vorgelegt von Petra Schabiner ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung der Verfasserin/des Verfassers ; Zsfassung in dt. und engl. Sprache ; Graz, Univ., Dipl.-Arb., 2013 ; (VLID)234165

There is a need to better understand the significance of NGOs in global environmental politics. Addressing a number of weaknesses in the current literature on NGOs, we have developed an analytical framework for analysis of NGO influence in international environmental negotiations. This paper demonstrates the utility of our framework by applying it to two cases: the negotiations of the Desertification Convention & of the Kyoto Protocol to the Climate Change Convention. We argue that the use of our research framework enables researchers to compare with confidence NGO influence across cases & that such comparison allows for a much needed examination of factors that explain variation in NGO influence in international environmental negotiations. Analysis of explanatory factors contributes to an improved understanding of the degree to which NGOs matter in global environmental policy making. 3 Tables, 24 References. Adapted from the source document.

Abstract
2019 marked the 25th anniversary of the Rwandan genocide and of the establishment of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR). After prosecuting 73 people, including high-ranking politicians and military leaders, the Rwanda Tribunal closed its doors in 2015. Together with its sister tribunal, the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, the ICTR is considered one of the first-generation ad hoc tribunals mandated to bring justice to countries emerging from conflict. This review essay examines four books to take stock of the scholarly debate on the ICTR's performance. After analysing the Tribunal's achievements and shortcomings, it explains that scholarly assessments of the ICTR rely on two different analytical lenses – a national and/or international perspective – to make claims about the roles of international criminal tribunals. The essay then discusses the ICTR's interactions with other post-genocide justice mechanisms in Rwanda and the compatibility of concurrent judicial responses to mass violence. In conclusion, it suggests that evolving interpretations of the ICTR's performance reflect prevailing ideas about the goals and limitations of international criminal tribunals.

Global warming is the price for economic development. Rapid industrialization produces greenhouse gases that trap the heat and make the earth warmer. The rise in temperature and changes in precipitation resulted in extreme weather conditions. Global climate change affects both physical and biological environments and the impacts on biodiversity is directly and indirectly. The direct effects of climate change includes the increased in temperature and precipitation that affect individual organisms, populations, species distribution and ecosystem compositions and functions. The indirect effects of climate change are through increased salinity and extreme weather events such as floods, cyclones and droughts that will have a profound negative impacts on the forest and biodiversity. The present study investigates the impact of climate change on the number of threatened species as proxy for biodiversity loss using a cross-national data consisting of 98 countries. We have estimated the impact of temperature, precipitation and the number of natural disasters occurrences on the number of threatened species, in particular birds, fishes, mammals, plants and reptiles. As control variables, we have considered government effectiveness (proxy for good governance) and the level of economic development (proxy for wealth). By employing Ordinary Least Square (OLS) with robust standard error and quantile regressions analyses, our results suggest that all three climate change indicators – temperature, precipitation and the number of natural disasters occurrences increase the number of threatened species (biodiversity loss). Higher economic development also affect the number of threatened species positively. On the other hand, good governance such as government effectiveness reduces the number of threatened species. Thus, practicing good governance, promoting conservation of the environment and the control of greenhouse gasses would able to mitigate biodiversity loss.

AbstractThis article discusses web-based sources of interest to
scholars and practitioners in the area of
international investment law and dispute
resolution.

Introduction : the Council on Foreign Relations Study Group on the Theory of International Relations, 1953-54 -- First meeting : E.H. Carr and the historical approach -- Second meeting : Hans J. Morgenthau and the national interest -- Third meeting : the theory of Harold D. Lasswell -- Fourth meeting : Marxist theory of imperialism -- Fifth meeting : political geography vs. geopolitics -- Sixth meeting : Wilsonian idealism -- Seventh meeting : the problem of theory in the study of international relations.