Suchergebnisse

The field of political ecology has striven to balance a focus on symbolic and materialist aspects of humanenvironment relations. Event ecology has emerged not only as a major materialistic approach for the study of human-environmental relations, but also as an important set of critiques of political ecology's supposed lack of ecology and overreliance on a priori assumptions about the linkages between local environmental changes and macropolitical economic phenomena. This article discusses the origins and progress of event ecology, while demonstrating its strengths and limitations vis-à-vis the development of political ecology research. Based on participant observation and interviews conducted among local residents of a small village (a quilombola community) in a state park in São Paulo, Brazil, I propose a collaborative event ecology that combines the rationale of event ecology with critical perspectives inspired by political ecology's focus on power relations, conservation and justice. Unlike the strict application of event ecology, I contend that scrutinizing events other than researcher-oriented ones may help us better understand why some places achieve conservation while others do not. The article concludes that assessing conservation effectiveness and change through environmental outcomes alone risks being seen as socially unjust in the eyes of locals while posing a real threat to local livelihoods and community-based development expectations.Key words: collaborative event ecology, conservation with justice, quilombola communities, Atlantic Forest, Brazil.

AbstractObjectiveThis study examines the extent to which young people's future employment preferences in India are influenced concurrently by formal workplace policies and informal caregivers' support.BackgroundScholars have focused on how young individuals' work‐family ideals are shaped by workplace institutions to better understand the persistence of gender inequalities in the labor market. Yet the literature on work‐family policy examines primarily the effects of formal policies, overlooking the role of informal caregivers. Consequently, we know little about the relative influence of formal and informal support on young individuals' work‐family preferences and why one system may be preferred over another.MethodThe study used an original survey‐experimental data from an online sample of young, highly educated and unmarried respondents in India (N = 482) to assess their employment preferences when they have a family and a young child, while conditioning them to formal and informal work‐family support. Logistic regressions examined the relationship between different support types and respondents' employment preferences.ResultsWhen not conditioned to any support, most women preferred part‐time and most men preferred full‐time employment. Women were twice as likely to prefer full‐time employment with informal support compared to formal support, but men's preferences were not sensitive to either type of support.ConclusionThe effectiveness of work‐family policies in challenging gendered behaviors depends on the credibility of formal as opposed to informal institutions.

In 1908, the "marine minister" of the German Reich, Alfred von Tirpitz, had the Norddeutsche Lloyd's passenger steamer Hohenzollern ex Kaiser Wilhelm II take him from Marseille to his estates on Sardinia. This meant a deviation from the usual route that represented a fundamental violation of maritime-legal usages and laws to the disadvantage of the passengers and shipping agents; what is worse, however, the ship ran aground in the process and became a "total loss." Both the shipping company and the Reich played down the case, but no plausible explanation was found for the laconic role of the press. The article embeds the core event in technical, political and maritime-historical elucidations.

The American cultural landscape has shifted considerably since the 1990s. As church attendance has declined, seculars have increased in number and in political involvement. The economy was supposed to be the most important issue in the 2008 and 2012 elections, but social issues such as gay rights and the status of women actually had a greater impact on vote choice. Moral issues and perceptions of candidate morality had less effect on voters in 2004 than in 2008. These arguments directly challenge the conventional wisdom concerning the 2004 and 2008 elections, which were supposedly de.

This article aims to analyze the apparent contradiction between the institution of censorship in the Social Contract of Rousseau and the censorship he suffered in Geneva and Paris. With this aim, we will analyze the concept of censorship in the Social Contract and the Rousseau's arguments in the works: Letters of the Mountain and the Letter to Christophe Beaumont, supported in the work of some experts on Rousseau's political work. Our studies allow us to conclude Jean-Jacques Rousseau does in fact, admit the possibility of censorship; however, the action of the censors must be restricted by public opinion, just like the prince's actions by the laws. In addition, if there is a similar process it should meet all the requirements of the civil law of the State where censorship takes place. Both in Paris and in Geneva Rousseau disagrees with the way they dealt with him and his works.

The central aim of this paper is to show how different types of green movement respond to questions of social policy. An important factor in this is a difference in attitudes to the state between more anarchistic greens and those greens that are prepared to accept a permanent and/or strategic role for the state. The paper is divided into two parts. In part one, after defning the green movement, it outlines how different green social movements from local groups, direct action protestors, established environmental groups and green political parties, have developed analyses, responses and alternatives to social policy issues. Part two of the paper looks at some of the ideological/theoretical debates within green politics with regard to social policy, with particular regard to the role of the state. It goes on to look at some of the ways in which European green parties have viewed social policy, and at proposals they have advanced for moving the aim of social policy from "welfare" to "well‐being". It concludes with suggesting that the "post‐materialist" characterization of green politics is very wide of the mark in terms of the range of analyses and policy alternatives greens have put forward, from health, education and drugs to transport. The central and long‐standing green concern with lessening socioeconomic inequalities (but without relying on indiscriminate and unsustainable "economic growth") means that in terms of social policy, green politics can be seen as an "environmentalism of the poor", concerned with "materialist" issues.