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Intro -- Preface -- Contents -- About the Author -- Abbreviations -- Chapter 1 Introduction -- Regional Organizations and Normative Arguing -- Organization of the Book -- References -- Chapter 2 The Politics of Normative Arguing in Regional Organizations -- Regionalism and International Society -- Regional Primary and Secondary Institutions: A Framework -- Organizational Stability and Change -- Theoretical Benefits -- Analytical Approach and Methods -- References -- Chapter 3 Decolonization: Setting the Stage for Regionalism -- The Institutions of the Colonial International Society -- Dismantling Imperialism -- The Second World War and its Impact on Feedback Effects -- Normative Arguing and Asian Decolonization -- Summary -- References -- Chapter 4 Founding Years: Building Regional Organizations in Postcolonial Spaces -- The EEC's Association Framework and the Imperial Question, c. 1945-1963 -- The Empires Strike Back -- African Decolonization and the Emergence of Developmentalism -- ASEAN and the Issue of Nonalignment, c. 1945-1967 -- New Discursive Arenas, Nonintervention and Anti-hegemonism -- Building ASEAN -- Summary -- References -- Chapter 5 Legal Integration: Regionalizing Judicial Authority -- The Constitutionalization of EC Law and European Citizenship, c. 1961-1992 -- The Institution of Democracy and the Constitutionalization of Community Law -- Toward European Citizenship -- The ASEAN Charter and Dispute Settlement, c. 1976-2007 -- Building Momentum for Legal Integration -- The Charter-An ASEAN Constitution? -- Summary -- References -- Chapter 6 Enlargement: Redefining Regional Boundaries -- EU Enlargement and the European Neighbourhood Policy, c. 1961-2007 -- The Greek and Spanish Applications and the End of the Cold War as Exogenous Shocks -- Toward Copenhagen: Debating Membership Institutions -- Dealing with a New Neighborhood.

This book represents a valuable contribution to the history of European socialism between the Great Depression of the 1880s and WWI. It comes to fill a gap in the scholarship, insofar as it investigates the history of the Socialist Youth International. Capitalizing on an approach based on social, quantitative and political history, and on an analysis of mentalities and languages, the book reconstructs the many-sidedness of the school of recruits of the social-democratic parties and revolutionary movements. The working conditions of youth in Europe, its unionization and economic struggles, the fight against militarism, the pedagogical work, the internationalism and the commitment to maintain peace, and the attitude of young militants towards revolution are some of the themes investigated in the book. It also clarifies the role and the engagement with the issue of the new generation shown by prominent figures of Marxism such as Karl Liebknecht, Jean Jaurs, Henri De Man, Willi Mnzenberg, Henriette Roland Holst, and Robert Danneberg. Finally, the book constitutes also a page of European social and political history, reconstructed through the relationship of youth working class movement with the Marxist tradition. Patrizia Dogliani is Full Professor of Contemporary History at Bologna University, Italy, and Visiting Professor in Academic institutions in France and in USA

'Just transition' is a concept originally developed by the labour movement to reconcile workers' rights with the necessity to combat climate change. More recently, supra- and international organisations have also adopted this idea. However, it remains unclear to what extent these actors follow the eco-social ambitions of organised labour. In this article, we develop a conceptual framework to capture diverse just transition approaches by distinguishing between the goal, policy, and governance dimension. We apply a multi-method approach to gauge the extent of variation in the just transition conceptualisations of three actors: the International Labour Organisation (ILO), the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and the European Union (EU). We identify a cleavage between the ILO where just transition refers to an ambitious eco-social agenda on the one hand, and the IMF's emphasis on macroeconomic adaptation on the other. The EU takes up a middle position by promoting a 'green growth' strategy with medium emphasis on environmental and social risk mitigation.

During the period between 2008–2013, the internal market in Spain was characterized by economic crisis, the contraction of the demand experienced in a turbulent business environment, and strong competition among companies. This situation forced many of these companies to work abroad. One of the success factors for Spanish engineering companies abroad has been effective risk management, which avoids compromising the company's objectives, market share, or survival. This article examines the importance of risk management in the success of Spanish engineering consulting firms in the international construction market. Ten executives of Spanish engineering companies with international experience were interviewed, analyzing the importance of risk management for them in the success of internationalization compared with other success factors. The results show that the size of the companies interviewed has no influence on the importance that they gave to risk management, but international experience does relate to the assessment of risk identification and management as a success factor. In addition, companies considered risk management a key factor for optimizing their performance in foreign markets.

The interconnection between international organizations (IOs) membership and democratization has become a topic of intense debate. However, the main focus of the literature so far has been on IOs created by democratic states and comprised mostly of democracies, for examples the European Union. In contrast to existing studies, this book focuses on another group of regional IOs, referred to as 'non-democratic IOs' which are organizations founded by autocracies. How do these newly emerged organizations interrelate and interact with the outside world? How do they counteract and confront the danger of democratization in their own member states and neighbouring states? This book aims to address these questions by developing a new theory of authoritarian regionalism, and by combining both quantitative and qualitative analysis to test it.

This article examines the Organization of Turkic States (OTS) in the context of the complex geopolitical landscape of Central Asia and the Caucasus. It aims to assess its potential in economic, strategic, and social dimensions within international and regional systems. Employing an eclectic theoretical framework, this study looks at the multifaceted factors that influence the OTS's potential to foster cooperation and solidarity among Turkic states. The research examines this mechanism in interconnected strategic, economic, and social structures. The strategic dimension encompasses defense alliances and security arrangements, the economic dimension focuses on cooperation and trade, and the social dimension emphasizes cultural and normative aspects. Overall, one of the most important rationales behind the OTS is the idea that it serves as a cohesive force enabling Turkic states to navigate the intricate geopolitical environment of Central Asia and the Caucasus where multiple great powers are vying for influence. This research sheds light on the nuanced interplay of economic, strategic, and soft power activities, providing valuable insights into the OTS's position and influence in Central Asia and the Caucasus. Aside from its contribution to the literature, this article also aims to assist policymakers wishing to explore the potential and limitations of OTS's increasing influence.

The study raises the question of whether it is necessary to recognize language rights, and responds with a series of philosophical, theoretical and anthropological arguments - sometimes quoting judicial formulations in favor of the recognition of language rights, especially minority language rights. It is a serious dilemma that, for historicalpolitical reasons, states often give priority to linguistic homogenization and consider multilingualism, the use of minority languages, as outdated or even dangerous, incompatible with the modern nation-state model. The article discusses the two fundamental principles which best underpin the international recognition of minority language rights: the protection of diverse communities and their equal rights. The study points out that in the practice of the UN Human Rights Committee and the ECtHR discrimination in the use of minority languages is recognized only in a very narrow sense. It means that the minority language sub-rights of general human rights may be interpreted too narrowly, and that recognition of these sub-rights may be denied, and this leads to the conclusion that explicit safeguards are needed to secure that minority language rights, and the corresponding state obligations arising from them are precisely defined.

The collapses of the interwar and Bretton Woods monetary regimes have been understood as evidence that international monetary regimes fail when sudden economic shocks destabilize the political coalitions or shared ideas underpinning them. But while these histories are important, other monetary regimes, such as the Sterling Area and Latin Union, disintegrated over long periods of time. If exogenous shocks do not account for varied patterns of destabilization, what does? Using the tools of comparative-historical analysis, I argue that these patterns are the result of strategic choices made by hegemonic powers, choices that are in turn governed by the historical-structural foundations of regimes. From these foundations emerge alternative leadership strategies and membership behaviors responsible for endogenous macro-institutional effects that drive the observed regime trajectories. Regime leaders may establish visibly unequal collective arrangements that maintain their positions but leave a system vulnerable to overt internal resistance and sudden breakdown. Or leaders may reject collective arrangements in order to secretly discriminate among members, slowly building dysfunction into a system, driving its gradual abandonment by members and institutional decline. The analysis both suggests that more equal state power may improve long-run regime performance, and also locates structural vulnerabilities in contemporary regimes.

In the summer of 1974, the Soviet Union first opened its borders to a large number of climbers from the west. In a special camp in the Soviet Pamir mountains, climbers from ten different Western nations, were to climb and live side by side with each other and with Soviet and Polish climbers nearby. Inscribed in the context of political détente, the Pamir camp allowed for more cultural contact across the Cold War divides. It can thus be seen as a microcosm of different climbing communities, sometimes overcoming, but sometimes also divided by the lines of nationality, language, political system, and last but not least by gender. From the camp, two all-women groups attempted to reach Pik Lenin: a Soviet team of eight women led by El'vira Shataeva, and a mixed international women's team composed of the Swiss Heidi Lüdi and Eva Isenschmid and the American Arlene Blum. Their attempts ended with the tragic death of all eight Soviet women and of Eva Isenschmid. This article looks at the camp as an intersectional place between political systems and gendered climbing by analyzing and comparing the women's climbing biographies, their interaction and the interpretations their all-women climbing parties were attributed.

The article discusses the problem of influence exerted by commercial actors in international trade disputes and consequences of this phenomenon for positions adopted by adjudicators. It explores the role of commercial stakeholders inasmuch as they comprise a driving force behind state action, and examines procedural options available to those stakeholders. The issue of adjudicatory independence and neutrality is considered in the context of involved industries and their interests as the non-party spiritus movens behind WTO dispute settlement processes. Related procedural aspects, such as confidentiality/transparency of proceedings and the possibilities for participation of non-party actors, are also examined. It is argued that WTO litigation is often only one track among several available to the stakeholders in the pursuit of their interests. As a consequence, the problem of forum shopping is also raised. In this vein, the standards of the WTO Appellate Body in the area under discussion are set against those of investment and commercial arbitration (as the institutions and rules designed for the latter are also being used for trade controversies, as evidenced in the Softwood Lumber LCIA arbitrations). Consequently, the problem of establishing standards of adjudicatory independence is deemed a significant factor in strategic selection of the most advantageous forum for dispute resolution.