Suchergebnisse

Abstract
Although experts in the United States are often criticized as being "out of touch" for failing to understand the political views of average Americans, arguably no group has been more susceptible to this charge than the media. In this article, we exploit unique paired surveys to measure how accurately US foreign policy media experts assess public opinion compared to other foreign policy experts on the critical issue of American engagement in the world. We find that while experts, on average, substantially underestimate how favorable US citizens are toward international engagement, the media is more inaccurate than other types of experts. We suggest potential reasons for these findings that may serve as the basis for future research. Overall, our study contributes to a growing literature on elite misperceptions of the public and underscores the particular inaccuracies of the media in understanding the attitudes of Americans.

Foreign policy begins at home, and in Europe and the United States the domestic drivers of foreign policy are shifting in important ways. The election of Donald Trump as U.S. president, the decision of British voters to leave the European Union, and popular pressures on governments of all stripes and colors to deal with the domestic consequences of global flows of people, money and terror all highlight the need for greater understanding of such domestic currents and their respective influence on U.S. and European foreign policies. In this volume, European and American scholars take a closer look at the domestic determinants of foreign policy in the European Union and the United States, with a view to the implications for transatlantic relations. They examine domestic political currents, demographic trends, changing economic prospects, and domestic institutional and personal factors influencing foreign policy on each side of the Atlantic. ; -- Introduction, Daniel S. Hamilton and Teija Tiilikainen -- How do demographic changes in the United States affect American views on U.S. foreign policy?, Dina Smeltz and Karl Friedhoff -- Demography and foreign policy : a European perspective, Rainer Münz -- Section II: Populist currents and European and U.S. foreign policies -- Behind America's new nationalism, David C. Hendrickson -- Polarization in Europe : public opinion and European foreign policy, Rosa Balfour -- Section III: Changing economic fortunes for Europeans and Americans : implications for foreign policy -- Changing economic fortunes for Americans : implications for foreign policy, Edward Alden -- Changing economic fortunes for Europeans : implications for foreign policy, Maria Demertzis -- Section IV: Institutional and personal factors influencing foreign policy in Europe and the United States -- Invitation to struggle : Congress, the President, and U.S. foreign policy, James M. Lindsay -- Foreign policy-making in the European Union : how the political system affects the EU's relations with the United States, Teija Tiilikainen

Fifty years ago, the Cuban missile crisis brought the world to the brink of nuclear disaster. Every president since John F. Kennedy has tried to learn from what happened back then. Today, it can help U.S. policymakers understand what to do -- and what not to do -- about Iran, North Korea, China, and presidential decision-making in general. Adapted from the source document.

To prevent violent conflict and governance breakdown abroad, the European Union (EU) needs anticipatory analysis and preventive action at the EU and member state level that follow a coherent approach. The EU's resilience agenda can complement early warning risk analysis for prevention, but it is unclear to what extent it has been operationalized. We compare the role that resilience plays in crisis early warning in diplomatic services at the EU and member state level in France and Germany. Drawing on the literature on Europeanization and diffusion, we seek to explain different levels of convergence regarding a resilience approach in early warning at the levels of strategy, analysis and action. We find that the diffusion item's specificity, the number of sources and particular institutional contexts impact the resulting level of convergence. Member states see value in complementing risk analysis with a resilience perspective, but the EU has failed to provide a sufficiently clear source model. Our results contribute to the literature on EU foreign policy diffusion and coherence and show that the EU has not exhausted its potential to promote resilience as a tool for more coherent and effective conflict prevention. The Version of Record of this manuscript has been published and is freely available in the Journal Democratization, 13 May 2021, Taylor & Francis, https://doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2021.1918108.

Introduction: Ideology and American foreign policy -- I. Concepts -- Liberals, conservatives, and foreign affairs -- Beyond red and blue: four dimensions of American ideology -- The moral foundations of ideology and international attitudes -- The foreign policy orientations of liberals and conservatives: internationalism, realism/idealism, and nationalism -- Partisan elites and global attitudes: ideology in social context -- II. Cases -- Latin America: liberal and conservative moralities of immigration and foreign aid -- Europe: socialist France, Mother England, Brother Germany, and the E.U. antichrist -- The Middle East: Christian Zionism, the Israel lobby, and the Holy Land -- East Asia: Red China, free Asia, and the Yellow Peril -- International organizations and treaties: blue helmets, black helicopters, and satanic serpents -- Conclusion: Ideology -- why politics does not end at water's edge.

This paper presents "social moves" as a new strategy de facto states can use in their interactions with the international community, with or without the possibility of a formal recognition of sovereignty. Special attention is paid to Abkhazia's continuing desire for an independent state compared to South Ossetia's desire for Russian absorption in light of both regions' ethnic histories and turbulent relationships with Georgia. Key analysis includes discussion of the diplomatic soft power "social moves" the Abkhazian Foreign Ministry has begun in the last two years and the absence of similar "social moves" within the South Ossetian Foreign Ministry.

Taiwan's foreign aid policy is largely a response to its China-imposed international isolation. Taiwan provides aid without stringent accountability conditions to countries in Africa, the Americas, and the South Pacific in order to maintain official diplomatic relations in the face of Chinese opposition. Often at odds with this is Taiwan's interest in seeking western support through being seen as a responsible aid donor. Domestic political constraints on Taiwan's aid budget accentuate the tension between these two interests. Taiwan's aid program can be seen as the product of these three competing and enduring pressures - maintaining the count of official diplomatic relationships, improving its international reputation, and containing aid spending. - Taiwan President Ma Ying-jeou's tacit 'diplomatic truce' with China - part of a wider warming of intergovernmental relations across the Taiwan Strait - has reduced significantly the squeeze between these three pressures on Taiwan's foreign aid policy. It has allowed the Ma administration to improve Taiwan's reputation, while maintaining or even reducing its aid expenditure, and still retain the same number of official diplomatic relationships. Nevertheless, the Ma administration has not wanted to alienate recipient governments while the prospects for the diplomatic truce with China remain uncertain. There remains considerable continuity with past practices, and the government's handling of aid as a foreign policy tool is still largely opaque and unaccountable. (Pac Rev/GIGA)

How the costs of unification influenced Germany's capacity for intervention, changed its opinion on desirability of a European Monetary Union, and reinforced the tendency toward economic unilateralism in the Atlantic economy.

AbstractAfter becoming the first opposition candidate to win since 1910, President Vicente Fox kindled expectations at both national and international levels. He claimed he would enhance significantly the scope of the Mexico's foreign policy and engage the country in international politics in a way more befitting of its newly acquired democratic status. Nevertheless, little consideration was given to the fact that for many decades foreign policy in Mexico had been deployed to create an area screened‐off from domestic politics where conflicting factions were brought together and a policy consensus worked out. That consensus was sufficiently ample for the authoritarian elite, given its foreign policy goals and principles. It would, however, fail to suffice for any political leader willing to step outside the box of tradition. Fox did just that. In consequence, widespread reactions of disapproval from key political actors and the media led the president to settle for a more modest international agenda in 2002. This article explores the key processes that triggered so much internal resistance to Fox's foreign policy designs. I argue that these processes underpin what continues to be the essentially autarchic nature and scope of the Mexican foreign policy tradition. Such an autarchic approach is glorified in Mexican political rhetoric, yet has led to many lost opportunities for Mexico. Most importantly, I stress that the Mexican foreign policy tradition discourages and forecloses the kind of engagement in the international arena that seeks to share in rather than to free‐ride the collective efforts of the international community to procure security and peace. So despite its new democratic status, Mexico remains more of a spectator than an actor on the international stage.

Članak donosi pregled ključnih pitanja vezanih za vanjsku politiku i teorije vanjske politike u širem kontekstu političke znanosti. Raspravljajući o izvorima i razvoju analize vanjske politike, kao i znanstvenim radovima na tu temu, autorica utvrđuje da analiza vanjske politike danas obuhvaća cijeli niz teorijskih pristupa i modela. Zajedničko im je razumijevanje da se ishodi vanjske politike ne mogu u potpunosti razumjeti ako se analiza ograniči na razinu cijelog sustava. Nadalje, rad konceptualizira vanjsku politiku kroz njezinu usporedbu s drugim tipovima policyja. Iako se u razdoblju Hladnoga rata vanjska politika poistovjećivala s vanjskom sigurnosnom politikom, autorica naglašava da je u današnjem globaliziranom svijetu sigurnosna politika tek jedna od njezinih dimenzija. Vanjska je politika proširila svoj opseg pa obuhvaća brojna druga pitanja, poput trgovine, ljudskih prava i okoliša. Sve veći broj unutarnjopolitičkih, međunarodnih i transnacionalnih pitanja, zainteresiranih aktera i doprinosa procesu stvaranja vanjske politike čini formulaciju i provedbu koherentne vanjske politike izazovnom zadaćom. ; This paper provides an overview of key issues related to foreign policy and foreign policy theories in the wider context of political science. Discussing the origins and development of foreign policy analysis (FPA), as well as scholarly work produced over time, it argues that today FPA encompasses a variety of theoretical approaches, models and tools. These share the understanding that foreign policy outputs cannot be fully explained if analysis is confined to the systemic level. Furthermore, this paper conceptualizes foreign policy by comparing it to other types of policy. Although during the Cold War period foreign policy was equated with foreign security policy, in today's world, security policy is only one dimension. Foreign policy's scope has expanded to cover other issues such as trade, human rights and the environment. The growing number of domestic, international and transnational issues, ...