Suchergebnisse

This project's approach of analysing protracted displacement through the perspectives and
experiences of the displaced persons themselves has proven key to understanding the actual
dynamics, complexities and possible solutions to it. It uncovered and documented a wealth of
different coping strategies across diverse contexts, thus providing new insights into what living
in protracted displacement means for people affected by it and into which kind of support they
require. The project points out new research avenues on protracted displacement, such as the
impact of social relations and interactions on displaced peoples' livelihood options—both locally
and trans-locally—or the various types and patterns of mobility representing livelihood strategies of the displaced.
People in protracted displacement face multiple exclusions from access to livelihood-sustaining
resources and services. Such exclusions are not only layered on top of each other in terms of
generalised marginalisation but can also condition each other, in that a lack of access to certain
realms of societal life may block access to others. Moreover, this research has found that the living
conditions of people in protracted displacement often do not improve after the initial emergency
phase is over; lack of access to vital resources and services may be a constant feature of protracted
displacement or even become worse over time. Peoples' de facto (re)integration strategies, i.e.
livelihood-making in contexts of displacement or return, take place in highly fragmented and
disintegrated societies and are confronted with deliberately disintegrating forces, such as legal
exclusion, discrimination and violence.
National and international legal regulations and government action provide a crucial framework condition for the chances of displaced persons to (re)integrate and can be supportive or
disruptive. However, their actual effects on the displaced persons and local level are mediated by
alternative social norms in the respective context and can be stronger or weaker depending on a
person's positionality in society.
Due to the multiple exclusions and insecurities of protracted displacement, the diversification
and re-combinations of livelihood sources through spatial mobility is one of few chances for
the displaced to sustain themselves and their families and is thus essential to their livelihoods.
Mobility is, however, not automatically a resource in itself; it can simply be the permanent
search for safety and livelihood opportunities. Social relations and interactions at the place of
residence are perhaps the most important resource for displaced persons' livelihoods. Pre-existing
ties between communities often help to facilitate local integration of displaced persons. However,
a marginal status of local residents, poverty and scarcity of resources in receiving areas and
external influences can have a negative impact on community relations, lead to tensions and
reduce livelihood options for the displaced.

A survey of 169 international students was conducted at a large southern research university to investigate the relationship between host communication competence and students' locus of control. Results of correlation and multiple regressions revealed that international students' host communication competence was positively influenced by the internal locus of control. The independent sample t test showed that female and European students scored significantly higher in host communication competence than male and non-European international students.

Stern, P. ; Chasen, L. R.: Organizing to compete in a global economy. - S. 1-26. Roth, W. V.: The future of the Commerce Department. - S. 27-30. Roth, W. V.: Restructuring of Commerce ideal starting point for government-wide restructuring. - S. 31-34. Mica, J. L.: Case for a unified trade office. - S. 35-40

The book seeks to provide insights into the nature of the world in the third millennium; the challenges facing African states in general, and South Africa and its foreign policy in particular. Chapters 1 and 2 examine the nature of the global environment of the 1990s, and in doing so provide a view of the world in the 21st century and the challenges posed to states and diplomats alike. Chapter 3 offers various interpretations of the trends, while chapter 4 examines the particular challenges faced by African states in the 'new world order', and offers some options for advancement in this environment. Chapter 5 explains the role of diplomacy in this age of rapid and information flow. Chapter 6 provides a historical overview of South African foreign policy between 1945 and 1990. Chapter 7 looks at how the Republic has integrated with the global community since the advent of its democratic process. Chapter 8 offers some ideas as to how the country (and developing countries generally) can best harness foreign policy resources in the age of globalisation. (DÜI-Sbd)

Vol. 1: 1919-1932 / Langer, William L. ; Armstrong, Hamilton F. (Eds.); Vol. 2: 1932-1942 / Woolbert, Robert G. (Ed.); Vol. 3: 1942-1952 / Roberts, Henry L. (Ed.). - 1955. - XXII,727 S. - ISBN 0-8352-0212-7; Vol. 4: 1952-1962 / Roberts, Henry L. (Ed.). - 1964. - XXI,752 S. - ISBN 0-8352-0046-9; Vol. 5: 1962-1972 / Kreslins, Janis A. (Ed.) - 1976. - XXI,921 S. - ISBN 0-8352-0784-6

This article develops a model for analysing international regime formation in the environmental domain. It is argued that current approaches to understanding how regimes emerge and develop are too narrow, and fail to account for the dynamic interplay between states and markets which induce the emergence of 'tipping points' leading to more extensive and stringent international institutions. The article demonstrates the central role of tipping points in regime formation using the example of international climate change.

AbstractThe Liberal International Order (LIO) is currently being undermined not only by states such as Russia but also by voters in the West. We argue that both veins of discontent are driven by resentment toward the LIO's status hierarchy, rather than simply by economic grievances. Approaching discontent historically and sociologically, we show that there are two strains ofrecognition strugglesagainst the LIO: one in the core of the West, driven by populist politicians and their voters, and one on the semiperiphery, fueled by competitively authoritarian governments and their supporters. At this particular moment in history, these struggles are digitally, ideologically, and organizationally interconnected in their criticism of LIO institutions, amplifying each other. The LIO is thus being hollowed outfrom withinat a time when it is also facing some of its greatest external challenges.

Through an analysis of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), one of the most visible and ambitious governance exercises undertaken by African states, this paper considers the ways in which an African international society and global international society have interacted. The presence of regional international societies implies the presence of difference in global international society, and therefore the possibility of a breakdown in global consensus and the fragmentation of global international society, a perennial concern of the English School. However, while divergences between African and global international societies on democracy and political governance result in tensions, the APRM can be seen as a way to negotiate between these divergent positions. The APRM is an uneasy and unstable compromise, indicating a highly ambivalent relationship between African and global international societies. This relationship has to be understood in the context of an unequal global international society, dominated by a number of core states with an increasingly solidarist governance agenda, as well as the attempts of a largely pluralist African international society to manage its demands.

La mondialisation au banc des accusés récuse le point de vue conventionnel qui établit un rapport d'égalité entre la mondialisation et l'expansion du système économique capitaliste. En brossant un large portrait historique et holiste, l'auteur offre un point de vue sur la mondialisation qui est à la fois multidisciplinaire et multiculturel. Quelles sont les possibilités à exploiter? Quels dangers devons-nous surmonter? Le professeur Rajaee examine la gestion publique et le paradoxe de la mondialisation et du nationalisme (ou « nativisme »), et pose un regard particulièrement rafraîchissant sur