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BACKGROUND: The epilepsies are a clinically heterogeneous group of neurological disorders. Despite strong evidence for heritability, genome-wide association studies have had little success in identification of risk loci associated with epilepsy, probably because of relatively small sample sizes and insufficient power. We aimed to identify risk loci through meta-analyses of genome-wide association studies for all epilepsy and the two largest clinical subtypes (genetic generalised epilepsy and focal epilepsy). METHODS: We combined genome-wide association data from 12 cohorts of individuals with epilepsy and controls from population-based datasets. Controls were ethnically matched with cases. We phenotyped individuals with epilepsy into categories of genetic generalised epilepsy, focal epilepsy, or unclassified epilepsy. After standardised filtering for quality control and imputation to account for different genotyping platforms across sites, investigators at each site conducted a linear mixed-model association analysis for each dataset. Combining summary statistics, we conducted fixed-effects meta-analyses of all epilepsy, focal epilepsy, and genetic generalised epilepsy. We set the genome-wide significance threshold at p<1·66 × 10(-8). FINDINGS: We included 8696 cases and 26 157 controls in our analysis. Meta-analysis of the all-epilepsy cohort identified loci at 2q24.3 (p=8·71 × 10(-10)), implicating SCN1A, and at 4p15.1 (p=5·44 × 10(-9)), harbouring PCDH7, which encodes a protocadherin molecule not previously implicated in epilepsy. For the cohort of genetic generalised epilepsy, we noted a single signal at 2p16.1 (p=9·99 × 10(-9)), implicating VRK2 or FANCL. No single nucleotide polymorphism achieved genome-wide significance for focal epilepsy. INTERPRETATION: This meta-analysis describes a new locus not previously implicated in epilepsy and provides further evidence about the genetic architecture of these disorders, with the ultimate aim of assisting in disease classification and prognosis. The data suggest that specific loci can act pleiotropically raising risk for epilepsy broadly, or can have effects limited to a specific epilepsy subtype. Future genetic analyses might benefit from both lumping (ie, grouping of epilepsy types together) or splitting (ie, analysis of specific clinical subtypes). FUNDING: International League Against Epilepsy and multiple governmental and philanthropic agencies.

This article examines the emergence and transformation of Norway's peace engagement in the context of changing international relations. Focusing on foreign policy discourses and practices, the article portrays peace engagement as a value-based effort to support resolution of distant intrastate conflicts, and a strategy to promote Norway's interests and influence in international relations. The article also argues that changing international politics after the turn of the century has challenged and reoriented Norway's peace engagement in a more realist direction. Foreign policy discourses and practices are increasingly based on a broad notion of interests that also include ideals of peace, democracy and development. This means that peace engagement can support a domestic political consensus on foreign policy, and simultaneously promote Norway's standing, relevance and influence in international relations. Peace engagement has thus been institutionalized as a foreign policy that promotes peace while also addressing the challenges associated with smallness in international relations.

Existing nuclear deterrence scholarship evinces a pervasive "existential bias," assuming that once a state merely possesses nuclear weapons, it should be able to deter armed conflict. The empirical literature expresses this bias by simply dichotomously coding a state based on whether it has nuclear weapons, thereby treating all nuclear states as equivalent. Thus, whether nuclear weapons deter conflict, and how much is required to do so, is unclear. This article shifts the unit of analysis away from nuclear weapons to postures, hypothesizing that different nuclear postures are distinct and generate differential deterrent power, particularly amongst the non-superpower states which comprise the lion's share of nuclear powers. I find that an asymmetric escalation nuclear posture uniquely deters conflict initiation and escalation. Not only do small arsenals have little deterrence success, but I find that even assured retaliation postures fail to deter intense conventional conflict. This suggests that the deterrence dividend is distributed unequally across nuclear powers, and that states may need to do more than simply acquire nuclear weapons to successfully deter conventional attacks. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright holder.]

AbstractThis article examines the activities of international organizations in the field of music in the first half of the twentieth century. Despite the common association with music as a universal language and international art, it has not often been systematically investigated in the context of institutionalized international co-operation. By focusing on the International Musical Society, the International Society for Musicology, the International Society for Contemporary Music, the Permanent Council for the International Co-operation between Composers, and the activities of the League of Nations in the field of music, it analyzes common topics and different strategies to establish stable networks and co-ordinate the flow of information. By locating the activities of the experts involved along the two analytical axes of nationalization/internationalization and politization/standardization, it becomes not only possible to integrate the activities in the field of music into the history of international organizations, but also to gain important insights into the international and political origin of musicology as an academic discipline.

"A consolidated norm in international society is defined here as a regularised pattern of behaviour that is widely accepted as appropriate within a given social context. The analysis is based on the assumption that the R2P could be regarded as a consolidated norm if it were applied consistently when genocide and other mass atrocities occur; and if international responses routinely conformed to the core principles inherent in the R2P: seeking government consent, multilateralism, prevention and regionalism. This book employs Finnemore and Sikkink's norm life cycle model to determine the putative norm's degree of consolidation, with in-depth case studies of the international responses to crises in Darfur and Kenya serving to illuminate the findings. It advances the argument that, whilst the R2P had fully emerged as a prospective norm by 2005, it has not yet fully consolidated as an international norm. The R2P has been remarkably successful at pervading the international discourse but has been somewhat less successful at consistency in implementation in terms of adherence to its core principles as outlined above (the qualitative dimension of the R2P). Furthermore, it has been least successful, to date, in terms of consistency across cases in terms of resolve and tenacity. The volume concludes with a reflection on the norm's progress so far, and its prospects for further consolidation, assuming the R2P continues on its current trajectory. This book will be of much interest to students of the Responsibility to Protect, humanitarian intervention, international law, security studies and IR."

The influential role of international treaty secretariats in coordinating bureaucracies across jurisdictional boundaries has been highlighted in recent years. While we now better understand how their influence occurs, the field still faces a substantial difficulty in answering the basic quantitative question of "how influential?" By employing network analysis, we devised and tested a survey to quantify secretariat influence within an international environmental regime. We applied the survey tool to two transboundary fisheries governance networks in North America and here focus on the Great Lakes Fishery Commission (GLFC) as our primary case study. The results demonstrate a high ability of treaty secretariat to influence the management decisions of federal and state/provincial agencies. Primary interview data collected with the GLFC secretariat staff helps explain this finding. This study advances the reconceptualization of secretariat influence via relational metrics, and offers a way to estimate secretariat influence despite their typically veiled modes of operation.

Improved organization of transition processes from higher education to the employment system is currently becoming of ever greater importance in the international discussion about education and labour market policy. With the aid of examples from ten countries, this publication provides a sound and revealing overview of the subject, and will be of equal interest to those involved in higher education, business and politics. The survey focuses mainly on the following questions: How is the labour market for graduates organized in the individual countries? How is career orientation achieved within degree courses in the various countries? How is the transition from higher education to the employment system achieved within the national context? Contents: Ehlert, Holger/Cordier, Heidi: Introduction. - Canals, Valerie/Diebolt, Claude: France. - Ehlert, Holger/Cordier, Heidi: Germany. - Cordier, Heidi: Great Britain. - Geiselbrechtinger, Conor: Ireland. - Fischer, Lorenzo: Italy. - Teichler, Ulrich/Teicher, Kerstin: Japan. - Richter, Roland: Netherlands. - Hein, Heidi: Poland. - Fernando, Charles: Sri Lanka. - Teichgräber, Martin: Switzerland (HoF/text adopted)

The Impact of Trade Liberalization in the Presence of Political Distortions Political distortions are prevalent in many developing countries and can imply substantial productivity losses. Theory is ambiguous as to whether greater openness to trade amplifies or reduces the effects of such distortions. This paper shows that trade liberalization in India decreased the value of firms' political connections, suggesting a reduction in political distortions. First, using variation in firm connections stemming from political turnover, we identify that political connections increased firm performance by 10-20%. Second, we evaluate how the value of political connections changed after India's externally imposed tariff reductions, using a triple-difference and difference-in-discontinuities design. We find that political connections became substantially less valuable when tariffs on input goods were reduced. Our findings imply that access to international markets reduces firms' dependence on political connections to source input goods, thus reducing the distortionary effect of such connections. The results suggest a new margin for gains from trade in the presence of political distortions through a direct effect of trade liberalization on the prevalence of such distortions. Importing Gender Equality Gender equality remains low in many developing countries and can partly be explained by social norms. In this paper, I investigate whether trade and, in particular import, can shift gender norms. Specifically, I study whether trading and interacting with firms in countries with higher gender equality can affect firms' gender composition in India. I construct a global industry-level index of gender equality and exploit India's trade liberalization in the 1990s to study the trade-induced increased exposure to other countries' gender norms. I find that tariff reductions increased the probability of having a female worker only for firms in industries with higher exposure to gender equality. The effect is stronger for firms in industries with higher exposure to gender equality that, to a greater extent, use relationship-specific input goods. Taken together, the results suggest that trade-induced increased exposure to other countries' gender equality can influence firms' gender composition among workers. Trade-Induced Protests: Evidence from the Brazilian Trade Liberalization This paper examines whether trade liberalization can induce shifts in citizens' willingness to mobilize and participate in protests. Specifically, I study the regional effects of Brazil's trade liberalization in the 1990s. I show that regions that were exposed to larger tariff reductions experienced a relative increase in protests. Protests increased in harder-hit regions almost immediately after the liberalization, and the effect is amplified over time. By studying potential mechanisms, I show that the surge in protests follows the pattern of the trade-induced increase in income inequality and reductions in government spending.