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International audience ; The main research objective of this study is to examine various theoretical approaches to understanding the nature of corporate social and environmental responsibility in the Arctic Zone of the Russian Federation (AZRF), as well as the motivation of businesses to make commitments in this area. Methodologically, the study is based on the structural-functional and discursive approaches that allow us to reveal the internal features of the Russian and foreign discourses on the social and environmental responsibility of business in the Russian Arctic. The scientific contribution of this study is that as a result of the work carried out, it reveals the specificity of theories that treat corporate social and environmental responsibility as a form of social partnership or a way of sharing benefits (economic sociology); the behaviour of corporations as "good citizens" of society (sociology and political science); part of the strategy of corporate risk management and competitiveness (corporate management) and/or sustainable development (economic planning, ecology, state and municipal management, social work). Another scientific contribution of this study is that identifies three groups of motives that drive big business in the case of taking on social and environmental obligations in the AZRF: the desire of companies to increase their attractiveness as business partners, to justify the legitimacy of their economic activities in the region and to take into account the so-called political costs in order to reduce the likelihood of the state introducing uncomfortable rules and regulations for companies. The results obtained can be used in the activities of business units responsible for the social and environmental policy of companies in the Russian Arctic, as well as regional and municipal authorities regulating the activities of large industrial and extractive companies in the Far North. ; Основная исследовательская задача данного исследования заключается в изучении различных теоретических подходов к пониманию природы корпоративной социальной и экологической ответственности в Арктической зоне Российской Федерации (АЗРФ), а также мотивации бизнеса к принятию обязательств в этой сфере. Методологически исследование базируется на структурно-функциональном и дискурсивном подходах, позволяющих выявить внутренние особенности российского и зарубежного дискурсов о социальной и экологической ответственности бизнеса в российской Арктике. Научный вклад данного исследования состоит в том, что в результате проведенной работы выявлена специфика теорий, рассматривающих корпоративную социальную и экологическую ответственность как форму социального партнерства или способ распределения благ (экономическая социология); поведение корпораций как "хороших граждан" общества (социология и политология); часть стратегии управления корпоративными рисками и конкурентоспособностью (корпоративный менеджмент) и/или устойчивого развития (экономическое планирование, экология, государственное и муниципальное управление, социальная работа). Другой научный вклад данного исследования заключается в том, что выявлены три группы мотивов, которые движут крупным бизнесом в случае принятия на себя социальных и экологических обязательств в АЗРФ: желание компаний повысить свою привлекательность как деловых партнеров, обосновать легитимность своей экономической деятельности в регионе и учесть так называемые политические издержки, чтобы снизить вероятность введения государством неудобных для компаний правил и норм. Полученные результаты могут быть использованы в деятельности бизнес-подразделений, отвечающих за социальную и экологическую политику компаний в российской Арктике, а также региональных и муниципальных органов власти, регулирующих деятельность крупных промышленных и добывающих компаний на Крайнем Севере.

Modern societies have become increasingly preoccupied with the identification and preemption of risk, represented as future possibilities of harm. The study demonstrates how the concept of risk has influenced the contemporary Swedish security discourse and what it means to construct security following a risk logic. Previous research has highlighted both the continuing influence of traditional threat-based security and the increasing influence of risk thinking and preemptive security as primarily separate areas of study. This dissertation examines both perspectives in an integrated approach in order to achieve a deeper understanding of the meaning and implications for security policy constructed according to two coexisting logics. This study shows that the Swedish security discourse has been shaped by varying degrees of both threat and risk logics for the past four decades. The dissertation constructs an analytical framework that makes it possible to identify these logics empirically. The analysis allows us not only to uncover the influence of risk and threat logics but also to see the wider implications of the ways in which they are represented and related to one another. In contrast to concrete and identifiable threats, a risk logic constructs security problems as spatially complex, without concrete form or a specific place from which emanate. Risks are also, by this definition, future-oriented and lack concrete form in the situation in which they are constructed. The dissertation shows that both security logics have had varying degrees of influence on Swedish security policy and analyzes three sets of implications that flow from how security issues are constructed: the constitution of security policy as a policy area, responsibility and accountability, and the power relationship between government and citizens. The varying security logics produce a discourse on security with different societal implications, where the concept of risk entails increased complexity and less clarity than the threat logic, which has historically been more influential. Identifying and analyzing the influence of both logics therefore provides a new and more complete understanding of the meaning of modern security policy and its consequences. The analytical framework identifies influences on threat and risk logics according to how they are constructed following four dimensions of danger construction: space, time, agency and manageability. Methodologically, the dissertation uses a discourse-analytical text analysis as an organizing tool for sorting and processing the empirical material. In combination with the theoretically derived analytical categories, the theoretically generated political implications show the meaning of the security discourse in a new light, both empirically and theoretically. The dissertation examines shifts in the meaning of how security and dangers are constructed and shows how this is linked to significant political implications for the policy area, accountability and power. The overall findings reveal that risk has become a key aspect of how security policy is constructed and enacted but also that it has not replaced the threat logic. Rather, they coexist in a dynamic that produces varying discourses and policies over time. This dissertation demonstrates the necessity of understanding both approaches in parallel in order to attain a more complete understanding of current security policy and its implications.

First established in Britain during the latter months of 1915, Military Service Tribunals worked diligently throughout the last three years of the Great War coexisting alongside conscription. For a generation unaccustomed to compulsion, the Government envisioned an egalitarian system of tribunals across the country, providing appeasement for any individual who opposed their conscription. Gaining legal status in March 1916, tribunals worked diligently to evaluate Britain's manpower needs; either allowing conscription to take its course, alternatively, permitting the possibility of a claimants' exemption. While the Government sought to protect the country's major industries and extensively exempting large groups of men based on their occupation, it became the responsibility of the tribunals to evaluate cases within their localities by considering the suitability of an individual for exemption. During the subsequent decades following the war, historical research into the work of the tribunals was thought to be seriously hindered. Ostensibly, a notion resulting from an edict issued from the Ministry of Health in early 1922, announcing to all local councils the opportunity for them to dispose of the accumulated and vast amount of tribunal paperwork. However, some fifty years after the war and following the discovery of a small number of surviving tribunal documents, scholars began to question their original assumption. Today, aware of the potential for more surviving tribunal documents, surveys have been conducted around the country discovering an abundance of paperwork scattered in local archives. Protected from destruction by prudent individuals, it is these tribunal documents which are currently being studied for the first time, papers which improve the academic understanding of conscription and the exemption process. Explored in this thesis are these tribunal documents, new discoveries which record the applications of claimants living in the Derbyshire and Staffordshire area. These case papers are used in conjunction with the officially saved directives contained in the MH47/MH10 files which allow for a unique and extensive understanding of the tribunals working in the north midlands region. Claimant case files have been compiled into a database, supplemented by information acquired from newspapers, directories and online repositories. Combining these sources has assisted in producing a detailed and focused analysis of statistics regarding the north midland tribunals, evidencing their competencies, highlighting their altruism and demonstrating their successes in accurately following their assigned responsibilities. Of particular focus are the constitution, function and procedures of the tribunals, considering both their directives and the measures taken to accurately and effectively follow closely their mutable instructions. Often disparaged for their war work, tribunal members are reconsidered and reassessed, creating a uniquely detailed analysis of their individuality, motivations and the nature of their professional working relationship with others. Furthermore, this work considers claimant statistics, utilising these figures to contemplate tribunal successes and impartiality of work. Lastly, a consideration is explored regarding the efforts of tribunals in sustaining enough workers for vital regional industries. This thesis is a distinctive inspection of the Local and Appeal Tribunals working in Derbyshire and Staffordshire, examining their accomplishments in pacifying the people and impeding what could have been the overwhelming loss of manpower through conscription upon industry in their locality. ; N/A

International audience ; The main research objective of this study is to examine various theoretical approaches to understanding the nature of corporate social and environmental responsibility in the Arctic Zone of the Russian Federation (AZRF), as well as the motivation of businesses to make commitments in this area. Methodologically, the study is based on the structural-functional and discursive approaches that allow us to reveal the internal features of the Russian and foreign discourses on the social and environmental responsibility of business in the Russian Arctic. The scientific contribution of this study is that as a result of the work carried out, it reveals the specificity of theories that treat corporate social and environmental responsibility as a form of social partnership or a way of sharing benefits (economic sociology); the behaviour of corporations as "good citizens" of society (sociology and political science); part of the strategy of corporate risk management and competitiveness (corporate management) and/or sustainable development (economic planning, ecology, state and municipal management, social work). Another scientific contribution of this study is that identifies three groups of motives that drive big business in the case of taking on social and environmental obligations in the AZRF: the desire of companies to increase their attractiveness as business partners, to justify the legitimacy of their economic activities in the region and to take into account the so-called political costs in order to reduce the likelihood of the state introducing uncomfortable rules and regulations for companies. The results obtained can be used in the activities of business units responsible for the social and environmental policy of companies in the Russian Arctic, as well as regional and municipal authorities regulating the activities of large industrial and extractive companies in the Far North. ; Основная исследовательская задача данного исследования заключается в изучении различных теоретических подходов к пониманию природы корпоративной социальной и экологической ответственности в Арктической зоне Российской Федерации (АЗРФ), а также мотивации бизнеса к принятию обязательств в этой сфере. Методологически исследование базируется на структурно-функциональном и дискурсивном подходах, позволяющих выявить внутренние особенности российского и зарубежного дискурсов о социальной и экологической ответственности бизнеса в российской Арктике. Научный вклад данного исследования состоит в том, что в результате проведенной работы выявлена специфика теорий, рассматривающих корпоративную социальную и экологическую ответственность как форму социального партнерства или способ распределения благ (экономическая социология); поведение корпораций как "хороших граждан" общества (социология и политология); часть стратегии управления корпоративными рисками и конкурентоспособностью (корпоративный менеджмент) и/или устойчивого развития (экономическое планирование, экология, государственное и муниципальное управление, социальная работа). Другой научный вклад данного исследования заключается в том, что выявлены три группы мотивов, которые движут крупным бизнесом в случае принятия на себя социальных и экологических обязательств в АЗРФ: желание компаний повысить свою привлекательность как деловых партнеров, обосновать легитимность своей экономической деятельности в регионе и учесть так называемые политические издержки, чтобы снизить вероятность введения государством неудобных для компаний правил и норм. Полученные результаты могут быть использованы в деятельности бизнес-подразделений, отвечающих за социальную и экологическую политику компаний в российской Арктике, а также региональных и муниципальных органов власти, регулирующих деятельность крупных промышленных и добывающих компаний на Крайнем Севере.

Ministerio de Asuntos Económicos y Transformación Digital/Fondo Europeo de Desarrollo Regional (MINECO/FEDER). Proyecto I+D+i Educación patrimonial para la inteligencia territorial y emocional de la ciudadanía. Análisis de buenas prácticas, diseño e intervención en la enseñanza obligatoria (EDU2015-67953-P) ; Considerando la relevancia que la educación para una ciudadanía democrática debe tener en la enseñanza de la historia, hemos desarrollado un proyecto de innovación docente dirigido al profesorado de Ciencias Sociales, Geografía e Historia de Educación Secundaria en formación inicial para la inclusión crítica de temáticas controversiales en el currículum de Ciencias Sociales de dicha etapa educativa. En el seno del proyecto, y dentro del Máster de formación del profesorado en Educación Secundaria (MAES) de la Universidad de Huelva, hemos diseñado y llevado a la práctica una propuesta de formación docente sobre temáticas controversiales en el curso 2018-2019; centrando la atención en el Valle de los Caídos como ejemplo de antipatrimonio. Con base en un paradigma interpretativo, desarrollamos un estudio de caso cuyo registro se efectúa por grabación de audio y vídeo y un análisis DAFO y CAME. Entre los resultados de esta investigación, destacamos que el patrimonio, más concretamente lo que hemos denominado antipatrimonio es, por definición, una fuente de debate que permite abordar la educación patrimonial desde un enfoque crítico y conectado con la educación para una ciudadanía democrática. Además, si bien no existe un único posicionamiento en cuanto a la forma de inclusión de la controversia en el aula, sí que se reconoce su potencial en relación con un patrimonio que actúa como huella o testimonio de la memoria y que contribuye a la construcción del pensamiento crítico, base del debate democrático. ; Considering the relevance that education for a democratic citizenship should have in the teaching of history, we have developed an educational innovation project aimed at Social Sciences teachers of High School Education in initial training and focused on the critical inclusion of controversial issues in Social Sciences curriculum for that educational level. Within the project, and within the Master's Degree in Teacher Training in High School Education (MAES) at the University of Huelva, we have designed and put into practice a proposal for teacher training on controversial issues in the academic year 2018-2019; focusing on the Valley of the Fallen as an example of anti-heritage. Based on an interpretive paradigm, we develop a case study whose registration is made by audio and video and SWOT and CAME analysis. Among the results of this research, we highlight that heritage, more specifically what we have called anti-heritage is, by definition, a source of debate that allows us to approach heritage education from a critical approach and connected with education for a democratic citizenship. Furthermore, although there is no single position regarding the way to include controversy in the classroom, its potential is recognized in relation to a heritage that acts as a trace or testimony of memory and that contributes to the construction of critical thinking, basis of democratic debate. ; peerReviewed

Modern tendencies analysis as for providing an appropriate and sustainable functioning of maritime complex, which consists of marine and river transport with their coastal infrastructure, and also the industries the activity of which is connected with the usage of mineral, energy, biological resources of seas and oceans, resort and recreational and tourist complexes induce to a solution of current issues of development which are under consideration now. Researches were based on the assessment of the UN World Tourism Organization (UNWTO) where it is stated that the tourism contribution in world gross domestic product taking into account indirect effect makes 10%. The total number of jobs which directly concern the sphere of tourism makes 11%. As the mentioned sphere is connected with the activity of more than 50 industries, its development promotes an increase in a level of employment, diversification of the national economy, preservation and development of cultural potential, preservation of the ecological environment and also induces to harmonization of the relations between various countries and nations. Nowadays cruises are one of the most fast-growing sectors of the tourist market in the world. The cruise fleet grows, designs of passenger ships are improved, their amenities increase, new routes are developed. Large cruise companies have most courts. In the world, there are more than 150 sea cruise companies. Important aspects are an improvement of the legislation concerning regulation of the public relations in the sphere of tourism, assistance to the development of interregional and international cooperation, improvement of a business environment and development of fair competition in this sphere. The existence of opportunities and potential in the area, favorable conditions for the development of the sphere of tourism have to be the priority directions in the regulation of development of sea economy of Ukraine. ; В статье освещены отечественный и мировой опыт в подходах к регулированию и развитию отраслей морского хозяйства и круизного туризма как составной реализации политики модернизации национальной экономики. Изложены результаты анализа предыдущих исследований и углубленное обоснование подходов к оценке современного состояния развития отраслей морского хозяйства и круизного туризма. Доказано, что сбалансированное развитие отраслей морского хозяйства способствует обеспечению координирующей роли государства в реализации национальной туристической политики с применением принципов и методов регулирования, концентрации ресурсов государства на приоритетных задачах развития этой сферы, формировании и развитии информационной системы в круизном туризме и постепенной ее интеграции в мировую информационной туристической сети в современных условиях. ; У статті висвітлено вітчизняний та світовий досвід у підходах до регулювання та розвитку галузей морського господарства та круїзного туризму як складової реалізації політики модернізації національної економіки. Викладено результати аналізу попередніх досліджень та поглиблене обґрунтування підходів щодо оцінки сучасного стану розвитку галузей морського господарства та круїзного туризму. Доведено, що збалансований розвиток галузей морського господарства сприяє забезпеченню координуючої ролі держави в реалізації національної туристичної політики із застосуванням принципів та методів регулювання, концентрації ресурсів держави на пріоритетних завданнях функціонування цієї сфери, заходів формування та розвитку інформаційної системи в круїзному туризмі та поступовій її інтеграції до світової інформаційної туристичної мережі в сучасних умовах.

Purpose: this paper has three aims. First, it puts the pandemic-induced surge in homeworking into context by charting trends in homeworking in the UK since the early 1980s. Secondly, it examines what effect the growth in homeworking during the pandemic has had on employees' self-reported levels of productivity. Thirdly, it assesses whether the spike in homeworking is a flash in the pan or a permanent feature of the post-pandemic world. Design/Methodology/Approach: the paper uses cross-sectional and longitudinal data taken from three nationally representative surveys of workers: (1) the Labour Force Survey, an official government survey carried out between 1981 and 2019; (2) a special module of the Opinions and Lifestyle Survey, also an official government survey, which has been run every week since the pandemic began in March 2020; and (3) the Understanding Society Covid-19 Study, an online survey of the same people interviewed on six occasions during 2020. Findings: the recent surge in homeworking in the UK during the pandemic has been dramatic. Before 2020 it had taken almost 40 years for homeworking to grow by three percentage points, but its prevalence grew eight-fold virtually overnight as people were instructed to work at home if they can because of the pandemic. However, despite theories and predictions to the contrary, employees reported that their productivity was not adversely affected. Seven out of ten employees said that they were able to get as much done while working at home in June 2020 as they were able to do six months earlier. By September 2020, this proportion had risen to 85%. Originality/Value: there is an urgent need to investigate what effect enforced, as opposed to voluntary, homeworking has had on employee productivity. In addition, in order to decide whether continued homeworking should be encouraged or discouraged, policy makers and employers need to know what effect continuing with these arrangements is likely to have on employee productivity. This paper answers these questions using robust survey data collected in the UK throughout 2020 complemented by evidence taken from a variety of employer surveys. Social Implications: the paper argues that a higher level of homeworking is here to stay. Nine out of ten employees who worked at home during the pandemic said that they would like to continue working at home when they did not have to. Furthermore, those keenest to continue working at home were the most productive, hence providing a business case for a sustained increase in the prevalence of homeworking after the pandemic has past. Nevertheless, the experience of homeworking varies with those with higher domestic commitments reporting significantly lower levels of productivity. Research Implications/Limitations: while there are solid theoretical reasons for the paper's findings, these data do not allow us to test all of the mechanisms involved. In addition, our outcome measure relies on employees' self-reports of how their hourly productivity changed when working at home and is not based on a direct measure of changes to output per hour. However, surveys of employers suggest that, on average, productivity has not been reduced by the pandemic-induced surge in homeworking.

Abstract — Benoa Bay will be reclaimed when the Governor of Bali issues SK 2138/02-C / HK / 2012. Because the decree is considered to be in conflict with the prevailing laws and regulations and the publication does not involve the aspirations of the public. The Governor of Bali then issued Decree 1727/01-B / HK / 2013 which was the cancellation of the previous decree and gave permission to PT. TWBI to conduct a feasibility study then the government changed the allotment of the Benoa Bay which was once a conservation area (Zone L3) into a public use area (Zone P) with the issuance of Perpres 51/2014 Amendment to RTRKP SARBAGITA, in the Presidential Regulation requires that the Benoa Bay through revitalization activities can be held reclamation area of 700 Ha. The research method used is normative juridical. The results showed an indication of efforts to bleach spatial violations because the revision of the spatial plan was done not to whiten the deviation of the implementation of spatial use. And in the issuance of the Perpres the government does not involve the participation of the community, this is a form of the principle of openness in spatial planning and reclamation activities must have a location permit that is adjusted to the RZWP3K and RTRW. With its status in RZWP3K as a conservation area in the Badung Regency RTRW Regulation. So the reclamation permit cannot be granted and the existence of Benoa Bay must be maintained because the Balinese people agree that every development in Bali must be based on the values of local wisdom in the Tri Hita Karana concept. Keywords: presidential regulation, benoa bay, regional regulation, spatial planning, reclamation Abstrak— Teluk Benoa akan direklamasi ketika Gubernur Bali mengeluarkan SK 2138/02-C/HK/2012. Karena SK tersebut dianggap bertentangan dengan peraturan perundang-undangan yang berlaku dan dalam penerbitanya tidak melibatkan aspirasi masyarakat. Gubernur Bali kemudian mengeluarkan SK 1727/01-B/HK/2013 yang merupakan pembatalan SK sebelumnya dan memberikan izin kepada PT. TWBI untuk melakukan studi kelayakan kemudian pemerintah merubah peruntukan Teluk Benoa yang dulunya sebagai kawasan konservasi (Zona L3) menjadi kawasan pemanfaatan umum (Zona P) dengan diterbitkanya Perpres 51/2014 Perubahan Atas RTRKP SARBAGITA, dalam Perpres tersebut menghendaki Teluk Benoa melalui kegiatan revitalisasi dapat diselenggarakan reklamasi seluas 700 Ha. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah yuridis normatif. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan adanya indikasi upaya pemutihan pelanggaran tata ruang karena revisi terhadap rencana tata ruang dilakukan bukan untuk pemutihan terhadap penyimpangan pelaksanaan pemanfaatan ruang. Serta dalam penerbitan Perpres tersebut pemerintah tidak melibatkan peran serta masyarakat, hal ini sebagai bentuk prinsip keterbukaan dalam penataan ruang dan kegiatan reklamasi wajib memiliki izin lokasi yang disesuaikan dengan RZWP3K dan RTRW. Dengan statusnya dalam RZWP3K sebagai kawasan konservasi dalam Perda RTRW Kabupaten Badung. Maka izin reklamasi tidak dapat diberikan dan keberadaan Teluk Benoa harus dapat dipertahankan karena masyarakat Bali sepakat bahwa setiap pembangunan di Bali harus didasarkan pada nilai-nilai kearifan lokal dalam konsep Tri Hita Karana. Kata kunci: peraturan presiden, teluk benoa, peraturan daerah, penataan ruang, reklamasi

Objetivo: O presente artigo analisa a situação fático-jurídica de vulnerabilidade das pessoas em situação de rua na era tecnológica do século XXI no contexto da Pandemia ocasionada pela COVID-19. Discorre-se sobre as causas e efeitos desta realidade, direcionando a análise sobre as consequências jurídicas, notadamente, no campo principiológico constitucional, derivadas da ausência de políticas públicas de moradia e saúde no enfrentamento da crise pandêmica.Metodologia: Trata-se de pesquisa de cunho analítico, qualitativa e embasada em artigos científicos, doutrinas especializadas, relatos de pessoas e em notícias jornalísticas publicadas e plataformas governamentais.Resultados: Considera-se a importância da análise das causas de aumento da vulnerabilidade em relação às pessoas de situação de rua, destacando-se a necessidade de medidas preventivas constitutivas em políticas públicas que efetivem o direito à moradia e à saúde, e obstaculizem a violação sistemática a princípios constitucionais. Conclui-se, portanto, a existência de acervo legislativo nacional sobre o assunto, mas um cenário de desídia em sua aplicação governamental.Contribuições: A principal contribuição do trabalho reside em identificar o crescente quadro de pessoas em situação de rua para que os poderes públicos atentem à esta situação manifesta de vulnerabilidade e desenvolvam políticas sanitárias e de abrigo habitacional que importem, na salvaguarda de vidas que não possuem condições físicas e fáticas para medidas de prevenção à propagação da pandemia. Trata-se de um alerta ao cenário da profunda invisibilidade daqueles que morrem no escuro das ruas.Palavras-chave: pessoas em situação de rua; vulnerabilidade; covid-19; políticas públicas; direitos fundamentais. ABSTRACT Objective: This article analyzes the factual-legal situation of the vulnerability of homeless people in the technological age of the 21st century in the context of the Pandemic caused by COVID-19. It discusses the causes and effects of this reality, directing the analysis on the legal consequences, notably in the constitutional principle field, derived from the absence of public policies of housing and health in facing the pandemic crisisMethodology: This research is analytical, qualitative and based on scientific articles, specialized doctrines, people reports and published news and government platformsResults: It is considered the importance of the analysis of the causes of increased vulnerability in relation to people of street situation, highlighting the need for preventive measures constitutive in public policies that effect the right to housing and health, and prevent systematic violation of constitutional principles. It is concluded, therefore, the existence of national legislative acquis on the subject, but a scenario of disdain in its governmental application.Contributions: the main contribution of the work is to identify the growing number of people living on the streets so that the public authorities address this manifest situation of vulnerability and develop health and housing policies that they import, the safeguarding of lives that do not have physical and factual conditions for measures to prevent the spread of the pandemic. It is a warning to the scenario of the deep invisibility of those who die in the dark of the streets.keywords: homeless; vulnerability; covid-19; public policy; fundamental rights

The process that gave rise to the birth of political identities in the Iberian Peninsula were based on a hierarchy of milestones and protagonists-both real and legendary-which formed during the Middle Ages and remained alive and well into the Modern Age. One of the figures who repeatedly features in the memory of the Iberian Peninsular is "Don Pelayo". The shadowy northern leader-either Asturian or Visigoth-has travelled the roads of historiography, political literature and even popular romances and theatre, to become a cornerstone in the origins of the Spanish Monarchy during the Early Modern Age. This article focuses on the figure of Pelagius of Asturias in a bid to understand the construction of political imagines among Portuguese aristocrats, genealogists and writers during the Crisis of 1640. Synoptic reading of their works offers potential new approaches for studying the history of the Early Middle Ages during the emergence of Gothicism, the conflict between Philip IV and John IV, the creative processes at work in historical argumentation regarding one of the theoretical fathers of the Iberian nations and, above all, a model for reforming declining monarchies, held to the mirror of "Restoration Spain". ; Los procesos de gestación de identidades políticas en la península ibérica se fundamentaron en una jerarquía de hitos y protagonistas que, entre la realidad y la leyenda, tomaron cuerpo durante el Medievo y perduraron con vitalidad hasta la Edad Contemporánea. Uno de los sujetos que reiteradamente aparecieron en los anaqueles de la memoria hispana fue «don Pelayo». El oscuro caudillo norteño —bien astur, bien hispanogodo— vadeó los caminos de la historiografía, la literatura política e, incluso, los romances populares y el teatro para convertirse en la piedra angular de los orígenes de la Monarquía de España durante la Edad Moderna. El presente artículo utilizará la figura de Pelayo de Asturias para comprender la construcción de imágenes políticas entre aristócratas, genealogistas y tratadistas portugueses durante la crisis de 1640. El estudio sinóptico de sus producciones escritas abrirá nuevas perspectivas para afrontar el estudio del pasado altomedieval durante la eclosión del goticismo, el conflicto entre Felipe IV y João IV y los procesos creativos de argumentación histórica sobre uno de los teóricos padres de las naciones ibéricas y, sobre todo, un modelo de reformación de monarquías en declive ante el espejo de la «restauración de España» ; Este estudio forma parte del proyecto «Failure: Reversing the Genealogies of Unsuccess, 16th-19th Centuries» (H2020-MSCA-RISE, Grant Agreement: 823998), dentro de las líneas de trabajo establecidas en el WP4 «Unsuccessful polities, from Empire to Nations, and Internal Relationships», financiado por the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme. En su preparación ha sido fundamental la investigación documental y las actividades científicas vinculadas a una estancia José Castillejo para jóvenes doctores (CAS17-00062), financiada por el Ministerio de Educación, Cultura y Deporte del Gobierno de España y desarrollada en el Centro de História d'Aquém e d'Além-Mar de la Universidade Nova de Lisboa, bajo supervisión del profesor Pedro Cardim

The aim of this study was to characterize the relationship between the intake of the major nutrients and prognosis in breast cancer. A cohort based on 1350 women with invasive (stage I-IV) breast cancer (BC) was followed up. Information about their dietary habits before diagnosis was collected using a semi-quantitative Food Frequency Questionnaire. Participants without FFQ or with implausible energy intake were excluded. The total amount consumed of each nutrient (Kcal/day) was divided into tertiles, considering as "high intakes" those above third tertile. The main effect studied was overall survival. Cox regression was used to assess the association between death and nutrient intake. During a median follow-up of 6.5 years, 171 deaths were observed. None of the nutrients analysed was associated with mortality in the whole sample. However, in normal-weight women (BMI 18.5–25 kg/m2) a high intake of carbohydrates (≥809 Kcal/day), specifically monosaccharides (≥468 Kcal/day), worsened prognostic compared to lowest (≤352 Kcal/day). Haz-ard Ratios (HRs) for increasing tertiles of intake were HR:2.22 95%CI (1.04 to 4.72) and HR:2.59 95%CI (1.04 to 6.48), respectively (p trend = 0.04)). Conversely, high intakes of polyunsaturated fats (≥135Kcal/day) improved global survival (HR: 0.39 95%CI (0.15 to 1.02) p-trend = 0.05) compared to the lowest (≤92.8 kcal/day). In addition, a protective effect was found substituting 100 kcal of carbohydrates with 100 kcal of fats in normal-weight women (HR: 0.76 95% CI (0.59 to 0.98)). Likewise, in premenopausal women a high intake of fats (≥811Kcal/day) showed a protective effect (HR:0.20 95%CI (0.04 to 0.98) p trend = 0.06). Finally, in Estrogen Receptors (ER) negative tumors, we found a protective effect of high intake of animal proteins (≥238 Kcal/day, HR: 0.24 95% CI (0.06 to 0.98). According to our results, menopausal status, BMI and ER status could play a role in the relationship between diet and BC survival and must be taken into account when studying the influence of dif-ferent nutrients ; This research was funded by the 'Acción Transversal del Cancer', approved by the Spanish Ministry Council on the 11th October 2007, by the Instituto de Salud Carlos III, co-founded by FEDER funds –'a way to build Europe' (grants PI08/1770, PI08/0533, PI08/1359, PI09/00773, PI09/01286, PI09/01903, PI09/02078, PI09/01662, PI11/01403, PI11/01889, PI11/00226, PI11/01810, PI11/02213, PI12/00488, PI12/00265, PI12/01270, PI12/00715, PI12/00150, PI14/01219, PI14/00613, and PI15/00069). Support was also provided by the Fundación Marqués de Valdecilla (grant API 10/09); the Junta de Castilla y León (grant LE22A10-2); the Consejería de Salud of the Junta de Andalucía (2009-S0143); the Conselleria de Sanitat of the Generalitat Valenciana (grant AP 061/10); the Recercaixa (grant 2010ACUP 00310); the Regional Government of the Basque Country; the Consejería de Sanidad de la Región de Murcia; European Commission grants FOOD-CT-2006-036224-HIWATE;the Spanish Association Against Cancer (AECC) Scientific Foundation; the Catalan Government DURSI (grant 2014SGR647); the Fundación Caja de Ahorros de Asturias; the University of Oviedo and COST action BM1206 Eucolongene

This paper examines the care for nature in Croatia based on the European Social Survey (ESS) data from Round 4 (2008) and Round 9 (2018) over time and cross-nationally, in comparison with five other Central European (CE) countries (Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia and Slovenia). We correlate the item about the care for nature with Schwartz's Human Values Scale (HVS), as adapted for the ESS, to investigate whether values as defined by Schwartz serve as good predictors of the care for nature in selected CE countries. We also look at the correlation with respondents' socio-demographic characteristics. Our analysis reveals that, while there are similarities regarding environmental attitudes and values among CE countries, there are also some individual differences. Croatia shows the strongest increase in the support for the care for nature over the 10-year period, and both Croatia and Slovenia score the highest on the care for nature in 2018. Poland, Slovakia and Czech Republic show an overall stagnation in the results, while Hungary exhibits a significant decrease between 2008 and 2018. Our research in CE countries confirms that Schwartz's HVS can be predictive of pro-environmentalism. However, while the findings for the higher-order value of Self-transcendence are in line with existing literature, the result suggesting that Conservatism is also a moderately good predictor of the care for nature is somewhat surprising. We posit that the reason could lie in the difference between collectivist vs. individualist value types, which provides a new dimension for the interpretation of environmental attitudes in these countries. ; Ovaj rad istražuje brigu o prirodi u Hrvatskoj na temelju podataka 4. (2008.) i 9. runde (2018.) Europskoga društvenog istraživanja (EDI, engl. European Social Survey – ESS), tijekom vremena i u usporedbi s pet drugih zemalja srednje Europe (Češka, Mađarska, Poljska, Slovačka i Slovenija). Čestica o brizi o prirodi korelirana je s vrijednostima mjerenima na Schwartzovoj ljestvici (engl. Human Values Scale – HVS) iz EDI-ja, kako bismo provjerili jesu li vrijednosti, kako ih je definirao Schwartz, dobri prediktori brige o prirodi u ovih 6 zemalja srednje Europe. Provjerili smo i povezanost s ključnim sociodemografskim obilježjima ispitanika (dob, spol, obrazovanje, politička orijentacija i religioznost). Analiza je pokazala da, iako postoje sličnosti u pogledu ekoloških stavova i vrijednosti među odabranim zemljama srednje Europe, postoje i neke pojedinačne razlike među njima. U Hrvatskoj pronalazimo najsnažniji porast potpore za brigu o prirodi tijekom obuhvaćenog razdoblja od 10 godina, a Hrvatska i Slovenija imaju najviši rezultat vezano za brigu o prirodi u 2018. godini. Poljska, Slovačka i Češka bilježe ukupnu stagnaciju u rezultatima, a Mađarska pokazuje značajno smanjenje potpore za brigu o prirodi između 2008. i 2018. godine. Naše istraživanje otkriva da su Schwartzove vrijednosti, osobito one "nadilaženja sebe" (engl. Self-transcendence) i, suprotno postojećoj literaturi, "konzervatizma" (engl. Conservatism), umjereno dobri prediktori brige o prirodi. Te vrijednosti naglašavaju važnost društva (a samim time i cijeloga "susvijeta") nad individualnim interesima, što pruža novu dimenziju za tumačenje stavova o okolišu u ovim zemljama.

Ilustraciones y tablas ; This research aims to contribute to the construction of an alternative interpretative theoretical framework to the classical liberal hegemonic vision of inequity in access to health technologies, particularly insulin, from the perspective of critical political economy, based on the cognitive capitalism approach. It begins by exploring inequity in access to insulin in Colombia. Then, it analyzes the production, distribution, consumption and capitalist accumulation of insulin during the stage of industrial capitalism, from its discovery to its mass production, to enter later, in the same analysis in the stage of cognitive capitalism, addressing the transition from the pharmacochemical to the biotechnological paradigm, to approach the understanding of the dynamics of knowledge enclosure through the strengthening of intellectual property, and acts of resistance, including biohacking, which understand knowledge as a common good. The emergence of biotechnology and biotechnological drugs, including insulin, is the result of the profound transformations of the contemporary capitalist accumulation regime in the last five decades, where knowledge, the expansion of capitalism in the field of life, intellectual property, and technological change have played a fundamental role in the production of these new health technologies, but at the same time have generated profound inequalities in their access. The results presented here are not a point of arrival but rather a starting point to continue exploring other facets of the proposed problem. ; Esta investigación pretende aportar a la construcción de un marco teórico interpretativo alterno a la visión clásica hegemónica liberal de la inequidad en el acceso a las tecnologías en salud, en particular de la insulina, desde la perspectiva de la economía política crítica, sustentado en el enfoque del capitalismo cognitivo. Inicia explorando la inequidad en el acceso a la insulina en Colombia. Luego, analiza la producción, distribución, consumo y acumulación capitalista de la insulina durante la etapa del capitalismo industrial, desde su descubrimiento hasta su producción en masa, para adentrarse posteriormente, en igual análisis en la etapa del capitalismo cognitivo, abordando la transición del paradigma farmacoquímico al biotecnológico, para aproximarse a la comprensión de las dinámicas del cercamiento del conocimiento mediante el fortalecimiento de la propiedad intelectual, y a los actos de resistencia, entre ellos el biohacking, que entienden al conocimiento como un bien común. La emergencia de la biotecnología y de los medicamentos biotecnológicos entre ellos la insulina es el resultado de las profundas transformaciones del régimen de acumulación capitalista contemporáneo en las últimas cinco décadas, en donde el conocimiento, la expansión del capitalismo en el ámbito de la vida, la propiedad intelectual, y el cambio tecnológico han jugado un papel fundamental en la producción de estas nuevas tecnologías en salud, pero a la vez han generado profundas inequidades en su acceso. Los resultados aquí presentados no son un punto de llegada sino mejor, son un punto de partida para continuar explorando otras facetas del problema propuesto. (Texto tomado de la fuente). ; Colciencias (Minciencias) ; Doctorado ; Doctor en Salud Pública ; Colciencias (Minciencias) Convocatoria 617 de 2013 ; Hermenéutico interpretativo. ; Equidad y Determinación Social en Salud

This paper examines Decision Number 1033 B/Pdt.Sus-Arbt/2020 dated September 14, 2020 regarding a dispute over the cancellation of the arbitration award regarding the unilateral termination of the Legal Consultant Service Agreement for Appealing Surface Water Tax in the Tax Court between PT. Indonesia Asahahan Aluminum (Persero) as Defendant II with the Three Law Offices as Plaintiffs. The purpose of this study was to determine whether the Supreme Court's decision related to alleged criminal acts of deception and falsification of documents used in filing the cancellation of the arbitral award was in accordance with Law Number 30 of 1999 concerning Arbitration and Alternative Dispute Resolution. The results of the study indicate that the alleged crime of deceit and forgery of documents used in filing a lawsuit for the cancellation of the arbitral award (Analysis of Decision Number 1033 B/PDt.Sus-Arbt/2020) in its application is correct. The purpose of this study was to determine whether the Supreme Court's decision related to alleged criminal acts of deception and falsification of documents used in filing the cancellation of the arbitral award was in accordance with Law Number 30 of 1999 concerning Arbitration and Alternative Dispute Resolution. The research method used is a normative juridical method with an approach to relevant legislation and the object of study is the Supreme Court Decision Number 1033 B/Pdt.Sus-Arbt/2020 which is supported by secondary legal materials in the form of books, journals and other sources. The results of the study indicate that the alleged crime of deceit and forgery of documents used in filing a lawsuit for the cancellation of the arbitral award (Analysis of Decision Number 1033 B/PDt.Sus-Arbt/2020) in its application is correct. The Panel of Judges in their legal consideration of Decision Number 69/Pdt.G/2019/PN.Kis regarding article 70 of Law Number 30 of 1999 concerning Arbitration and Alternative Dispute Resolution only applies the argument of a ruse carried out by Defendant II but based on evidence- the evidence submitted by the plaintiff at the trial Plaintiff could not prove that Defendant II had done a trick so that the other arguments of the plaintiff were set aside and not considered. As stipulated in Article 72 paragraph (4) of Law Number 30 of 1999 concerning Arbitration and Alternative Dispute Resolution, it is regulated that the decision of the District Court can be appealed to the Supreme Court, but in the explanation of Article 72 paragraph (4) it is explained that what is meant by appeal is only against the decision to cancel the arbitration so that against the decision of the District Court which rejects the request for the cancellation of the arbitration award, there is no legal remedy available. Whereas the judex facti filed for an appeal in the a quo case is not in the form of annulment of the arbitration award but the cancellation of the decision of the District Court, therefore the appeal must be declared unacceptable.Keywords:Cancellation of Arbitration Award, Alleged Crime, Deception and Counterfeiting Document.

El presente artículo tiene por objetivo profundizar en el estudio de los Centros de Asistencia Social identificados en el territorio nacional como espacios de riesgo, en donde las violencias en contra de niñas, niños y adolescentes se expresaron bajo el manto de la invisibilidad y la impunidad, partiendo para su análisis del trazado de una georreferencia nacional y a la luz de la analítica del poder. El enfoque metodológico narrativo, soporta el proceso investigativo de carácter cualitativo, recurriendo al uso de técnicas orales, interactivas y escritas, que documentan las violencias ejercidas en contra de la niñez que se encuentra albergada en espacios de cuidado alternativo. Entre los hallazgos mas importantes se encuentra el desdibujamiento de niñas, niños y adolescentes que, por causas diversas, se convierten en responsabilidad gubernamental y se alojan en instituciones, la inoperancia estatal que recurre a la tecnología del poder de los "Derechos y el interés superior del niño" y la cosificación, mercantilización y desechabilidad que hace de algunos Centros de Asistencia Social, modelos masificantes de administración de vida y muerte. ; The purpose of this article is to deepen the study of the Social Assistance Centers identified in the national territory as spaces of risk, where violence against children and adolescents is expressed under the cloak of invisibility and impunity, based on the analysis of a national geo-referenced and in the light of the analytics of power. The narrative methodological approach supports the qualitative research process, resorting to the use of oral, interactive, and written techniques that document the violence exercised against children who are housed in alternative care spaces. Among the most important findings of the study is the blurring of children and adolescents who, for distinct reasons, become the responsibility of the government and are housed in institutions, the ineffectiveness of the state that resorts to the technology of the power of "Rights and the best interests of the child" and the commodification, commodification, and disposability that makes some Social Assistance Centers into mass models of life and death administration. ; O objetivo deste artigo é aprofundar o estudo dos Centros de Assistência Social identificados no território nacional como espaços de risco, onde a violência contra crianças e adolescentes é expressa sob o manto da invisibilidade e da impunidade, partindo para sua análise a partir do esboço de uma geo-referência nacional e à luz da análise do poder. A abordagem metodológica narrativa apóia o processo de pesquisa qualitativa, recorrendo ao uso de técnicas orais, interativas e escritas que documentam a violência exercida contra crianças que são abrigadas em espaços de cuidados alternativos. Entre as descobertas mais importantes estão o embaçamento de crianças e adolescentes que, por várias razões, tornam-se responsabilidade do governo e estão alojados em instituições, a ineficácia do Estado que recorre à tecnologia do poder dos "Direitos e o melhor interesse da criança" e a mercantilização, a mercantilização e o descarte que transforma alguns Centros de Assistência Social em modelos de massa para a administração da vida e da morte.