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A ZJER research article on the ideal socio-political education in nation building a multi-faceted society. ; The paper examines the crucial role of an ideal socio-political education in nation building in multi- racial and multi- ethnic societies, particularly with regards to the 'politics of the nation'. In particular, it argues that education is the nucleus of society and a perfect education builds a perfect society. The work among other things, argues for a proper education on the meaning o fa 'nation'. Rather than being used as an instrument of exclusion and discrimination, the concept of nation can be used positively to integrate and unite people regardless of cultural, ethnic, or racial differences. Nation building is only possible through a correct education, an education that is selfless, that overrides challenges brought about by racial and tribal differences by preaching the gospel of oneness of all people sharing a common territory they all call home.

AbstractOutcomes of armed conflict in Afghanistan and Iraq indicate that the U.S. has been unprepared to fully address problems related to establishing social and economic stability, security and governance in the aftermath of war. This is unfortunate, given that U.S. policy makers' nation‐building efforts to achieve stability, security and good governance in these nations do not reflect what they should already have learnt about organisational and institutional development from past experiences providing significant development assistance to highly unstable nations. Based on the analysis rendered in this article, 'smart practice' development administration in such nations comprises the following key points that link nation building to institutional/organisational development:

Nation building (creating new national sovereignty) is different from, and harder than, building government capacity (creating or strengthening institutions and organisations).
Given that building government capacity typically requires years of patient assistance and financing, it is better to build on existing indigenous institutions like the civil service and military.
The time and expense of development assistance to high security risk nations means that it is advisable to establish a multi‐lateral development assistance plan and a multi‐national, multi‐institutional framework for financing development to pay for all that is necessary over a long period of time (i.e. 20–50 years).
Policy makers should emphasise social stability and stable economic growth under self‐governance to prevent actual or perceived economic exploitation.
Policy makers' diplomatic efforts should secure accommodation of various stakeholders sufficient to permit compromise leading to formation of an independent government.
Where occupation appears necessary to achieve security and stability, policy makers should allocate enough troops and money to do the job, and accurately assess and report all costs of military occupation and nation building.
Once occupation has occurred, policy makers should not withdraw military support in a way that would increase the likelihood of civil war.
Premature withdrawal of security, economic and political support prior to the point where high security risk nations are capable of governing themselves will cause a power vacuum, and may result in fragmented regional leadership by warlords. Copyright © 2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Located at the meeting ground of North China, Mongolia, Central Asia, and Tibet, the province of Qinghai is one of the largest and poorest administrative regions in China. With the recent advent of the PRC's northwestern development project, Qinghai and its neighbors now figure prominently in the Chinese media. Yet contemporary Qinghai rests on complex historical foundations rooted in the province's multi-ethnic population, frontier geography, decades of dominance by Sino-Muslim militarists, and the Republican governments' (1912-1949) border defense and development policies. This dissertation will evaluate the methods through which Qinghai's government sought to control and develop its pastoral peripheries, including military force, agricultural colonization, and the development of modern education systems. It draws comparisons between the Muslim, agricultural center around the provincial capital and the Tibetan and Mongolian nomadic regions. This project's contribution lies not only in discussing an understudied frontier region, but also by connecting the issues of the transition from empire to nation, "warlords" and development, frontiers, and minority people who still inhabit the peripheries of this frontier Chinese province

This book explores the pivotal role that football played as part of Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos' national unity project centred on the peace process with the FARC. Football has huge political and social capital in Latin America, and has often been rhetorically deployed by governments for various ends; rarely, however, has football's power and potential been used in such a deliberate, strategic and active way towards a national peace process and targeted such enduring divisions that have historically impeded a sense of a united nation and national identity. Football in Colombia is understood popularly as one of the few things capable of uniting the country, a belief that Santos seized upon as the national team had a successful campaign in the 2014 World Cup. This first book on Colombian football in English explores previous iterations of football nationalism in the country, including the El Dorado and 'Narcofootball' eras, before analysing Santos' three-pronged strategy empowering professional and amateur football, including the use of political speeches and Twitter, legislation and public policy, and Sport for Development and Peace campaigns, with a particular focus on football in the FARC demobilisation and reincorporation camps following the historic peace agreement.

As the mid-nineteenth century "transportation revolution" reshaped the Atlantic word, its impact reached Italian shores. Transatlantic steamship projects in the Kingdom of Sardinia were part of that transformation; they also reflected and reinforced a new, positive attitude toward the Americas and, specifically, the United States, as well as US commercial policies toward Italy and Europe. Especially after 1848, this Atlantic reorientation of mental maps inside and outside political and economic circles in Turin and Genoa illustrated how the integration in the Atlantic space came to be seen as an opportunity in the pursuit of economic modernization and national unification. Finally, the tangle of interests and values surrounding transatlantic steamship navigation ultimately intersected with the Risorgimento in two major ways. First, thinking of "America" as an opportunity helped shape an idea of national identity based on exchange, more than antagonism, with the other. Second, transatlantic steamship, which was often see as an extension of the railway network, became part of the material process of nation building. The fiasco of the Compagnia Transatlantica (1852) exemplifies some of the discursive elements and structural limitations of Italian modernization.

1. Introduction: Exploring Swedish Adoption Desire -- 2. Race, Colonialism, Eugenics, and International Adoption in Sweden -- 3. From Flat-Packed Furniture to Fascism: Transracial Adoptees in Myths of Swedish Goodness -- 4. Eating the [M]Other: Consumption Fantasies in Swedish Adoption Narratives -- 5. "Too Brown to be Swedish, Too Swedish to be Anything Else": Mimicry and Menace in Swedish Adoption Narratives -- 6. Representation and Resistance: Challenging Swedish Adoption Desire -- 7. Conclusion.

"Though the Alps may appear to be a peaceful place, the famed mountains once provided the backdrop for a political, environmental, and cultural battle as Germany and Austria struggled to modernize. Tait Keller examines the mountains' threefold role in transforming the two countries, as people sought respite in the mountains, transformed and shaped them according to their needs, and over time began to view them as national symbols and icons of individualism" --