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A substantial number of studies suggests a strong relationship between education and aspects of political participation and interest. Only a small body of literature, however, addresses whether these patterns represent causal effects. We add to this research and re-examine the question in the German context. For identification, we exploit an exogenous increase in lower secondary compulsory schooling between 1949 and 1969 in former West Germany, and use data from the National Educational Panel Study (NEPS) to identify individuals' educational biographies more precisely than prior research. Our results reinforce findings from Siedler (2010): multiple regression analyses first indicate a positive, statistically significant correlation between schooling and our measures of political activities. IV estimates, however, are all trivial, for both compliers and the full sample, indicating that the reform did not stimulate long-term changes in political participation and interest.

A substantial number of studies suggests a strong relationship between education and aspects of political participation and interest. Only a small body of literature, however, addresses whether these patterns represent causal effects. We add to this research and re-examine the question in the German context. For identification, we exploit an exogenous increase in lower secondary compulsory schooling between 1949 and 1969 in former West Germany, and use data from the National Educational Panel Study (NEPS) to identify individuals' educational biographies more precisely than prior research. Our results reinforce findings from Siedler (2010): multiple regression analyses first indicate a positive, statistically significant correlation between schooling and our measures of political activities. IV estimates, however, are all trivial, for both compliers and the full sample, indicating that the reform did not stimulate longterm changes in political participation and interest.

This entry has been realised in the framework of the H2020-MSCA-RISE-2018 project "LoGov - Local Government and the Changing Urban-Rural Interplay". LoGov aims to provide solutions for local governments that address the fundamental challenges resulting from urbanisation. To address this complex issue, 18 partners from 17 countries and six continents share their expertise and knowledge in the realms of public law, political science, and public administration. LoGov identifies, evaluates, compares, and shares innovative practices that cope with the impact of changing urban-rural relations in five major local government areas: (1) local responsibilities and public services, (2) local financial arrangements, (3) structure of local government, (4) intergovernmental relations of local governments, and (5) people's participation in local decision-making. The present entry addresses people's participation in local decision-making in Ethiopia. The entry forms part of the LoGov Report on Ethiopia. To access the full version of the report on Ethiopia, other practices regarding people's participation in local decision-making and to receive more information about the project, please visit: https://www.logov-rise.eu/. This project has received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under the Marie Skłodowska-Curie grant agreement No 823961.

Political participation one of the important factor of empowerment and creates awareness among females about their rights in a society. The current study was carried out on "The role of political participationinwomen's empowerment at Charsadda, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa".sample size for the data collection was 200 respondents. Data were collected from 200 respondents while applying the criteria designed by Sekaran, aging of the respondents (15-49) who were belonging to two union councils: Behlola and Mohammad Nari of district Charsadda through simple random sampling technique. The interview schedule was used for the data collection. Structured and semi-structured questions were included in the interview schedule. After collection, the data were processed through SPSS and tabulated as well as presented in percentages and frequencies for better understanding. Chi-square test was used for measuring the association between independent variable and dependent variables. The study findings suggested that change in female formal literacy can transfer about better awareness and self-confidence. The study also recommends the significant involvement of government and non-government agencies for activating women clusters, as well as increasing women awareness level, political participation awareness, and learning skills. The study findings suggested that a woman leader can better empower women in the future, as well as a female candidate, can better solve their problems as compared to male.

The paper is based on a study conducted from Feb 2004 to Dec 2004 in three Districts of Assam. Namely Sonitpur, Cachar and Nalbari, covering 16 villages, and 12 panchayats (coming under some of the worst flood affected blocks of Assam) to find out about the Participation of women in Local self governance in Assam. The study highlights gross unawareness and misconceptions regarding the Panchayat raj institution and 73rd amendment, and strongly recommends sensitization, training, and capacity building of both men and women alike as the primary step in any endeavor to implement these democratic measures, through a empirical study of rural Assam. Samples cut across three categories of Women. Namely, Elected women General women and Women Panchayat leaders. Adapted from the source document.

The Belgian emigrants' political participation in home country politics is an issue that has undergone several important developments since the end of the 1990s but has surprisingly been subject to very little research. The absence of the issue of emigration from the Belgian political agenda combined with the limited engagement of this population with the home country thus stands for the absence of research on the topic. The lack of academic interest, in turn, has favoured the development of two major stereotypes in Belgium with respect to the political preferences of citizens residing abroad. One is that the Belgian population abroad would tend to be more favourable to right-wing parties than the average Belgian citizens. This stereotype has long explained why the Francophone liberal party (PRL later called MR) has been most active in supporting the enfranchisement of citizens abroad for legislative elections. The second stereotype, to which we will devote most of our attention in this article, supposes that Belgians abroad would be unaffected by the political tensions opposing Flemish and Francophone political parties in Belgium over the past decade. Despite the fact that over the past forty years Belgian politics have been increasingly dominated by the ethnic tension between Flemings and Francophones, the stereotype that Belgians abroad would be unaffected by these developments has remained. The idea that the evolution towards greater regional autonomy defended by political parties (with more intensity in Flanders than in French-speaking Belgium) would not find echo among Belgians abroad is thus very prevalent and is still frequently propagated by the press. In this article, I however question this idea that the political opinions of Belgians abroad would be unaffected by the evolution of the ethnic conflict between Flemings and Francophones and argue instead that the evolution of the ethnic conflict has led to the parallel division of the Belgian political opinion abroad. Belgian emigrants are not more supportive of the Belgian unitary state model than Belgian citizens residing in Belgium. To support this argument, I will proceed to the following analysis. After a brief presentation of the socio-demographic profile of the Belgian emigrant population, I first proceed to a discussion on the creation of the two main Belgian emigrant associations to demonstrate how the tension between Flemings and Francophones was a crucial variable in the creation and development of these organizations. Second, I discuss the adoption of the two external voting laws to illustrate how the anticipated impact of emigrant voters has steered controversies on the territorial border between Flemish and French-speaking areas of Belgium. This situation, I argue, has contributed to further the distinction between Flemish and French-speaking Belgians abroad. Third, comparing the evolution of national legislative elections in 2003, 2007 and 2010, I argue that the success of Flemish nationalist parties in Flanders has followed a similar pattern among Flemish voters abroad. ; Peer reviewed

Prior research suggests social ties with undocumented immigrants among Latinxs may increase political engagement despite constraints undocumented social networks may introduce. We build on prior research and find across six surveys of Latinxs that social ties with undocumented immigrants are reliably associated with collective, identity expressive activities such as protesting, but not activities where immigration may not be immediately relevant, such as voting. Moreover, we assess a series of mechanisms to resolve the puzzle of heightened participation despite constraints. Consistent with prior research at the intersection of anti-immigrant threat and Social Identity Theory, we find Latinxs with strong ethnic identification are more likely to engage in political protest in the presence of social ties with undocumented immigrants, whereas weak identifiers disengage. We rule out alternative mechanisms that could link undocumented social ties with participation including political efficacy, a sense of injustice, linked fate, acculturation, outgroup perceptions of immigration status, partisan identity, conducive opportunity structures, and prosociality. Our contribution suggests the reason social ties with undocumented immigrants are not necessarily a hindrance to political engagement among Latinx immigrants and their co-ethnics is because they can draw from identitarian resources to overcome participatory constraints.

This paper takes into account the exceptionality of the socio-economic characteristics (age, income, education, marital status, occupation) of female participation in politics through the use of indigenous communication. The theory was laid on democratic-participant theory. Four communities were selected in Lagos and Ogun states. Survey design, Focus Group Discussion (FGD) and in-depth interviews (IDI) were adopted to generate both quantitative and qualitative data for the study. Structured and semi structured copies of the questionnaire were administered on 800 purposively selected respondents but only 775 copies of the questionnaire were used for analysis. Four (4) focus group discussions, made up of 8 purposively selected discussants each took place in four communities. Four purposively selected participants took part in the in-depth interviews. The quantitative data were presented in tables and analysed, using percentage counts, and cross tabulation. Mean and standard deviation were used for ranking of the perception of women on the role of indigenous communication in politics. The qualitative data, on the other hand, were transcribed and analysed, adopting the constant comparative technique and thematic approach. From the findings, young women participate more in politics. On age distribution, respondents were analysed and the result reveals that 40%, were between 26-35 years, only 8.2%, were over 55 years. The age distribution reveals that over 70% of the respondents were young women. Most of the respondents in this research were between 18 and 35. Recommendation were made among others that since young female participate more in politics, leaders in the community should devise more activities to promote the participation of young women and involve them in the preparation, organisation and evaluation of such activities.

This paper takes into account the exceptionality of the socio-economic characteristics (age, income, education, marital status, occupation) of female participation in politics through the use of indigenous communication. The theory was laid on democratic-participant theory. Four communities were selected in Lagos and Ogun states. Survey design, Focus Group Discussion (FGD) and in-depth interviews (IDI) were adopted to generate both quantitative and qualitative data for the study. Structured and semi structured copies of the questionnaire were administered on 800 purposively selected respondents but only 775 copies of the questionnaire were used for analysis. Four (4) focus group discussions, made up of 8 purposively selected discussants each took place in four communities. Four purposively selected participants took part in the in-depth interviews. The quantitative data were presented in tables and analysed, using percentage counts, and cross tabulation. Mean and standard deviation were used for ranking of the perception of women on the role of indigenous communication in politics. The qualitative data, on the other hand, were transcribed and analysed, adopting the constant comparative technique and thematic approach. From the findings, young women participate more in politics. On age distribution, respondents were analysed and the result reveals that 40%, were between 26-35 years, only 8.2%, were over 55 years. The age distribution reveals that over 70% of the respondents were young women. Most of the respondents in this research were between 18 and 35. Recommendation were made among others that since young female participate more in politics, leaders in the community should devise more activities to promote the participation of young women and involve them in the preparation, organisation and evaluation of such activities.

Black America in 1970 was weary and frustrated. Old targets of its assaults on racial injustice were becoming more elusive and were changing their shapes through disguises. Demonstrations for pure civil rights causes resulted in fewer concessions. Charismatic black leaders, once able to stir the national conscience almost at will, had gone to the mountaintop. Riots had proved ruinous. Rhetoric was boring. The voices of old allies were raised in eulogy of "the movement."Cynicism enveloped black America like a fog, so sure were blacks that they had been placed near the bottom of the list of national priorities. For blacks knew that their aspirations remained unfulfilled, and they knew that minority participation in the affairs of the nation was still circumscribed by a variety of hostile forces. Not the least of the latter was the notion in white America that judicial pronouncements and legislation of the sixties had lifted the black man's burden; that it was time to back away from black programs and turn with some urgency to "business as usual."

This article discusses how associational membership can compensate for that lack of opportunities and motivation necessary for political participation that unemployment usually provokes. We investigate such a moderator effect of associational membership by means of a CATI survey of young people realized in two different cities: Turin in Italy and Kielce in Poland. The survey was part of a larger research on youth unemployment funded by the EU FP7 program (Younex). We propose an exploratory analysis allowing us to assess at a low level of abstraction and through a local level comparison, how far associational membership performs even across different contexts as a promoter of political engagement of a specific group of young, deprived, individuals.