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"American Pragmatism in Foreign Policy Analysis" published on by Oxford University Press.

Переход к Новому времени характеризуется возникновением и развитием культуры резиденций правителей. Благодаря использованию конструктивистского подхода к изучению политического пространства царских загородных резиденций XVII в. удалось установить, что верховная власть была заинтересована в иерархизированном представительстве всех социальных групп, тотализации иерархической структуры, подчеркивающей ее связность, единство и целостность, наделении политической субъектностью исключительно царя. Успех конструирования политического пространства зависел не только от использования нормативных, социальных, пространственных и иных способов организации межличностных отношений, но и от формирования в отсутствие государя политического пространства, имитирующего подлинное политическое пространство и точно определяющего все позиции внутри иерархической структуры, в том числе и самого государя. ; The transition to Modernity was characterized by the emergence and development of the culture of sovereigns' residences. The constructivist approach to the study of the political space of the tsar country residences of the 17th century allow to establish that the sovereign was interested 1) in a hierarchic representation of all social groups, 2) in totalizing a hierarchical structure, underlining its coherence, unity and integrity, 3) that only tsar was endowed by political subjectivity. The success of the construction of political space was depended not only by the use of legal, social, spatial and other ways of organizing interaction, but also by the formation of political space (in the absence of the sovereign) that simulates a real political space and specifies all the positions within the hierarchical structure, including the tsar.

Статья посвящена развитию современной политики конструирования идентичности Японии, которая активно обращается к практике конструирования собственного образа в межгосударственных отношениях с ХIХ в., когда произошло окончание политики изоляции. В настоящее время можно говорить об институционализации данного явления переходе к организованным структурам и официальной регламентации политики конструирования идентичности. Активизация усилий в области японской традиционной и популярной культуры, образования и творческого контента привела к появлению ряда институтов (фондов, агентств, общественных организаций) в сфере формирования образа Японии на международной арене, изменению представлений о роли культуры во внешней политике в документах японских Министерства иностранных дел, Министерства экономики, торговли и промышленности, Министерства транспорта и туризма, а также реализации ряда проектов, направленных на формирование представлений о современной Японии за рубежом, для решения ряда внешнеполитических задач в будущем и развития экономического сотрудничества. ; The article is devoted to the development of the modern politics of identity construction in Japan, which actively refers to the practice of designing self-image in international relations. This trend dates back to the 19th century, when there was the end of Sakoku (Japan's policy of isolation). It is now possible to talk about the institutionalization of the identity construction policy to organized structures and regulations. Enhanced efforts in the field of Japanese traditional and popular culture, education and creative content has led to a n umber of institutions appearance (like Japan Foundation Fund, Japan Creative Agency, Japan Culture Fund, Agency for Cultural Affairs, Cool Japan Fund, Japan brand Fund) and changing idea about the role of culture in foreign policy realization (it is fixed the documents of the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism, the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry), as well as a number of projects (Cool Japan, Visit Japan, Japan Culture Power, Japan Manga Awards, Kawaii Ambassadors, Cosplay International Fest and etc.). These efforts are aimed at forming Japan identity abroad to solve a number of foreign policy challenges of the future and the development of economic cooperation. The Japanese government nearest plans is to increase funding in order to create a positive image of Japan in the region of East Asia. All of these allows us to speak about the policy of the Japanese construction of identity as an institutionalized process in which there was clearance of organizations and regulatory activities.

Na przełomie XX i XXI wieku za dominujące podejście w badaniach tożsamości narodowej można uznać krytyczną analizę dyskursu (critical discourse analysis - CDA), zakładającą, że naród jest wyobrażalnym społeczeństwem utrzymywanym w sposób dyskursywny. Trzeba ponadto dodać, iż CDA łamie dotychczasowe wyobrażenie o dychotomii między narodami politycznymi a kulturalnymi, ponieważ uważa, że jest ona konstruktem zbudowanym przez rywalizujące partie narodowe. Jeżeli większość badaczy wykorzystujących CDA ogranicza swoje podejścia do nowoczesnego kontekstu XX wieku, należy postawić pytanie, czy i w jakim stopniu można stosować owe metody w badaniach przednowoczesnych tożsamości narodowych. Wyjaśnienie tej kwestii należy uznać za główny cel niniejszej pracy. Jako odpowiedni przykład wybrano polski naród szlachecki, gdyż jego elity zmuszone były do refleksji nie tylko nad utratą własnej państwowości i z nią związanej kwestii przyszłego rozwoju, lecz także nad przyczynami własnego niepowodzenia. Analiza starć pomiędzy konserwatywnymi interpretacjami narodu w XIX wieku powinna bowiem rozstrzygnąć, kto był przez ich pryzmat uważany za Polaka oraz w jakim stopniu owa tożsamość narodowa wywodziła się ze wzorców ideologicznych i dyskursywnych. ; Critical discourse analysis (CDA) can be considered the contemporary, dominant approach to the study of national identity, which presupposes that a nation is an imagined community which is produced and reproduced discursively. Moreover, CDA denies the traditional dichotomy between political and cultural nations, which is viewed solely as a purpose-built consequence of power. With regard to the fact that most researchers who use CDA limit their approaches to the modern context of the 20th century, it is desirable to ask to what extent one can apply methods of CDA to pre-modern national identities. The clarification of this issue should be deemed the main aim of this study, which holds that the Polish aristocratic nation is a convenient case for this kind of research, because its elites had to reflect not only the loss of statehood, and thus the programme of future desired development, but also the causes of previous failure. The analysis of the conflicts between conservative national attitudes during the 19th century should therefore define who was considered a Pole and to what extent national identity was based on ideological and discursive assumptions.

This dissertation presents a history of the development of abstract art in the 1920s and 1930s, the period of its expansion and consolidation as an identifiable movement and practice of art. I argue that the emergence of the category of abstract art in the 1920s is grounded in a voluntaristic impulse to remake the world. I argue that the consolidation of abstract art as a movement emerged out of the Parisian reception of a new Soviet art practice that contained a political impetus that was subsequently obscured as this moment passed. The occultation of this historical context laid the groundwork for the postwar "multiplication" of the meanings of abstraction, and the later tendency to associate its early programmatic aspirations with a more apolitical mysticism.Abstraction has a long and varied history as both a conceptual-aesthetic practice and as an ideal. In the first chapter, I provide a conceptual overview of the terms used by abstract artists and their contemporaries, as well as provide a historicization of the meaning of pure abstraction in terms of the relationship of modernism to its own eighteenth century beginnings and antiquity. The second chapter focuses on the "Soviet moment" of pure abstraction by looking at the Soviet contributions—primarily Konstantin Melnikov's pavilion—to the 1925 Exposition International des Arts Décoratifs et Modernes in Paris and their enthusiastic reception. The third chapter continues the examination of pure abstraction but in the context of the Parisian art world. It begins with an examination of the L'Art d'Au'jourd'hui exhibit of December 1925 and the two paintings Mondrian contributed to it. I seek to demonstrate that while Mondrian's practice cannot be assimilated to the revolutionary aesthetics of the previous chapter, it was, nevertheless fundamentally connected to a certain vision of capitalism as a problem of everyday life. I argue that it is within the historical context of a dialectic between a "Soviet moment" and a Parisian experience of daily life that the rise and fall of pure abstraction should be understood. In the final chapter, I present the work of Jean Hélion, a young, committed French painter, whose trajectory from geometric to figural abstraction provides an understanding of the aesthetic and political impasses, as well as defeats, of the period, a case that casts an unsettling light on the entire adventure of pure abstraction.

Critical discourse analysis (CDA) can be considered the contemporary, dominant approach to the study of national identity, which presupposes that a nation is an imagined community which is produced and reproduced discursively. Moreover, CDA denies the traditional dichotomy between political and cultural nations, which is viewed solely as a purpose-built consequence of power. With regard to the fact that most researchers who use CDA limit their approaches to the modern context of the 20th century, it is desirable to ask to what extent one can apply methods of CDA to pre-modern national identities. The clarification of this issue should be deemed the main aim of this study, which holds that the Polish aristocratic nation is a convenient case for this kind of research, because its elites had to reflect not only the loss of statehood, and thus the programme of future desired development, but also the causes of previous failure. The analysis of the conflicts between conservative national attitudes during the 19th century should therefore define who was considered a Pole and to what extent national identity was based on ideological and discursive assumptions. ; Na przełomie XX i XXI wieku za dominujące podejście w badaniach tożsamości narodowej można uznać krytyczną analizę dyskursu (critical discourse analysis – CDA), zakładającą, że naród jest wyobrażalnym społeczeństwem utrzymywanym w sposób dyskursywny. Trzeba ponadto dodać, iż CDA łamie dotychczasowe wyobrażenie o dychotomii między narodami politycznymi a kulturalnymi, ponieważ uważa, że jest ona konstruktem zbudowanym przez rywalizujące partie narodowe. Jeżeli większość badaczy wykorzystujących CDA ogranicza swoje podejścia do nowoczesnego kontekstu XX wieku, należy postawić pytanie, czy i w jakim stopniu można stosować owe metody w badaniach przednowoczesnych tożsamości narodowych. Wyjaśnienie tej kwestii należy uznać za główny cel niniejszej pracy. Jako odpowiedni przykład wybrano polski naród szlachecki, gdyż jego elity zmuszone były do refleksji nie tylko nad utratą własnej państwowości i z nią związanej kwestii przyszłego rozwoju, lecz także nad przyczynami własnego niepowodzenia. Analiza starć pomiędzy konserwatywnymi interpretacjami narodu w XIX wieku powinna bowiem rozstrzygnąć, kto był przez ich pryzmat uważany za Polaka oraz w jakim stopniu owa tożsamość narodowa wywodziła się ze wzorców ideologicznych i dyskursywnych.

Bu çalışma, Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi dönemi Türk dış politikasında medeniyet söylemini analiz etmek ve bu söylemin yumuşak güç unsuru olarak nasıl kullanıldığını incelemek için yapılmıştır. Tezde konstrüktivist bir yaklaşım sergilenmiş, medeniyet söylemi dış politika konuşma metinleri temel alınarak incelenmiştir. İncelenen metinler 2002-2014 yılları arasında görev yapmış dışişleri bakanları, Başbakan Recep Tayyip Erdoğan ve Cumhurbaşkanı Abdullah Gül'ün konuşmalarını kapsamaktadır. Tezde ortaya atılan temel iddia, Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi dönemi Türk dış politikasında, medeniyet söyleminin bir yumuşak güç unsuru olarak kullanıldığıdır. Ayrıca medeniyet söyleminin incelenmesiyle bu dönemdeki Türk dış politikasının anlaşılabileceği ve anlamlandırılabileceğidir. ; The aim of this work is to analyse civilization discourse in Turkish Foreign Policy during the period of the Justice and Development Party and investigate how this discourse was used as a tool of soft power. In this thesis, a constructivist approach was used to analyse foreign policy speeches in text form. The speeches addressed in this thesis were speeches given by the Foreign Minister, Prime Minister Erdoğan, and President Gül. This thesis states that civilization discourse was used as a tool of soft power in Turkish Foreign Policy. Furthermore, Turkish Foreign Policy during the AK Party era can be understood through civilization discourse.

Современные адепты эпистемологического конструктивизма, опираясь на онтологические идеи
Дж. Беркли и используя методологию софистики и диалектики, утверждают, что именно И. Кант
является основоположником этого философского направления. В статье сравниваются идеи ак-
тивности субъекта, высказанные И. Кантом, с субъективистскими воззрениями современных кон-
структивистов. Авторы приходят к заключению, что активность познающего субъекта, его позна-
вательная деятельность в гносеологии И. Канта не имеет ничего общего с исходными (субъекти-
вистскими) установками конструктивистов. Современная философия конструктивизма, вопло-
щенная в психологизме и телесном подходе, не имеет ничего существенно общего с гносеологиче-
скими идеями И. Канта. Ведь именно И. Кант вывел философию из того гносеологического тупи-
ка, в который она зашла в работах эмпириков-сенсуалистов, субъективных идеалистов и рациона-
листов – настоящих предшественников современного (постмодернового) конструктивизма.
Ключевые слова: конструктивизм в эпистемологии, Кант, Беркли, истина.

Aims: Despite many efforts by support groups, mental health professionals and health care policy-makers, a stigmatization of psychiatry as a specialty and of mentally ill people is still prevalent in the general population. Earlier studies have shown that the stigma is prevalent even among psychiatric professionals and students of medicine and psychology. However, past studies on this issue often used questionnaires with a limited validity. Also questionnaires do not necessarily allow a neutral assessment of the underlying concepts of the student. Methods: In this study 133 students were asked to create mind maps on psychiatry. Results: In a systematic evaluation (based on a consensus of psychiatric concepts) of 1353 concepts we found non-specific associations (N = 431) and five main categories: (i) illness scirpts (n = 487); (ii) therapeutic concepts (n = 241), (iii) and (iv) stigma and forensic psychiatry (81 mentions each); and (v) psychopathology (n = 32). Stigma-associated negative concepts were more prevalent than positive connotations. Conclusions: Overall, it was shown that mind maps can be used with ease and quantified according to constructivist learning theory to explore disease concepts without the need for predefined or poorly validated questionnaires. ; Zielsetzung: Trotz vieler Bemühungen, u. a. von Selbsthilfegruppen, der Fachgesellschaft und der Gesundheitspolitik gibt es in der Allgemeinbevölkerung immer noch eine Stigmatisierung der Psychiatrie als Fachgebiet. Frühere Untersuchungen zeigten, dass auch in der Psychiatrie tätige Menschen und Studierende der Medizin und Psychologie stigmatisierenden Äußerungen zustimmen. Zur genaueren Betrachtung wurden in der Vergangenheit jedoch meist Fragebögen verwendet, die eine begrenzte Validität haben und nicht zwangsläufig eine neutrale Beurteilung der zugrundeliegenden Konzepte der Studierenden erlauben.Methodik: In der vorliegenden Studie wurden 133 Studierende gebeten, Mind-Maps zum Thema Psychiatrie zu erstellen. Ergebnisse: In der systematischen ...

Noah Feldman has emerged as one of the most serious and thoughtful contributors to U.S. strategy in the age of terrorism and counterterrorism. Professor Feldman spent a good chunk of 2003 in Baghdad as a constitutional advisor to the Iraqi Governing Council, which was established under the occupation government of Ambassador Paul Bremer. Since then, Feldman has become an important commentator on U.S. policy in Iraq. Many young political operatives cycled through Iraq in 2003 and 2004, but Feldman was unusually well qualified for his position. He holds a degree in Islamic thought, speaks fluent Arabic, and specializes in the constitutional status of religion. Before the Iraq invasion, he was already at work on his first book, After Jihad, a brief for the compatibility of Islam and democracy and the importance of promoting democratic reform in Muslim countries. He also distinguished himself from his contemporaries in Iraq as a self-described political liberal in an occupation government with a distinctly rightward tilt. Feldman is one of few liberals working to develop a robust and principled foreign policy that can respond to the challenge of terrorism, the rumblings of conflict between civilizations, and the quandaries of "promoting democracy" and "building nations." Despite intermittent calls for a new, progresssive foreign policy, the most recent presidential race amply demonstrated that liberals have mostly ceded the terrain of "democratic change" to conservatives and neoconservatives who formulate and pursue a newly aggressive foreign policy.