Suchergebnisse

Rio de Janeiro's hosting of the World Cup 2014 and the Olympics Games 2016, is the consecration of the "attractive city" strategy, which is based on the triplet organization of mega-events, dynamic economic context and circumstantial alignment between the three levels of Government. This neoliberal policy and governance related to the construction of the urban space implies a reconfiguration of coalitions of historical actors present in the circuit of urban accumulation. Rio's urban renewal aims to link this city to the global circuit of cities competition, but also to evade from its path of economic and political decay, which began in the 1980s. In official statements, the ongoing urban transformations meet the requirements of the "Olympic city" and generate positive impacts for local and metropolitan inhabitants. In this context, investments in mobility infrastructure are the most meaningful, both in financial and impacts on urban space terms. This leads the government rhetoric of a "transport revolution", able to solve the urban mobility city crisis, clearly attached to processes of urban segregation and exclusion. The object of this thesis is to evaluate, through a multiscale analysis, which includes metropolitan, municipal and intra-urban dimensions, the various impacts of transportation projects on social and spatial justice in Rio de Janeiro. Then, based on justice theories applied to Geography, a multicriteria analytic model of justice is constructed, to assess the impact of transportation projects on terms of demand satisfaction and the effects on other processes such as expropriations and land speculation. The qualitative methodology (semi-structured interviews and field observation), along with the multicriteria framework of justice, allowed the identification of the various groups of conflicting actors in the constitution of the "attractive city" and, among them, those who "win" and those who "lose". The results indicate that the impact of the "transport revolution" in Rio de Janeiro, for the 2014 World Cup and 2016 Olympic Games, causes shifts that tear down neither the Brazilian road mobility model, nor the neoliberal's city segregation rationale. Change everything in order to nothing change? ; L'accueil de la coupe du Monde 2014 et des JO 2016 à Rio de Janeiro représente la consécration d'une stratégie de construction de ville attractive qui se base sur l'organisation de méga-événements, un contexte économique favorable et une entente conjoncturelle entre les différents niveaux de gouvernement brésiliens. Cette politique néolibérale de fabrique et de gouvernance de l'espace urbain – impliquant une nouvelle reconfiguration des coalitions d'acteurs historiquement présents dans le circuit de l'accumulation urbain – se fonde sur la rénovation de la ville de Rio dans le but de l'insérer dans la compétition internationale des villes, mais aussi pour échapper, sur le plan national, à sa trajectoire de décadence sur fond de crise économique et politique (qui débuta dans les années 1970-1980). Dans les discours officiels, les transformations urbaines à l'œuvre répondent aux besoins de la « ville olympique » tout en provoquant des impacts positifs pour les habitants de la ville (et par conséquent pour ceux de la région métropolitaine). Dans ce contexte, les investissements en infrastructures de mobilité sont les plus importants, en termes de montants investis et d'impacts sur l'espace urbain, amenant les pouvoirs publics à parler d'une « révolution des transports » capable de résoudre la crise de la mobilité qui aggrave les processus de ségrégation et d'exclusion urbaine. L'objectif de cette thèse est d'évaluer, à travers une analyse multi-scalaire, c'est-à-dire les échelles métropolitaine, municipale et intra-municipales), les impacts différenciés des projets de transport sur la justice socio-spatiale à Rio de Janeiro. Outre une mise en perspective des différents projets et composantes de la « révolution des transports » et de leurs effets sur les dynamiques urbaines, il s'agit d'appliquer différents critères de justice à l'analyse géographique pour proposer une évaluation complexe des impacts des projets de transport, qu'ils portent sur la satisfaction de la demande en termes de capacité et de qualité, ou sur des externalités dépassant ceux de la mobilité (expropriations d'habitants, spéculation immobilière, etc.). La méthodologie qualitative (observation de terrain et entretiens semi-directifs) combinée à cette grille de lecture multicritère de la justice permet de d'appréhender les effets à différentes échelles, de repérer les divers groupes d'acteurs en conflit dans ce contexte de ville attractive et d'identifier quels sont les gagnants et les perdants de cette stratégie urbaine. Finalement, les impacts de la « révolution des transports » provoquent des changements qui n'impliquent pas de rupture réelle, ni avec le modèle routier de mobilité ni avec les logiques de ségrégation de la ville néolibérale. Tout changer pour que rien ne change ?

The provision of electronic participation services (e-participation) is a complex socio-technical undertaking that needs comprehensive design and implementation strategies. E-participation service providers, in the most cases administrations and governments, struggle with changing requirements that demand more transparency, better connectivity and increased collaboration among different actors. At the same time, less staff are available. As a result, recent research assesses only a minority of e-participation services as successful. The challenge is that the e-participation domain lacks comprehensive approaches to design and implement (e-)participation services. Enterprise Architecture (EA) frameworks have evolved in information systems research as an approach to guide the development of complex socio-technical systems. This approach can guide the design and implementation services, if the collection of organisations with the commonly held goal to provide participation services is understood as an E Participation Enterprise (EE). However, research & practice in the e participation domain has not yet exploited EA frameworks. Consequently, the problem scope that motivates this dissertation is the existing gap in research to deploy EA frameworks in e participation design and implementation. The research question that drives this research is: What methodical and technical guides do architecture frameworks provide that can be used to design and implement better and successful e participation? This dissertation presents a literature study showing that existing approaches have not covered yet the challenges of comprehensive e participation design and implementation. Accordingly, the research moves on to investigate established EA frameworks such as the Zachman Framework, TOGAF, the DoDAF, the FEA, the ARIS, and the ArchiMate for their use. While the application of these frameworks in e participation design and implementation is possible, an integrated approach is lacking so far. The synthesis of literature review and practical insights in design and implementation of e participation services from four projects show the challenges of adapting architecture frameworks for this domain. However, the research shows also the potential of a combination of the different approaches. Consequently, the research moves on to develop the E-Participation Architecture Framework (EPART-Framework). Therefore, the dissertation applies design science research including literature review and action research. Two independent settings test an initial EPART-Framework version. The results yield into the EPART-Framework presented in this dissertation. The EPART-Framework comprises of the EPART-Metamodel with six EPART-Viewpoints, which frame the stakeholder concerns: the Participation Scope, the Participant Viewpoint, the Participation Viewpoint, the Data & Information Viewpoint, the E-participation Viewpoint, and Implementation & Governance Viewpoint. The EPART-Method supports the stakeholders to design the EE and implement e participation and stores its output in an architecture description and a solution repository. It consists of five consecutive phases accompanied by requirements management: Initiation, Design, Implementation and Preparation, Participation, and Evaluation. The EPART-Framework fills the gap between the e participation domain and the enterprise architecture framework domain. The evaluation gives reasonable evidence that the framework is a valuable addition in academia and in practice to improve e-participation design and implementation. The same time, it shows opportunities for future research to extend and advance the framework. ; Die Bereitstellung elektronischer Beteiligungsverfahren (E-Partizipation) ist ein komplexes sozio-technisches Unterfangen, das eine sorgfältige Vorgehensweise erfordert. Die Herausforderung ist, dass Regierungen oder Kommunalverwaltungen, als häufigste Anbieter, bei der ganzheitlichen Planung und Umsetzung nur unzureichend unterstützt werden. Infolgedessen beschreibt die Literatur nur wenige E-Partizipationsangebote als erfolgreich. Die Wirtschaftsinformatik entwickelte das Konzept der Enterprise Architectures um die Entwicklung komplexer sozio-technischer Systeme zu unterstützen. Versteht man die Gruppe an Organisationen, die E-Partizipationsverfahren bereitstellt nun als Enterprise, so können die Prinzipien von Enterprise Architectures angewendet werden. Nichtsdestotrotz wurde dieser Ansatz in der E-Partizipationspraxis und –Forschung bisher kaum beachtet. Motiviert durch diese Forschungslücke, untersucht die Dissertation bestehende Ansätze aus der E-Partizipationspraxis und –Forschung auf Besonderheiten und Schwachstellen, um anschließend den Nutzen bestehender Rahmenwerke für Enterprise Architectures im Kontext von E-Partizipation zu analysieren. Die Literaturstudie überprüft sowohl konzeptionelle als auch prozedurale Ansätze aus Praxis und Wissenschaft auf ihre Ganzheitlichkeit und identifiziert die Herausforderungen. Im Rahmen von vier Projekten wird das Vorgehen beim Entwurf und der Umsetzung von elektronisch unterstützten Beteiligungsverfahren dokumentiert und ausgewertet sowie Verbesserungspotenziale aufgezeigt. Enterprise Architecture Frameworks (Zachman Framework, TOGAF, DoDAF, FEA, ARIS, und ArchiMate) werden auf Anforderungen und Nützlichkeit für E-Partizipation untersucht. Die Ergebnisse zeigen die Herausforderungen bei der Übernahme existierender Enterprise Architecture Frameworks, aber auch das Potential einer Kombination aus speziellen Ansätzen für E-Partizipation mit Enterprise Architectures auf. Folglich ist das Ziel der weiteren Forschung die Entwicklung eines Architekturrahmenwerks für E-Partizipation. Die vorliegende Dissertation führt die Ergebnisse der Literaturstudien und Aktionsforschung zusammen und wendet dementsprechend Konstruktionsforschung (Design Science Research) bei der Entwicklung des E-Participation Architecture Framework (EPART-Framework) an. Die initiale Version dieses Rahmenwerks wird in zwei unterschiedlichen Umgebungen angewandt und getestet. Die Erkenntnisse führen zu dem EPART-Framework, das in dieser Dissertation vorgestellt wird. Es besteht aus dem EPART-Metamodel, das E Partizipation aus sechs verschiedenen Perspektiven unterschiedlicher Akteure (den sog. EPART-Viewpoints) betrachtet. Die EPART-Method unterstützt den Entwurf und die Umsetzung von E-Partizipation mit Hilfe des EPART-Frameworks. Sie beschreibt fünf, durch Anforderungsmanagement begleitete, Phasen: Initiierung, Entwurf, Umsetzung, Partizipation und Evaluation. Die Ergebnisse während diesen Phasen werden in der Architekturbeschreibung (Architecture Description) und dem Solution Repository gespeichert. Das finale EPART-Framework wird im Rahmen der Arbeit evaluiert, um Empfehlungen für die Anwendung sowie weiteren Forschungsbedarf aufzuzeigen. Die Ergebnisse geben Grund zur Annahme, dass das EPART-Framework die Lücke zwischen E-Partizipation und Enterprise Architectures füllt und Forschung und Praxis in dem Feld wertvoll ergänzt.

Un pays qui ne contrôle pas sa monnaie et son système financier, ne contrôle pas son économie et en conséquence sa sécurité économique. La monnaie est un outil important pour la gestion macroéconomique d'un pays. Une politique monétaire crédible ne sera menée au Congo que quand d'une part il ne sera pas rétabli la confiance au gouvernement sur toute l'étendue du pays c'est-àdire sa gouvernance ne sera pas reconnue, d'autre part le franc congolais n'aura pas été reconnue dans l'économie nationale comme une monnaie crédible et légitime dans tout le pays en conformité avec la Constitution actuelle du pays. Pour le réaliser qu'il faudra penser à faire des réformes dans tous les secteurs économiques du pays. La monnaie est le signe le plus visible de la performance économique d'un pays. Malheureusement, la République Démocratique du Congo depuis ces dernières décennies, a connu une expérience inflationniste sans précédent. Dans les 15 dernières années, le taux d'inflation en RDC est élevé à 104% par an, ce qui a entraîné la perte de crédibilité monétaire dans le pays. Le taux de change mis en place ou introduit en 1998 montre que 1 franc congolais par rapport au dollar américain était de 1 franc congolais, ie. 100 CDF = 0,3333 USD, ce qui signifiait que quant quelqu'un voulait acheter 1 dollar américain, il devrait payer 3 francs congolais, mais maintenant la monnaie congolaise est devenu sans valeur parce que maintenant pour 1 dollar américain vous devez payer 940 francs congolais. L'évaluation que l'on a fait pendant ces quinze dernières années est un constat d'échec car le franc d'aujourd'hui ne vaut plus rien par rapport à celui que le pays avait introduit en juin 1998. Dans ce cas la réforme monétaire était indispensable pour marquer le grand changement dans la gestion du secteur public et inspirer ainsi la confiance dans l'avenir du pays. ; A country that does not control its currency and its financial system, does not control its economy. Money is an important tool for macroeconomic management. A credible monetary policy cannot be conducted in the Congo as it has not restored confidence in the country and in its governance on the one hand, the other in the national economy and the Congolese franc to do the only legal tender short on the extent of the Republic in accordance with the constitution. To achieve all that he will think about making reforms in all economic sectors of the country. The currency is the most visible sign of the economic performance of a country. The DR Congo has experienced decades inflationary experience unprecedented. Over the last fifteen years, the average inflation rate is 104 percent a year. This has cost the currency much of its value and credibility. Introduced in 1998 to parity 1.3 Congolese francs to the US dollar, the Congolese currency depreciated to 940 Congolese francs against the greenback in June 2014. The evaluation that we made the last fifteen years is a failure because the franc today is worth nothing compared to the country had introduced in June 1998. The currency reform was supposed to mark the biggest change in the management of public affairs and inspire confidence in the future of the country. ; Kraj, w którym nie ma kontroli waluty i systemu finansowego, a przede wszystkim nie ma kontroli inflacji, nie kontroluje swojej gospodarki. Waluta jest albo powinna być w każdym państwie ważnym katalizatorem zarządzania makroekonomicznego. Wiarygodna polityka pieniężna nie zostanie wprowadzona w Demokratycznej Republice Konga tak długo, dopóki z jednej strony nie zostanie przywrócone zaufanie do rządu w kraju, a z drugiej strony frank kongijski nie zostanie uznany w gospodarce narodowej za wiarygodną i legalną walutę na terytorium całego kraju zgodnie z obowiązującą konstytucją kraju. Aby to osiągnąć, należy przeprowadzić reformę całej gospodarki we wszystkich jej sektorach. Uważam, że osiągnięcie stabilizacji w innych krajach jest możliwe, biorąc choćby pod uwagę Niemcy, gdzie po II wojnie światowej odnotowano boom gospodarczy. Demokratyczna Republika Konga od kilku dziesięcioleci posiada, niestety, bezprecedensowe doświadczenia związane z nadmiernie wysoką inflacją. W ciągu ostatnich 15 lat stopa inflacji w DRK wynosiła 104% rocznie. To spowodowało utratę wiarygodności walutowej. Kurs wprowadzonego w 1998 r. franka kongijskiego w relacji do dolara amerykańskiego wyniósł 1 frank kongijski, tzn. 100 CDF = 0,3333 USD, co oznaczało, iż chcąc kupić 1 dolara amerykańskiego należało zapłacić 3 franki kongijskie, natomiast obecnie waluta kongijska stała się bezwartościowa, bowiem obecnie za jednego dolara amerykańskiego płaci się 940 franków kongijskich. W takiej sytuacji konieczna była reforma walutowa w związku z wieloma zmianami w zakresie zarządzania sektorem publicznym i odbudowa zaufania społecznego.

The concept of social inclusion, also referred to as social integration or social cohesion, represents a vision for "a society for all" in which every individual, each with rights and responsibilities, has an active role to play (Report of the World Summit for Social Development, 1995). While various definitions have been developed to describe social inclusion, they all have been grounded in the promotion of a normative vision of society, in which individuals, groups or institutions are interconnected within a wider social system, and their relationships are maintained and enhanced in a harmonious way. This paper refers to social inclusion as a goal, process and outcome. As a universal goal, social inclusion aims to achieve an inclusive society that entails respect for human rights, cultural diversity and democratic governance, and upholds principles of equality and equity. As a process, it enables citizens´ participation in decision-making activities that affect their lives, allowing all groups to take part in this process, especially marginalized groups. As an outcome, it ensures the reduction of inequalities, elimination of any forms of exclusion and discrimination, and achievement of social justice and cohesion. Since the concept of social inclusion gained prominence following the World Summit for Social Development held in Copenhagen in 1995, there has been a tendency to (i) treat it as an expanded version of "economic" inclusion; (ii) identify exclusion with the marginalization of certain individuals or groups based on their race, ethnicity or gender; and (iii) focus on individual well-being in analysing and measuring social inclusion. Over time, however, it has become evident that, like other social ills such as poverty and inequality, exclusion has multiple causes and takes diverse forms related to age, disability and location, among others. It is therefore important to adopt a more comprehensive approach to inclusion. Furthermore, there has been a renewed interest in social inclusion, with a number of policies and programmes having been implemented around the world, which highlighted the need for the simultaneous promotion of productivity, poverty reduction and greater inclusiveness. The recognized limits in the Millennium Development Goals have generated calls for more transformative and universal policies that are better integrated across social, economic and environmental domains within a more coherent development framework. The Second UN Decade for the Eradication of Poverty (2008-2017) has further reiterated the need to address social exclusion and called for more inclusive approaches to overcome poverty in its multiple dimensions. In some countries, social programmes are now evolving towards a social inclusion framework, which incorporates (i) access to basic services, particularly health and education, requiring the active participation of beneficiaries in relevant programmes; and (ii) access to economic opportunities with the focus on inclusion in the labour market, with an overarching goal to reduce poverty and vulnerability, particularly among the most disadvantaged groups. This paper argues that there are three key interrelated areas that are critical for poverty eradication and inclusive development, which include (i) universal social protection; (ii) meaningful participation; and (iii) social and solidarity economy. It discusses some of the main issues related to these areas and provides examples of best practices at the national level that have been implemented during the UN Decades for the Eradication of Poverty. The paper concludes that it is unlikely that development will be sustainable unless it is inclusive. The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development thus needs to be an inclusive plan of action, pursuing the goal of leaving no one behind in the way that meets the needs of present generations without compromising the ability of future generations to participate in the processes that impact their lives. Social policies that promote practices based on universal rights-based entitlements, equal and meaningful participation, as well as norms of solidarity and reciprocity, while paying due respect to diversity and the environment, are more likely to enable social inclusion. It is therefore necessary to move away from the use of social inclusion schemes as remedial action towards making them an intrinsic part of broader and coherent development strategies. Government interventions in the form of enhancement of productive capacities, improved access to quality social services, adequate social protection and decent work are crucial to achieving socially inclusive, broad-based and sustainable development. Under this approach, social policy should be concerned not only with the welfare and rights of an individual but also with supporting social relations, institutions and structures through which the welfare of individuals in their households, communities and nations could be sustained and improved, while recognizing the importance of societal levels of analysis and not simply economic or individual indicators.

In 1992, following a decade of negative publicity and a series of public inquiries into mental health services, the Australian Federal, State and Territory Governments adopted a National Mental Health Policy. This policy, through a series of five year National Mental Health Plans (NMHPlans), became known as the National Mental Health Strategy (NMHS). The aims of the National Strategy were, and still are, to develop a framework of mental health care services which promotes mental health; prevents mental illness where possible; reduces the burden of mental illness on sufferers, carers and the general community; and treats persons with a mental illness in a way which satisfies the United Nation' s Principles for the Protection of Persons with Mental fllness and the Improvement of Mental Health Care. Upon release, this policy was widely acclaimed and considered an international benchmark. Now, more than a decade later, a recent review by the Canadian Senate, several evaluations of the Strategy, and a widespread review of the mental health sector show this opinion is still supported. However, in the case of mental health care in Australia, it is apparent that world class policy does not necessarily equate to world class outcomes. Despite increased investment, major structural changes, and a broadening of mental health services in line with the Strategy, the four major national evaluations of progress under the Strategy have exposed widespread unmet needs for even basic services. Restricted access, variable quality, poor continuity of care, lack of support for recovery, and overt and covert human rights abuses have been common themes in all evaluations. In the past two years alone, five major inquiries into mental health services in Australian States and Territories have supported these evaluations. In relation to the NSW Inquiry into Mental Health Services, the Chair of the NSW Legislative Council Select Committee Hon Dr Brian Pezzutti RFD MLC concluded : "The weight of evidence presented to the committee highlights that mental health services in NSW need revolutionary improvement. Deinstitutionalisation, without adequate community care, has resulted in a new form of institutionalisation: homelessness and imprisonment."* With three national inquiries underway or planned (directly or indirectly relating to problems with mental health services) it is clear that the five year plans are not achieving the aims of the Strategy. This report will discuss the differing yet complementary roles and responsibilities of the State, Territory and Federal Governments in implementing the National Strategy. In terms of the aims and division of responsibilities within the National Strategy, the major problems in Australia' s Mental Health System, as highlighted in the four national reviews and six inquiries, will be discussed. However, this report will not focus on failure, or the degree of failure across the varying States (although in some cases this will be discussed) as several other reviews have covered this extensively. Rather, this report will build on this mass of evidence and address the issue of why, 13 years since the commencement of the Strategy, Australia's mental health system is not achieving adequate levels of basic service, let alone the aims of NMHS. Given the collective acclaim for Australia's mental health policy, increased investment, and great structural and service changes towards community based care it appears that the problems with Australia's Mental Health Care are related to pace, extent and quality of change rather than lack of or direction of change. This report supports the finding of the major national evaluations and inquiries: an increase in State, Territory and Federal funding is imperative to achieving the aims of the Strategy. However, this alone will not solve the problems with Australia's Mental Health System. Instead, this report highlights the need for greater leadership, coordination of governance and accountability in terms of achieving outcomes. For the past 13 years the States and Territories have been accountable for inputs such as monetary investment, and outputs such as number of beds provided and quantity and styles of services. However, there has been no mandatory State/Territory based reporting of outcomes using consumer based measures. Therefore, governments have not been held directly accountable for achieving the consumer based aims of the NMHS. Furthermore, in the majority of States and Territories this data is not even collected or is inadequate. A fundamental shift in national mental health policy, to hold the State, Territory and Federal Governments accountable to consumer, carer and community based measures of outcomes is needed. This report proposes the development of specific targets in terms of real outcomes to be included in the NMHPlans. Furthermore, this report highlights the need for greater accountability by the States and Territories in terms of outcomes and transparency of funding. It suggests that all States and Territories be required to record and report on objective consumer welfare outcomes in addition to reporting on investment and service developments. Recommendations include the need for a national monitoring body and a commission model is suggested.

This report will discuss the crucial role that local governments play all throughout Australia, both in regional and urban areas. The focus of this paper will be the current issues surrounding sustainability, revenue-raising ability, the failures in current policies, and the need for change. Local government is often the forgotten tier of government, despite the vital role it plays in the delivery of services. While it is seen as an arm of the States and only created by their respective constitutions, there has been an ongoing tension between the two levels of government, while the federal government has not taken any steps to reconcile the relationship. After the failure of the 1988 Referendum to recognise local government in the Australian Constitution, the pressure that local governments face has only increased under the weight of new responsibilities alongside decreased authority. The trend towards centralisation continues to hurt local council autonomy at a time when they need more autonomy to take control of the responsibilities that have been thrust upon them. The problem of local government sustainability is multi-faceted. The first problem is dealing with the increasing number of services that local councils are asked to provide on behalf of State- and federal-level government. The second problem is dealing with the amount of funding, which is insufficient with respect to both the economy and these increased responsibilities. The third problem deals with the structure of the three tiers of government; in order for local counci ls to have greater autonomy and control over the serv ices the provide and the revenue they raise, the State and Commonwealth governments have to give up some of their own. And lastly, a major problem with determining policy options is the disparity between rural and urban areas; while equalisation is the top priority, the current funding arrangements create a gap between councils that will always be inherently disadvantaged and councils that will always be able to sustain themselves. Because of all these different problems, there needs to be solutions that are both realistic and practical. Therefore, short-term and long-term planning is essential to finding a lasting solution that will deal with the current crises in funding but still have a future outlook as to the direction that local governments will take. Short-term planning includes modifications to the current funding arrangements by finding a feasible way to give grants to local governments. Longterm planning examines the structure and framework of federalism to find ways for the different levels to work together in a more cohesive manner with less tension. A strategy to manage both revenue and expenditure will allow future programmes, from infrastructure to ageing services and community recreation, to be delivered more efficientl y and of better quality. Determining the different roles of ·government will also help local governments understand what their duties are and remove unwanted pressure, with the hope of giving them more control over the duties that they are responsible for. If action is taken now, many of the forced amalgamations, the integrity and accountability concerns, and collapse in councils could be prevented, while protecting the success future initiatives. Recommendations: Short-term goals: • Set up a funding formula on a state-by-state basis in order to better reflect the National Principles. • Reword the National Principles such that the method of funding, with regards to horizontal equalisation and the minimum grant principle, is based on a realistic model, not an unachievable one. • Include a growth index to the escalation factor defined by the Local Government (Financial Assistance) Act 1995 in order for the amount of federal grants to reflect growth in the economy. • Amend the Local Government (Financial Assistance) Act 1995 to include the Roads to Recovery programme so that it is a guaranteed part of the federal grants, effectively creating two pools for grants. Long-term goals: Commit to one inter-governmental agreement, which formally defines the roles and responsibilities of local government, by actively endorsing and upholding the terms of the agreement. • Encourage voluntary local council amalgamation and regional service provision models while supporting community identity and self-governance. Regional service provision models can include the following: a. mutual aid agreements between councils, agencies, and local businesses b. pooling of resources c. exchange of services d. consolidation of selected functions • Explore new funding options based on international models, such as: a. Incentive payments in the energy, water, and transport sectors b. Tax-sharing schemes, such as on petrol c. Accountability measures and performance assessments d. Formal agreements between State- and federal-level government and local government associations such as the ALGA

En los últimos años se están produciendo una serie de profundos cambios que están modificando las reglas de convivencia, forma de entender y estudiar la ciudad. Fenómenos como Internet o la Globalización han modificado la forma de relacionarse y agruparse de las personas y sociedades, mostrando nuevos modos de relación mucho más complejos de los que hasta hace poco tiempo existían. Además la reciente crisis financiera y de deuda que ha sacudido especialmente a Europa, está poniendo de manifiesto la desafección cada día más importante entre ciudadanía y gobierno. De este modo se están poniendo en causa muchas de las reglas que hasta ahora habían regido la convivencia entre poderes, y la ciudadanía está mostrando un creciente interés por formar parte activa en la toma de decisiones concerniente a su futuro. La ciudad como escenario en el que se producen todos estos cambios es uno de los referentes para probar nuevas iniciativas y posibilidades dentro del ámbito de la Participación Ciudadana. De este modo en el presente Estudio se han analizado ciertos aspectos de la Participación Ciudadana tendentes a mejorar los canales de comunicación entre ciudadanía y gobernanza e intentar incorporar a la sociedad en la toma de decisiones de aspectos referentes a la ciudad. Todo ello mediante una actividad práctica realizada en la ciudad de Vigo. Para la elaboración de este estudio se han realizado encuestas a la población con diferentes cuestiones que pudiesen resultar relevantes a la ciudadanía sobre aspectos referentes a la ciudad y se han realizado actividades en grupo desarrollando ejercicios para poder observar la opinión de los ciudadanos sobre su territorio, su ciudad. De este modo se pretendían analizar elementos cotidianos bajo el prisma del utilizador de la ciudad, el ciudadano, que es el verdadero conocedor del territorio. Así aspectos como la espacialidad, el tiempo, las actuaciones polémicas etc…, estaban presentes en este estudio, intentando mostrar desde una perspectiva socio-espacial que es lo que pensaba la ciudadanía sobre estos temas. Los resultados obtenidos se han mostrado en gráficas y en mapas, empleando técnicas de Cartografía Social para su realización. Las encuestas y actividades en grupo forman parte del conjunto de posibilidades de la Participación Ciudadana, se debe tener consciencia de que existen otras muchas herramientas y actuaciones dentro del ámbito de la Participación Ciudadana. Por este motivo se han incluido en el presente Estudio diferentes aproximaciones a esta área de estudio para mostrar otras muchas posibilidades dentro del mundo participativo. ; Abstract: In the last years several changes are taking place and these are changing the community rules, the way of understanding and studying the city. Phenomena such as the internet and globalization have changed the way people and societies interact and group, showing new types of a lot more more complex relationships than the ones existing not long ago. Besides the recent financial and debt crisis that has hit specially Europe, is highlighting the important disaffection between citizens and government. The rules that have so far governed the relationship between powers and citizens are showing a growing interest in their having active role on the public´s behalf in making decisions concerning their future. The city as a setting in which these changes occur is a benchmark to test new initiatives and opportunities within the field of Citizen Participation. The aim of the present study is to analyze certain aspects concerning the improvement of communication channels between the citizenship and the governance, and to try to incorporate the society in decision-making aspects concerning the city. All this through a practical task performed in the city of Vigo. To make this study, several population surveys have been conducted covering different issues that might be relevant to the public on matters concerning the city. Group activities have also been performed developing exercises in order to observe the views of citizens on their territory, their city. This will aim to analyze everyday aspects from the perspective of the city user, the citizen, who is the real connoisseur of the territory so, things like spatiality, time, controversial actions, etc. are included in this study, trying to show from a social-spatial perspective what the public´s opinion about these issues. The results obtained are shown in graphs and maps using the Social Cartography technique. Surveys and group activities are part of the set of possibilities of Citizen Participation. People should be aware that other tools and actions exist within the scope of Citizen Participation. For this reason, different approaches to this area of study have been included in this survey in order to show many other possibilities within the participatory area.

The article aims to represent the correlation between war and peace in modern Ukrainian society. The author analyzes Ukraine's social processes, which diminished the country's social organism in peaceful times, intensified its contradictions and fostered a military conflict, taking into consideration the specifics of modern warfare, theoretical interpretation of the conceptual power phenomenon and the concept of nation' lifestyle. The analysis of social changes in modern Ukraine should be considered in the light of modern ideas about war and its aims, which are achieved with the help of political, organizational, financial, economic, ideological, cultural, informational and other means based on the same principle as secret services and intelligence use. Experts (M. Senchenko) consider every astonishing factor as a carefully designed program of invasion into the social body similar to virus with further damaging and destroying the lifestyle and life sustenance of people, society and state. One should study the correlation between war and peace in Ukraine in the context of including the Ukrainian society into the "super-society", the impact of such a social phenomenon as a conceptual power. Experts (I. Solonko) regard it as the power of people able to generate social processes, covering the life of society during many generations and proceed according to the developed concept.The management of the Ukrainian society after gaining the independence was carried out according to a foreign concept. The market-style reforms of 90-s based on the model of M. Friedman and Friedrich Hayek prove that. They ruined the economic system and caused the drop in Gross Domestic Product nearly in 2.5 times by 2000. After their beginning the Ukrainian society is suffering from the permanent systemic crisis; the reforms have led to a demographic crisis and recognition of the Ukrainian people as "dying nation". The implementation of these reforms involves foreign advisors who destroyed the economy of Ukraine, thus giving way to foreign multinationals, while Ukrainian authorities constantly ignored national interests of their people. Besides, the priority of foreign policy integration led to social and cultural stratification of the society; Ukrainian political leaders failed to develop their own concept of governance. Neoliberal reforms in Ukraine significantly transformed people, society and public awareness. Under the circumstances of transition from the state dominance to the market dominance the process of social development in Ukraine turned into the economic and social destruction. The commercialization affected all the spheres of public life in Ukraine, even those where this process is destructive for the society (public authorities, state administration, defense system, national security, law enforcement bodies). Now the type of "economic man" or "man without world view" dominates. Due to the market reforms the cult of money (Mammon) became firmly established in the lives of many Ukrainian citizens. "Mammonizm" appears as Ukraine's dominant ideology. So, the transition to the market dominance and mammonizm created a certain social environment in the society, favourable for war. An intensive illegal trade between belligerents; the enrichment of some groups of people in the war; the emergence of private military companies; the involvement of hired military men for combat prove that fact. The mass-media continue the war of images even in the period of truce, thus fulfilling the will of certain ruling circles. Thus, the process of transformation of the Ukrainian society was based on works of Western theorists and involved foreign advisors. It was carried out for the benefit of foreign trans-national companies contrary to the national interests. Besides, Ukraine's political elite was involved in destructing the current lifestyle and plundering national wealth. So, destructive processes occurred in all social spheres. The analysis mentioned above confirms they displayed a foreign conceptual power. The most important consequences of hidden war against Ukraine are: 1) its transformation into a dying nation and maintenance of this state; 2) the decline of economy, deintellectualization, deindustrialization and the loss of the status of a high-tech state; 3) the destruction of collectivist principles in social organization and the establishment of individualistic principles; 4) the promotion of historical and cultural type of "economic man" as dominant in the society; 5) the secret approval of mammonizm as the dominant ideology of the Ukrainian society. ; Опираясь на анализ специфики современной войны, концептуальной власти и жизнеустройства народа, автор исследует социальные процессы, которые ослабляли социальный организм Украины. Взаимосвязь войны и мира рассматривается в контексте процесса включения украинского общества в «сверхобщество». Управление украинским обществом периода независимости осуществлялось по чужой концепции. Рыночные реформы в Украине привели к глубинной трансформации человека, общества и общественного сознания. «Мамонизм» установился как господствующая идеология в Украине. ; Спираючись на аналіз специфіки сучасної війни, концептуальної влади та життєустрою народу, автор досліджує процеси, які послабляли соціальний організм України. Взаємозв'язок війни і миру розглядається в контексті включення українського суспільства в «надсуспільство». Управління українським суспільством періоду незалежності здійснювалося за чужою концепцією. Ринкові реформи в Україні призвели до глибинної трансформації людини, суспільства і суспільної свідомості. «Мамонізм» постав як панівна ідеологія в Україні.

In Niger Republic land issue is a concern to all parties acting in the rural area. The drought cycles of the last decades and the rapid increase of the population that doubles every ten years are determinant factors of degradation of the agricultural land of culture with as consequence the land and food insecurity of the households in particular in the region of Tahoua. Despite efforts by the government and its partners through the village land management programs and natural regeneration, land access difficulties persist particularly for women households. The objective being to assess and analyze the impact of land dynamics induced by the recovery of land in order to find some solutions to the problems of land insecurity and access and control of natural resources by households, a survey was conducted in two phases. The first in 2010 for a sample of 420 households in twenty villages selected through a stratified sampling. The second in 2012 for a sample of 84 households with 42 female heads of household from the first sample being associated with a group of 42 male heads of households for a specific gender analysis. It appears from this study that men households have an average land area about twice as large as that of female households .It was also found that the land is usually concentrated in the hands of older householders over 60 years. It is noticed that the inheritance is also one of the most dominant modes of access to land. The fragmentation and the expansion of croplands favor the emergence of fields beyond the northern boundary of crops dedicated to breeding. Finally, the last three years, agricultural production has generally fallen. The results of the analysis also show that unlike men, women household heads have less inputs, on the one hand, and little income, on the other hand. These female households derive their main income from the sale of animal products. This proves that women are the poorest households with limited access to natural resources. To fight against tenure insecurity and poverty of households recommendations and perspectives have been identified for the establishment of good governance of land resources, intensification of anti-erosion works by households with substantial resources and initiation of other additional research for sustainable development of the region. ; Au Niger, la question foncière reste au centre des préoccupations de tous les acteurs du monde rural. Les sécheresses cycliques de ces dernières décennies et l'accroissement rapide de la population en sont les facteurs déterminants de dégradation des terres de culture avec comme conséquence l'insécurité foncière et alimentaire des ménages notamment dans la région de Tahoua. Malgré les efforts consentis par l'Etat et ses partenaires à travers les programmes de gestion des terroirs villageois et de régénération naturelle, les difficultés d'accès au foncier persistent particulièrement pour les ménages femmes. L'objectif étant d'apprécier et d'analyser l'impact de la dynamique foncière induite par la récupération des terres afin de trouver certaines réponses aux problèmes d'insécurité foncière et d'accès et contrôle des ressources naturelles par les ménages, un travail d'enquête a été mené en deux phases. La première en 2010 pour un échantillon de 420 ménages répartis dans vingt villages sélectionnés suivant un échantillonnage stratifié. La deuxième en 2012 pour un échantillon de 84 ménages dont 42 chefs de ménage femmes issus du premier échantillon auquel a été associé un groupe de 42 chefs de ménage hommes pour une analyse spécifique sur le genre. Il ressort alors de cette étude que les ménages hommes possèdent une superficie moyenne des terres environ double de celle des ménages féminins. Il a été également constaté que les terres sont généralement concentrées aux mains des chefs de ménage âgés de plus de 60 ans. Il est remarqué que l'héritage est aussi l'un des modes d'accès à la terre les plus dominants. Le morcellement et l'extension des terres de culture favorisent l'émergence des champs au-delà de la limite nord des cultures réservée à l'élevage. Enfin, ces trois dernières années, les productions agricoles sont généralement en baisse. L'analyse des résultats montre également que contrairement aux hommes, les femmes chefs de ménage disposent de moins de facteurs de production, d'une part, et de peu de revenu, d'autre part. Ces ménages féminins tirent essentiellement leur revenu de la vente des produits animaux. Cela prouve que les ménages femmes restent les plus pauvres avec un accès limité aux ressources naturelles. Pour lutter contre l'insécurité foncière des ménages et la pauvreté des recommandations et perspectives ont été dégagées visant l'instauration d'une bonne gouvernance des ressources foncières, une intensification des ouvrages antiérosifs par les ménages avec des moyens conséquents et l'initiation d'autres recherches complémentaires pour un développement durable de cette région.

Además de formar parte de las estadísticas, el abandono escolar temprano (ESL según sus siglas en inglés) es un concepto político que requiere reflexión y discusión. Este artículo se basa en un proyecto de investigación sobre el abandono escolar temprano en 9 países de la Unión Europea para centrar el problema portugués, donde el tema de la deserción escolar y su contexto social, económico y político toma dimensiones particularmente graves. Haciendo un análisis diacrónico entre 2000 y 2014, este artículo define y explica las características de tres subperiodos, vinculados a los diferentes modos de gobierno de la educación. Centrándose en particular en el periodo actual, empezando en 2011, este trabajo recoge diferentes perspectivas sobre el problema y analiza las políticas y condiciones que lo rodean. El objetivo es contribuir con una mirada de la sociología de la educación a la comprensión de la construcción del abandono escolar temprano como concepto político y el análisis de las prácticas políticas para confrontarlo, teniendo en cuenta los impactos de los cambios educativos en la equidad educativa y los derechos pedagógicos. Sostenemos que dada la actual tendencia a la segregación de algunos grupos dentro del sistema educativo y la prevalencia de la lógica competitiva en detrimento de la búsqueda de la inclusión social, que amenazan el logro de los derechos pedagógicos en particular para los grupos con mayor vulnerabilidad social, se acentúa la necesidad de medidas educativas de gran alcance que tengan en cuenta y den valor a los puntos de vista e intereses de los intervinientes en los diferentes niveles de fabricación del espacio educativo europeo. ; Para além de uma construção estatística, o abandono escolar precoce (ESL) é um conceito político que exige reflexão e questionamento. Este artigo baseia-se num projeto de pesquisa sobre 'abandono escolar precoce', em 9 países da União Europeia, e centra-se no caso português, onde o abandono da escola assume dimensões particularmente graves. Este artigo define e explicita as características de três sub períodos, entre 2000 e 2015, ligados a diferentes modos da governação da educação, focando-se, em particular, no período que decorre de 2011 até ao presente, relacionando com perspetivas de atores envolvidos. Pretende contribuir com um olhar da sociologia da educação para a compreensão da construção do 'abandono escolar precoce' como conceito político e para a análise de políticas para o confrontar, tendo em conta os impactos das mudanças educativas na equidade educacional e nos direitos pedagógicos. Argumentamos que face à tendência atual para a segregação de alguns grupos no interior do sistema educativo e à prevalência da lógica de competitividade em detrimento da busca de inclusão social, que põem em risco a realização dos direitos pedagógicos particularmente para as pessoas de grupos com maior vulnerabilidade social, se acentua a necessidade de medidas educativas poderosas que tenham em conta e que atribuam valor às visões e interesses de atores distintos, nos diferentes níveis da fabricação do espaço Europeu de educação. ; Beyond the statistical construction, early school leaving (ESL) is a political concept that requires reflection and questioning. This article is based on a research project on early school leaving in 9 countries of the European Union to center the Portuguese problem, where the issue of early school leaving and its social economic and political context assumes particularly serious dimensions. The article defines and explains the features of three sub-periods, between 2000 and 2015, linked to different modes of education governance. Focusing in particular on the current period, running from 2011, this work captures different perspectives on the problem and analyzes the policies and conditions that surround it. The goal is to contribute with the lenses of sociology of education to understand the construction of early school leaving as a political concept and to the analysis of political practices to confront it, while taking into account the impacts of educational changes in educational equity and the democratic pedagogic rights. We argue that the current trend to segregate some groups within the education system and the prevalence of the logics of competitiveness to the detriment of the search for social inclusion, which threaten the achievement of pedagogic rights particularly for those groups with greater social vulnerability, gives evidence to the need for powerful educational measures that take into account and assign value to the views and interests of diverse actors at different levels of the fabrication of the European education space. ; Universidad de Granada. Departamento de Didáctica y Organización Escolar ; Grupo FORCE (HUM-386) ; Este trabajo está financiado (parcialmente) por Fondos Nacionales a través de la FCT–Fundación para la Ciencia y la Tecnología dentro del ámbito del proyecto estratégico del CIIE, con la referencia "PEst-OE/CED/UI0167/2014".

The essence of the concept of "quality of life" and "well-being" in terms of ecological economics theory approach discussed. In particular attention is paid to the importance of forest ecosystems for well-being of forest dependent communities in mountain areas. Well-being in forest-dependent communities has long been discussed in the context of community stability and later community sustainability, a term that includes the more general notion of forest community well-being. This includes not only economic indicators (i.e., per capita income, employment) but environmental quality and socio-cultural indicators that characterize community well-being. Based on the analysis of scientific publications and studies in the Ukrainian Carpathians a close relationship estimated between the level of communities' well-being and value of the flows of forest ecosystem services. The results of the study show that in a broad sense, economic, environmental, social, cultural and aesthetic functions of forests contribute considerably to the well-being of forest-depended communities' in the mountain areas. Different approaches to assess the quality of life and well-being of communities that used by international organizations and national governments of various countries at national and regional levels have been analyzed. It is proposed to use integral indicators for accessing human well-being at sectoral level and at different levels of governance (from local to national). The lack of forest ecosystem services assessment procedures, mechanisms of payments for ecosystem services provided by forests, and the mechanism of including these services into the planning and implementation of forest management measure considered as a problem of current system of forest management system. Forest-dependent and local communities are important stakeholders and in many different ways they can make essential contributions to the implementation of sustainable forest management strategies. At the same time, these stakeholders are also challenged with limited financial resources. Whilst ensuring sustained sources of financing for communities thus appears as an obvious necessity, it also comes with a number of challenges. In order to efficiently use forest resources and increasing level of the well-being of local forest dependent community there are needed to have indicators that could describe the level of the well- being. The set of such indicators can serve for forest management planning and decision-making towards sustainable development of mountain forest territories and communities. ; Проанализирована сущность понятий «качество жизни» и «благосостояние» с точки зрения подходов эколого-экономической теории. Особое внимание обращено на значение лесных экосистем для обеспечения благосостояния лесозависимых общин горных территорий. На основе анализа научных публикаций и собственных исследований выявлена тесная взаимосвязь между уровнем благосостояния общин и потоком услуг лесных экосистем. Результаты исследования показывают, что экономические, экологические, социальные, культурные и эстетические функции лесов способствуют обеспечению благосостояния горных лесозависимых общин в Украинских Карпатах. Исследованы подходы к оценке качества жизни и благосостояния общин, используемые международными организациями, а также правительствами разных стран на местном, региональном и государственном уровнях. К актуальным проблемам лесного хозяйства отнесено отсутствие процедур оценки и механизма платы за услуги экосистем, предоставляемых лесами и механизма учета этих услуг при планировании и выполнении лесохозяйственных мероприятий, а также отсутствие интегральных показателей оценки уровня качества жизни и благосостояния населения высоколесных горных территорий. Предложено использовать интегральные показатели благополучия населения на секторальном уровне и на различных уровнях управления (от местного к национальному). Отсутствие процедур оценки услуг экосистем леса, механизма платежей за экосистемные услуги, обеспечиваемые лесами, механизма вовлечения этих услуг в планирование и осуществление лесохозяйственных мероприятий рассмотрены как проблемы существующей системы лесоуправления. Лесозависимые общины являются важными заинтересованными сторонами в лесном секторе и различными способами могут внести важный вклад в обеспечение устойчивого лесопользования. В то же время заинтересованные стороны сталкиваются с ограниченными финансовыми возможностями в достижении целей устойчивого лесопользования. Для рационального использования лесных ресурсов и повышения уровня благосостояния местных лесозависимых общин необходимо иметь показатели, которые могли бы быть эффективными инструментами в процессах принятия решения на всех уровнях. ; Проаналізовано сутність понять «якість життя» та «добробут» з погляду підходу еколого-економічної теорії. Особливу увагу звернено на значення лісових екосистем для забезпечення добробуту лісозалежних громад гірських територій. На основі аналізу наукових публікацій та власних досліджень виявлено тісний взаємозв'язок між рівнем добробуту громад та потоком послуг лісових екосистем. Досліджено підходи для оцінювання якості життя та добробуту громад, що використовують міжнародні організації, а також уряди різних країн на місцевому, регіональному та державному рівнях. До актуальних проблем лісового господарства віднесено відсутність процедур оцінювання і механізму плати за послуги екосистем, що надаються лісами, та механізму врахування цих послуг під час планування і виконання лісогосподарських заходів. Доведено, що добробут лісозалежних громад є важливим чинником, що може впливати на сталий розвиток лісового сектору, тому актуальним завданням є розроблення індикаторів добробуту та якості життя громад.

Вступление. Статья посвящается рассмотрению государственного регулирования предпринимательской деятельности в условиях глобализационных процессов, новым формам государственного регулирования предпринимательской деятельности в развитых странах (ЕС, США, Япония), в том числе государственно-частному партнерству. В условиях макроэкономической нестабильности одной из проблем является эффективное распределение ответственности и рисков между государственным и частным секторами экономики. На современном этапе развития Украина находится в стадии формирования новой модели государственного управления. В связи с этим актуальным остается изучение государственного регулирования малого и среднего бизнеса в развитых странах в условиях глобализации. Целью статьи является изучение опыта государственного регулирования малого и среднего бизнеса в развитых странах и в Украине в условиях глобализации. Метод (методология): Работа основывается на методологии институционализма, а также на применении различных методов научного познания, а именно, эмпирического и диалектического методов для анализа государственного регулирования малого и среднего бизнеса в условиях глобализации, методов исторического, сравнительного и причинно-следственного анализа для определения системы мер по минимизации рисков между государственным и частным секторами экономики. Теоретической базой исследования являются труды классиков экономической теории, работы отечественных исследователей в сфере государственного регулирования бизнеса в условиях глобализационных процессов. Результаты: Реализация государственной политики, обеспечивающей благоприятные условия для развития малого и среднего бизнеса, требует усовершенствования правовой, финансовой и институциональной системы, эффективное функционирование которой предполагает постоянное взаимодействие и координацию деятельности всех ее элементов при минимальном дублировании функций, ориентацию как на общие цели социально-экономической политики государства, так и на интересы субъектов малого предпринимательства. Характерно большое разнообразие вариантов, используемых при формировании системы государственной поддержки малого предпринимательства с учетом особенностей государственного и политического устройства, направлений экономического развития, традиций регулирования и самоорганизации предпринимательской деятельности, состояние бюджетной и кредитно-финансовой системы, а также множества других факторов. В связи с этим прямое перенесение на украинскую экономику американской, немецкой или любой другой модели государственной поддержки малого и среднего бизнеса не представляется возможным. В то же время исследование организационных структур и механизмов поддержки малого и среднего бизнеса в других странах позволяет выявить общие черты, которые имеются в каждой из них, несмотря на те или иные национальные особенности. Они могут быть использованы при формировании системы поддержки и развития сектора малого и среднего бизнеса в Украине. ; Introduction. The article is devoted to the government regulation of entrepreneurship under the conditions of globalization. The new forms of entrepreneurship regulation in developed countries (such as EU, USA, Japan), including public-private partnerships are analyzed. It is stressed that in macroeconomic instability context the problem of efficient allocation of responsibilities and risks between the public and private sectors is one of the most urgent. Since nowadays Ukraine is forming a new model of governance, the study of state regulation of small and medium businesses under globalization remains relevant. The purpose of the article is a study of experience of state regulation of small and medium enterprises in developed countries and in Ukraine within the context of globalization. Methodology of work. The work is based on the methodology of institutionalism, as well as on the use of different scientific methods, namely, the empirical and dialectical methods for the analysis of government regulation of small and medium-sized businesses in the context of globalization. The methods of historical, comparative and causal analysis are also applied to determine the measures to minimize the risks between the public and private sectors. Theoretical base for the study are the works of the classics of economic theory, the works of national researchers in the field of government regulation of business in the context of globalization. The results of work: The implementation of public policy, providing favorable conditions for the development of small and medium-sized businesses requires improvement of the legal, financial and institutional systems. The effective functioning of these systems involves constant interaction and coordination of all the elements with minimal duplication of functions, the orientation of both the general objectives of socio-economic policy of the state and the interests of small businesses. There is great variety of options used in the formation of the system of state support of small business, taking into account the features of the state and political system, economic development trends, traditions and self-regulation of business, the state budget and fiscal systems and many other factors. In this regard the direct transfer of American, German or any other model of state support for small and medium businesses to the Ukrainian economy is not possible. At the same time, the study of organizational structures and mechanisms for small and medium businesses support in other countries let the researchers identify common features each of them, in spite of these or that national characteristics. Awareness of these features can be useful for the formation of a support and development of small and medium businesses system of in Ukraine.

Статья посвящена анализу социального страхования в контексте его основной функции защиты от социальных рисков. В результате исследования взаимосвязи социального страхования и социального риска последний можно представить в виде вероятности наступления материальной нужды из-за отсутствия доходов по объективным социально-экономическим причинам и в связи с дополнительными расходами по содержанию детей или других членов семьи, а также по удовлетворению потребностей в медицинских или социальных услугах. Объектом правоотношений по общеобязательному социальному страхованию в этом случае выступает страховая защита от социальных рисков. Риск актуализируется в рамках системы взаимосвязанных правоотношений, участниками которых выступают страховщик, страховик и застрахованное лицо. Целевое назначение такой взаимосвязи это обеспечение страховой защиты экономически активного населения в случае наступления социально-рисковой ситуации, ее предупреждение и компенсация последствий. Рисковая функция страхования трансформируется в определенную плату страховщику материальной ответственности за последствия риска, обусловленного событиями, перечень которых закреплен в законодательстве. В качестве базовых принципов социального страхования выделены следующие: обязательность, четкая зависимость между участием в финансировании системы и размером пенсий и пособий, обеспечение уровня выплат, сопоставимого с доходами застрахованного лица на протяжении трудовой жизни, обезличенность средств, участие социальных партнеров в управлении соответствующим фондом. Отмечено, что в отличие от Украины общей тенденцией для стран-членов ЕС выступает стремление к оптимизации социальных взносов. Так, исходя из прогнозных оценок для Евросоюза на протяжении следующих пятидесяти лет предполагается их увеличение лишь на 5% от ВВП в соответствующих оценках учитываются ожидаемые результаты реформ в сфере социального обеспечения, которые уже были законодательно закреплены и проведены (включая новые схемы предоставления помощи и условий пенсионного обеспечения), а также ожидаемое увеличение доли рабочей силы в общей численности населения и уровне занятости. Современная система социального страхования в Украине по своему содержанию не является страховой в классическом понимании, поскольку сохраняет и выполняет функции социального обеспечения (помощи). Для нее характерен ряд недостатков, она нуждается в усовершенствовании, а именно: оптимизация механизма назначения застрахованным лицам материального обеспечения и предоставления социальных услуг; усовершенствование политики дифференцированных страховых тарифов; обеспечение системы экономического стимулирования работодателей в проведении мер профилактики производственных рисков. Для уменьшения нагрузки на фонд оплаты труда необходимо увеличить базу начисления страховых взносов, усовершенствовать систему сбора и учета страховых взносов, а также поэтапно обеспечить паритетное участие работников и работодателей в оплате страховых взносов по обязательному государственному социальному страхованию. ; This paper analyzes the social insurance in the context of its basic function protection against social risks. The results of the study of the social insurance and social risk relationships help propose the definition of the social risk. We consider the social risk as the probability of financial distress due to the lack of earnings because of objective socially significant reasons and due to the additional costs of the children or other family members' allowance, as well as to meet the needs of health and social services. In this case, the object of compulsory state social insurance relations is the coverage of social risk. The social risk is actualized under a system of interconnected relationships. Its participants are the insurance carrier, the insurer and the insured. The purpose of these mentioned relationships is to provide insurance protection of the economically active population in the event of the social-risk situation, its prevention and effects compensation. Insurance risk function is transformed into a fee insurer liability for the consequences of the risk caused by the events which are preappointed by current legislation. The basic principles of social insurance are: commitment, a clear dependence between participation in the financing system and the size of pensions and benefits, provision of payments, comparable with the income of the insured person during his / her working life, facilities isolation and participation of the social partners in the governance. It has been mentioned that in contradiction to Ukraine the general trend for the member states of the European Union is a striving for the social contributions optimization. Thus, based on projections over the next fifty years, they expect an increase by only 5% of GDP in the corresponding estimates, they take into account the expected effects of reforms in the social security that have already been legislated and done (including new aid schemes and conditions of pensions), and the expected increase of labor share in total population and employment levels. The current social insurance system in Ukraine in its content is not insurance in the classic sense, as it stores and serves the social security (benefits) functions. It has a number of disadvantages and needs to be improved, in particular: to improve the mechanism of insured persons providing with benefits and social services, policies differentiated insurance rates improvement, economic stimulation of employers providing in the implementation of measures to prevent industrial risks. To reduce the load on the payroll fund it is necessary to expand the base of insurance premiums accounting, to improve the system of collecting and accounting of insurance premiums and gradually ensure parityamong employees and employers to pay insurance contributions for compulsory social state insurance.

Purpose. To evaluate the possibility of the foreign countries experience in the reforming of railway transport of Ukraine. Methodology. On the basis of comparative analysis the suitability of foreign experience of infrastructure branches reformation, dividing the range of problems to the questions of ideological and methodological character, and of course, taking into account the peculiarities of the situation in Ukraine is estimated. As for the first range of problems, it is, first of all, the choice of the form of ownership. Findings. Experience shows that both types of property have not only the beneficial but also the negative impacts. On the one hand, it is the state railways have the conditions for development and implementation of the new technologies such as high-speed trains, construction of which, as well as construction of specialized lines would be impossible without appropriate research base, and without public funding. On the other – private companies. operating on a concession basis, usually provide a higher level of services at affordable rates. Originality. It can be concluded that there is no direct correlation between the ownership form of railroads and economic or qualitative characteristics of their work. The necessity of various forms of technical and economic relationships, the existence of separate railways at the regional and local levels, which offers a great opportunity to overcome the monotony of operation, in the development of railways towards greater differentiation of service levels is proved. This however does not mean that the only alternative is to sell concessions to private enterprises, especially if the transfer of ownership is not supplemented by commitments to support public transport at a certain level. Practical value. Examples of positive governance are opposed to the equal examples of private management and vice versa. Deep analysis of reforming experience of world leading railways will prevent from mistakes during "UZ" reforming. ; Цель. Оценить возможность применения опыта зарубежных стран при реформировании железнодорожного транспорта Украины. Методика. На основе сравнительного анализа оценивается возможность применения зарубежного опыта реформирования отраслей инфраструктуры с разделением круга проблем на вопросы идеологического, методического характера и, безусловно, учета особенностей состояния дел в Украине. Что касается первого круга проблем, то это, прежде всего, выбор форм собственности. Результаты. Как показывает опыт, у обоих видов собственности как положительные, так и отрицательные стороны. С одной стороны, именно на государственных железных дорогах есть условия для создания и внедрения новых технологий, таких как высокоскоростные поезда, разработка которых, как и строительство специализированных линий, были бы невозможны без наличия соответствующей научно-исследовательской базы, а также без государственного финансирования. С другой – частные предприятия, работающие на концессионной основе, как правило, предоставляют услуги более высокого уровня по приемлемым тарифам. Научная новизна. Установлено отсутствие безусловной прямой зависимости между формой собственности железных дорог и экономическими или качественными показателями их работы. Доказана необходимость осуществления различных форм технических и экономических взаимосвязей, существование обособленных железных дорог на региональном и местном уровнях, что открывает большие возможности в преодолении единообразия в эксплуатации, в развитии железных дорог по пути большей дифференциации уровней обслуживания. Это, однако, не означает, что единственной альтернативой является продажа концессий частным предприятиям, особенно, если передача собственности не сопровождается обязательствами по поддержанию общественного транспорта на определенном уровне. Практическая значимость. Примерам положительного государственного управления противопоставлены равнозначные примеры частного управления и, наоборот. Обстоятельный анализ опыта реформирования ведущих железных дорог мира позволит предотвратить ошибки при реформировании «Укрзализныци». ; Мета. Оцінити можливість застосування досвіду зарубіжних країн при реформуванні залізничного транспорту України. Методика. На основі порівняльного аналізу оцінюється можливість застосування зарубіжного досвіду реформування галузей інфраструктури з розділенням кола проблем на питання ідеологічного, методичного характеру і, безумовно, врахування особливостей стану справ в Україні. Що стосується першого кола проблем, то це, перш за все, вибір форм власності. Результати. Як показує досвід, у обох видів власності є як позитивні, так і негативні сторони. З одного боку, саме на державних залізницях є умови для створення та впровадження нових технологій, таких як високошвидкісні поїзди, розробка яких, як і будівництво спеціалізованих ліній, були б неможливі без наявності відповідної науково-дослідної бази, а також без державного фінансування. З іншого, – приватні підприємства, що працюють на концесійній основі, як правило, надають послуги більш високого рівня за прийнятними тарифами. Наукова новизна. Встановлено відсутність безумовної прямої залежності між формою власності залізниць й економічними або якісними показниками їх роботи. Доведено необхідність здійснення різних форм технічних та економічних взаємозв'язків, існування відокремлених залізниць на регіональному та місцевому рівнях, що відкриває великі можливості в подоланні одноманітності в експлуатації, у розвитку залізниць по шляху більшої диференціації рівнів обслуговування. Це, однак не означає що єдиною альтернативою є продаж концесій приватним підприємствам, особливо, якщо передача власності не супроводжується зобов'язаннями щодо підтримки громадського транспорту на певному рівні. Практична значимість. Прикладам позитивного державного управління протиставлено рівнозначні приклади приватного управління і навпаки. Ґрунтовний аналіз досвіду реформування провідних залізниць світу дозволить запобігти помилок при реформуванні «Укрзалізниці».

Only the State had a legal personality at the end of the 1789 Revolution. Derived from the phrase "[t] he State is the legal personification of a nation", the above-mentioned personality endows the first (state), to the detriment of the second (the nation), subjective rights. What about after the democratic revolution of 1989, that is to say, some two centuries later? This study attempts to show the revanche of the nation in legal theory from a context in which it was particularly bullied. On the one hand, the nation has a double mediate and immediate representation of the fact that it participates, with an initial legislative power, the formation of the general Will. We also know that the democratic renewal imposed the issue of legitimacy which the nation can control mediately (by the intermediation of the constitutional Court) or immediately (by referendum), the action of other organs including the constituent whose power skill set is framed by the constitution. Investment supranational bodies we discover more and more into the national legal trade makes the question of legitimacy more efficient when the nation, but also its various components (the ability to capture the regional, community or even international Instances), may require the condemnation of the State for breach of legal obligations. The idea of legitimacy is thus assumed for the nation, the opportunity to evaluate the work of state bodies from a large legal system. On the other hand, the constitutional recognition of national diversity and even taking into account the governance of the State profoundly reconfigured the principle of (national) sovereignty maintained by the revolutionary constitutional Law. Based on the principles of personality and territoriality, the African context provides evidence that the nation and sub-national communities are now holders of rights (political, socio-cultural) subjective, which changes the landscape of the modern State. We talk about plural juridical ways to characterize a plural political arrangement. It follows that the nation (not only her but all the sociological components of the State) has a dual legal personality (national and international) that opposes that of the State. The State remains in search of a new identity that will reflect the sum of the sub skills and supranational actors in the legal system which identity should also indicate the final direction of the postmodern theory of the legal personality of the State. ; Seul l'État disposait d'une personnalité juridique au sortir de la Révolution de 1789. Déduite de la formule « [l]'État est la personnification juridique d'une nation », la personnalité sus-évoquée dote le premier (l'État), au détriment de la seconde (la nation), de droits subjectifs. Qu'en est-il après la Révolution démocratique de 1989, c'est-à-dire quelque deux siècles plus tard ? La présente étude tente de démontrer la revanche de la nation dans la théorie du droit à partir d'un contexte où elle a été particulièrement brimée. D'une part, la nation bénéficie d'une double représentation médiate et immédiate du fait qu'elle participe, par un pouvoir normatif initial, à la formation de la volonté générale. On sait aussi que le renouveau démocratique a imposé la question de la légitimité par laquelle la nation peut contrôler, médiatement (par l'intermédiation du juge constitutionnel) ou immédiatement (par référendum), l'action des autres organes y compris le pouvoir constituant dont l'ensemble des compétences est encadré par la constitution. L'investissement des organes supranationaux qu'on découvre de plus en plus dans le commerce juridique national rend cette question de la légitimité plus efficiente dès lors que la nation, mais aussi ses différentes composantes (par la capacité de saisir les instances régionales, communautaires ou même internationales), peut requérir la condamnation de l'État pour manquement à une obligation juridique. L'idée de légitimité suppose ainsi, pour la nation, la possibilité d'évaluer l'action des organes classique de l'État à partir d'un vaste ordre juridique.D'autre part, la reconnaissance constitutionnelle de la diversité nationale et mieux encore sa prise en compte dans la gestion publique de l'État a profondément reconfiguré le principe d'une souveraineté (nationale) une et indivisible entretenu par le droit constitutionnel révolutionnaire. À partir des principes de personnalité et de territorialité, le contexte africain apporte l'évidence de ce que la nation et les communautés infranationales sont désormais titulaires de droits (politiques, socioculturels) subjectifs ; ce qui modifie le paysage de l'État moderne. On parle de plurijuridisme pour caractériser un agencement politique pluriel. Il suit que la nation (pas seulement elle, mais toutes les composantes sociologiques de l'État) jouit d'une double personnalité juridique (nationale et internationale) qui s'oppose à celle de l'État. Celui-ci reste à la quête d'une nouvelle identité qui traduira la somme des compétences infra et supra nationales des acteurs du système juridique ; laquelle identité devrait par ailleurs indiquer le sens définitif de la théorie postmoderne de la personnalité juridique de l'État.