Suchergebnisse

Israel borders four states - Syria, Egypt, Jordan and Lebanon, and two entities - the Palestinian authority in the West Bank and Hamas in the Gaza strip. In recent years, despite incidents on the border with Syria and Egypt, the basic strategic status quo with these countries has not changed, and the overall balance of power between Israel and the Arabs has been maintained. Due to its military might, none of Israel's Arab neighbours are able to defeat it. Israel, however, for political, economic and military reasons, avoids enforcing its will and interfering in internal Arab matters and has successfully managed to stay out of the Arab turmoil. Israel, the Arabs and Iran gives a detailed overview of the various national security challenges that Israel has faced since 2011. It explains the key considerations and constraints Israel has had to deal with on several fronts, from its northern border with Lebanon to its southern border with Egypt. The book provides the reader with a deep understanding of why and how Israel has struggled to keep the status quo, whilst a large part of the Middle East remains in turmoil. The book is aimed at anyone studying Israel, its Foreign Policy, Middle Eastern Politics and International Relations. It will also appeal to government officials, military officers and anyone working or interested in national security issues concerning the Middle East and particularly Israel.

The Policing of Protest, Disorder and International Terrorism in the UK since 1945 -- Preface -- Contents -- 1 Introduction - Conventional Politics and Protest -- The Decline of Engagement with Conventional Political Activity -- Political Party Membership and Party Affiliation -- Voter Participation in Elections -- General Elections -- Disillusionment with Conventional Political Activity -- People Lack Power -- Remoteness of Conventional Political Activity -- Centralisation of Power in the Executive Branch of Government -- Lack of Ideological and Policy Choice -- Founded on Obsolete Ideals -- Consensus Politics -- Management as Opposed to Change -- Centralised Control and Stage Management -- Party Discipline -- Sleaze and Abuse of Power in a Public Office -- The Disillusioned and the Disengaged -- Young People and Conventional Politics -- Political Engagement Through Protest -- Young People and Protest -- Young People and Formal Education -- Young People Lacking Formal Education -- Globalisation and Protest -- The Globalisation of Capitalism -- Power Wielded by Multinational Companies -- Securing Political Influence -- Corporate Power, Conventional Politics and Protest -- Conclusion -- References -- 2 The State's Response to Protest, Subversion and Terrorism -- The Physical Response to Protest -- The Police Service -- Riot Police -- Specialist Public Order Units -- Police Support Units -- Mutual Aid and Its Organisation -- The Military -- The Privatisation of Public Order Policing -- Political Policing -- Subversion -- The Policing of Subversion -- The Police Service -- Special Branch -- Government Communications Headquarters -- The Security Service (MI5) -- Private Organisations -- Methods of Intelligence Gathering -- Overt Intelligence Gathering -- The Storage of Intelligence Gathered Overtly -- Intrusive Surveillance -- Telephone Tapping

International humanitarian law (IHL) applies to situations of armed conflict, a de facto state of hostilities dependent on neither a declaration nor recognition of the existence of "war" by its parties. In terms of its material scope, whether an armed conflict is an international armed conflict (IAC) or non-international armed conflict (NIAC) will largely determine which rules of IHL apply. Articles 2 and 3 common to the Geneva Conventions differentiate between the rules applicable to IACs and NIACs. However, the term "armed conflict" is defined in neither article. Far from being an oversight, the omission plays an important role in depoliticizing the application of the Conventions to the situations of violence for which they were conceived. Having learned from earlier reliance on notions such as "declarations of war", the drafters' choice of the notion of "armed conflict" ensured that the Conventions' catalyst would never become a vestige of its time, but rather a concept meant to endure and, indeed, adapt in response to the changing environments for which the Conventions are needed. The application of IHL has since been predicated on a fact-based analysis rather than only the formal recognition by a belligerent that a state of war exists.

Intro -- Abstract -- Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- List of Abbreviations -- 0. Introduction -- 1. Leadership in Multicultural Organizations -- 1.1 Distinction of Global Organizations and Global Influences on Organizations -- 1.2 Effective Leadership in Multicultural Organizations -- 1.3 Definition of Culture in a Society and the Idea of Cultural Dimensions -- 2. Latest State of the Scientific Discussion -- 2.1 Scholarly Literature Analysis -- 2.2 Current Training Courses for Multicultural Managers -- 3. Selected Significant Leadership Roles, Skills and Abilities -- 3.1 Globalization and Leadership - New Challenges for Managers -- 3.2 Selected Significant Skills for Managers Acting in a Multicultural Context -- 3.2.1 Mental Stress in a Multicultural Framework -- 3.2.2 Building a Trustful Culture and Empowering Employees -- 3.3 Selected Significant Roles for Managers Acting in a Multicultural Context -- 3.3.1 Manager as Mentor and Coach -- 3.3.2 Manager as Development Officer -- 3.4 Selected Significant Abilities for Managers Acting in a Multicultural Context -- 3.4.1 Successful Team Building with a View to Multicultural Challenges -- 3.4.2 Sustainable Motivation of Employees -- 3.4.3 Change Management within an International Framework -- 3.4.4 Time Management for Successful Leadership -- 3.4.5 Receiver-Based Communication within the Multicultural Context -- 3.4.6 Emotional Intelligence -- 3.4.7 Cultural Intelligence -- 4. Empirical Research: Analysis of Multicultural Leadership Approaches -- 4.1 Object of the Analysis -- 4.2 Objectives and Hypotheses -- 4.3 Methodic and Methods -- 4.4 Presentation of the Respondents -- 4.5 Results of the Research and Review of the Hypotheses -- 4.5.1 Evaluation of the Empirical Results -- 4.5.2 Review of the Hypotheses -- 4.6 Deduction of a Leadership Model for Finance Managers.

PurposeThis comment aims to join the discussion raised by Penget al.regarding the social responsibility of international business (IB) scholars in the case of Chinese outward foreign direct investment (OFDI), and to provide a subject overview about it.Design/methodology/approachIn response to Penget al.'s paper, this comment focuses on three issues, i.e. the myth of Chinese OFDI, round‐tripping, and state‐owned enterprises (SOEs).FindingsOwing to a short period of accumulation, the scale of Chinese OFDI stock is small compared to the global total. However, with its momentum, it may become a threat in the long term. Apart from round‐tripping, tax havens such as Hong Kong have multiple functions for Chinese companies to invest in. Although the size of foreign investments conducted by private companies remains small, their role in Chinese OFDI should not be ignored.Research limitations/implicationsThe arguments made in this comment are mainly built upon the data from the official publications, which could present a broad but superficial view of the Chinese OFDI. In order to fill research gaps such as the internationalisation behaviour of Chinese OFDI in tax havens, more stories need to be explored.Originality/valueThis comment discusses several issues that have been mentioned by Penget al.but have been explored less in the literature, such as how to view Chinese OFDI in Hong Kong, and how to view the role of private companies.

COVID-19 has exposed many fault lines in international development. As international staff were repatriated, the need to support communities with basics such as sanitation and hygiene once again fell to local organisations, who are often underfunded, in part because of the international development funding structures that are stacked against them. We argue that these structures lead to tokenistic partnerships, intervention design driven by short-term trends rather than the needs of communities, and ecological damage to the detriment of the very communities we claim to support. We argue that international development must take this opportunity to become more cognisant of and accountable for our carbon footprint, to develop new ways to support those organisations most closely linked to the communities they serve, to engage with the wider politics that has brought us to this point, and to commit to a future that redresses the inequalities of the past.

This book examines the different ways in which the laws governing the use of force and the conduct of warfare have become subject to intense scrutiny and contestation since the initiation of the war on terror.Since the end of the Cold War, the nature of security challenges has changed radically and this change has been recognised by the UN, governments and academics around the world. The 911 attacks and the subsequent launch of the 'war on terror' added a new dimension to this debate on the nature and utility of international law due to the demands from some quarters for a change in the laws g

Vestfalyan devletler sisteminin en önemli konularından biri olan sınırların dokunulmazlığı, uluslararası ilişkiler ve uluslararası hukukun da temel uğraşılarındandır. Devletler arasında sınırların belirlenmiş ve güç yoluyla değiştirilemeyeceğinin ilke olarak benimsenmiş olması uluslararası barış ve güvenlik ortamının sağlamasında elzem olduğu düşünülmüştür. Gerçekten de uluslararası ilişkilerdeki geleneksel devlet-merkezli bakış açısından bu doğrudur. Değişen dünya koşulları ile yeni güvenlik anlayış ve algılamaları sınırların dokunulmazlığına atfedilen kutsallığı aşındırıyor olsa da günümüzde halen temel siyasi örgütlenme biçiminin ulus-devlet olması nedeniyle sınır uyuşmazlıkları uluslararası güvenlik endişelerinin temelindeki yerini kaybetmiş değildir. Dolayısıyla ortaya çıkan/çıkacak olan sınır uyuşmazlıklarının barışçı yollarla mı yoksa güç yoluyla mı nihayete erdirileceği meselesi uluslararası gündemin en önemli konularından biri olmayı sürdürmektedir. Afrika kıtası, sömürge geçmişinin mirası olan keyfi ve yapay sınırlar, bu sınırların belirlenme ve işaretlenme işlemlerindeki eksiklikler ve çok sayıda etnik grubun yaşadığı coğrafyaların bu sınırlar ile örtüşmemesi nedeniyle pek çok sınır uyuşmazlığı tecrübe etmiştir ve etmeye devam etmektedir. Modern devletler sistemine oldukça geç tarihlerde dahil olabilmiş Afrika devletleri için sınırların kesin olarak belirlenmesi ve sınırlar dolayısıyla çıkan/ çıkması muhtemel çatışmaların önüne geçilebilmesi öncelikli konulardandır. Kıtada ortaya çıkan sınır uyuşmazlıkları savaşlara neden olmuş, bu da kıtanın bütünleşmesi ve kıta çapında ekonomik kalkınmanın önüne engeller koymuştur. Kimi durumlarda ise Afrikalı devletler sınır uyuşmazlıklarını barışçı bir şekilde çözmeye çalışmış ve uyuşmazlıkları çözme işini uluslararası mahkemelere taşıyarak adil ve kabul edilebilir çözümler beklemiştir. Bu tez çalışması da Afrika kıtasından Uluslararası Adalet Divanı'na taşınmış ve ii Divan'da çözüme kavuşturulmuş kara sınır uyuşmazlığı dava örneklemleri üzerinden yürütülecektir. Seçilen davalar incelenerek kara sınır uyuşmazlıkları konusunda UAD içtihadındaki tutarlılık veya tutarsızlıklar ve değişimler tahlil edilmeye çalışılacaktır. Bir değişim saptandığında bunun sebeplerinin neler olabileceği de tartışmaya dahil edilecektir. Çalışmanın amacı doğrultusunda dört örnek davaya odaklanılacaktır. İki Afrika devleti arasında, Uluslararası Adalet Divanı'na taşınan ilk dava Burkina Faso- Mali davası ilk basamak olarak kullanılacaktır. Daha sonraki tarihli Libya-Çad ve Nijerya-Kamerun davaları da yapılan literatür taramasında en çok rastlanılan uyuşmazlıklar olduğundan ve Divan'ın bu davalardaki hükümlerinde yapmış olduğu yorumlar uluslararası hukuk açısından büyük önem taşıdığından çalışmaya dahil edilecektir. Son olarak kıta Afrikası'nda kara sınırları ile ilgili çalışma tarihi itibari ile en son tarihli dava olan Burkina Faso- Nijer davası da eklenecektir. Afrika kıtasından Uluslararası Adalet Divanı'na taşınmış, uluslararası sınırları ilgilendiren diğer iki dava; Benin-Nijer ve Botswana-Namibya Davaları çalışmanın dışında tutulacaktır. Benin- Nijer Davası iki ülke sınırındaki Nijer Nehri ve Mekrou Nehri bölümlerindeki uyuşmazlık ile ilgilidir ve Divan' ın hükmü sınırı, bu iki nehir üzerinde belirlemektedir. Botswana- Namibya Davası ise Chobe Nehri üzerinde bulunan Kasikili/Sedudu Adası' nın sahipliği ile ilgilidir. Her ne kadar bu davalar da ülkeler arasındaki kara sınırları ile ilgili olsa da ana coğrafi unsur nehirler olduğundan bu iki dava çalışmaya dahil edilmemiştir. Çalışma dört ana bölümden oluşacaktır. İlk bölümde Kıta Afrikası'na genel bir giriş yapılacaktır. İkinci bölüm uluslararası sınır uyuşmazlıklarına ayrılacaktır. Üçüncü bölümde Kıta Afrikası'ndaki kara sınır uyuşmazlıklarına odaklanılacaktır. Uluslararası Adalet Divanı nezdine taşınmış ve karara bağlanmış dört dava tahlil edilecek ve Sonuç bölümünde de sıralanan sorulara cevap aranacaktır. ; Inviolability of frontiers, being one of the most important issues of Westphalian state system is a fundamental strive for international relations and international law. Delineation of frontiers and adoption the concept of unalterability of frontiers by force are considered to be vital for the establishment of international peace and security. Indeed this is viable from the traditional state-centric view of international relations. Though the transforming circumstances of the world and the new understandings and perceptions of security erodes the sanctity attributed to the inviolability of frontiers, boundary disputes have not lost its place at the core of international security concerns because main political organization is stil the nationstate. Therefore the question of settling the boundary disputes by wheter peaceful or violent means is still one important subject for international agenda. Africa continent have experienced and continues to experience many boundary disputes because of the arbitrary and artificial boundaries inhereted from colonization, the poor delineation and demarcation of boundaries and not overlapping of the geography of many ethnic groups with those boundaries. Precise determination of boundaries and avoiding the possible conflicts deriving/derived from boundary questions are preliminary matters for the African states which could get included in the modern state system on late for the dates. Boundary disputes across the continent caused wars and this obstructed the integration of the continent and the economic development. At some cases African states tried to settle the boundary disputes peacefully and hoped for equitable and acceptable resolutions by taking those disputes to international courts. This dissertation is going to be moved on samples of disputes from Africa continent that were taken to and resolved by International Court of Justice. Consistencies and inconsistencies and changes at the ICJ juriprudence is going to be analyzed through examining the selected cases. If change is detected then the possible causes for it, is going to be incorporated to the iv discussion. Four specific cases are going to be focused on for the purpose of the study. Burkina Faso- Mali case which was the first boundary dispute case between two African states taken to ICJ is going to be used as the first step. Then Libya- Chad and Cameroon- Nigeria cases is going to incopareted to the study for they are among the most encountered cases in the literature and for Court's interpretations in these cases are very important for international law. Lastly Burkina Faso- Niger case is going to be embodied because that is the last case for the date of this study that ICJ adjudicated. Two other cases; Benin-Niger and Botswana-Namibia cases are going to excluded. In Benin-Niger case the dispute is related to the sectors in Niger River and Mekrou River and the Court's judgment determines the boundary in these two rivers. Botswana-Namibia Case is about the ownership of Kasikili/Sedudu Island on the Chobe River. Although these cases are about the land boundary between the countries, for the main elements are rivers in those cases the two cases are not included in this study. Study is planned to be comprised of four main sections. In first section there is going to be a prelude to Africa continent. Second section is going to be reserved for international boundary disputes. In the third section land boundary disputes at Africa continent is going to be focused on. The four cases that were taken to and adjudicated by ICJ is going to be analyzed. In the Conclusion section there is going to be strive for the answers to the listed questions.

For decades, the territorial dispute between China and Japan over the sovereignty of the Senkaku Islands has caused diplomatic deteriorations in Sino-Japanese relations. When there is extensive media coverage on news about the dispute, nationalist sentiments in both two countries would be triggered and could be expressed through detrimental behaviors towards transnational corporations (hereinafter TNCs). While TNCs play a significant political function as corporate diplomats for their home countries, they are subject to the risk of crises when their home countries are involved in political and economic conflicts with the foreign countries in which they have operations. Against this backdrop, this paper seeks to examine the roles of TNCs with reference to three cases of nationalism-induced crises in China. It proposes relational principles based on which TNCs could implement strategies to mitigate the damage from nationalism-induced crises and contribute to their home countries' diplomatic goals as corporate diplomats.

"The chapter by these authors assesses the EU's role in international climate change policymaking. It does this by comparing the EU's degree of goal attainment at two conferences of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). These are the Conference of the Parties (COP) negotiations in Copenhagen in 2009 and Cancun in 2010. Comprised as building Blocks, three explanatory factors, coherence, opportunity structure and politicization, are applied to enable the authors to examine whether the EU managed to attain its goals as well as the divergent outcomes for the EU of both negotiations. In the conclusion, the Durban negotiations of 2011 are briefly highlighted." (author's abstract)

Policy-oriented research (POR) represents an increasing share of the Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research's (CGIAR's) portfolio. A literature inventory finds 24 studies of the diffusion, influence or impact of this research, of which only three assess impact. There are many influences behind policy formulation, through which research insights permeate, if influential. Hence, attribution and counterfactual difficulties have led many assessments to focus only on analysis of the processes of creating policy influence, rather than also assessing impacts from resulting policy changes. To satisfy CGIAR investor expectations for documented impacts, approaches are proposed for 'demand-led' and 'supply-led' POR case studies.