Suchergebnisse

Sammlung von 16 Aufsätzen, gehalten auf dem 1. Weltsymposium zum Studium des Grünen Buches in Benghazi 1983, die um den zweiten Teil des Grünen Buches und seine internationalen Implikationen kreisen (Krise des Kapitalismus, neue Wirtschaftsordnung und Grünes Buch, wirtschaftliche Probleme und Grünes Buch). (DÜI-Faa)

Sammlung von 18 Aufsätzen, gehalten auf dem 1. Weltsymposium zum Studium des Grünen Buches in Benghazi 1983, die um den zweiten Teil des Grünen Buches und seine internationalen Implikationen kreisen (Krise des Kapitalismus, neue Wirtschaftsordnung und Grünes Buch, wirtschaftliche Probleme und Grünes Buch). (DÜI-Faa)

AbstractThe complexity of contemporary relations and problems, exacerbated by the intricacies of international interaction, pose an enormous challenge to law in general and international law in particular. This paper focuses on two of the various reactions of the legal doctrine to this complexity: on the one hand, the embracement of the novel circumstances and phenomena in their own right – the new governance approaches (NG); on the other hand, the insistence on traditional legal tools but under a renewed understanding thereof in line with changing circumstances – the global administrative law approaches (GAL). The first part of the argument here is that within particular regulatory contexts NG and GAL find their expression in sector-specific and public law approaches, respectively. The paper goes on to essentially argue for a lato sensu public law analysis to be undertaken cumulatively with – and not alternatively to – the sector-specific analysis. This serves to further support the view that NG and GAL are not antithetical; they are rather complementary, and in fact they seem to show a lot of promise in mitigating the (normative) defects of each other.

Abstract
This essay identifies the obstacles to a complete ban on international movement of hazardous waste and critiques its desirability. The essay argues that the obstacles are difficulties in formulating and implementing multilateral waste management treaties (WMTs), socioeconomic factors and trade liberalisation. Also, it argues that the desirability of a complete ban is a function of national priority and socio-economic differentials that underpin the waste trade. Furthermore, since the Basel Convention as amended is not a 'Holy Grail', the responsibility of a complete ban will lie on the shoulders of countries that do want to 'trade poison for cash'. Such countries will have to strengthen their environmental legislation, forge and sustain stronger joint actions to confront the problem.

This is an author-produced PDF of an article accepted for publication following peer review. The publisher version is available on its site. ; What explains the discrepancy between the avowed commitment of the Georgian government to human rights and praxis of human rights in the post-Rose Revolution republic? This article engages with this question and attributes persistent breaches of civil, political, and personal integrity rights in Georgia not only to its domestic circumstances, but also to the international impact. The study develops a reference group theory, a type of social theory that stresses the influence of social groups of states on policies and behavior of their members. Reference groups endorse goals, values, and standards of behavior for their members and serve as the "frames of reference" that enable other states to assess the effectiveness and legitimacy of their actions. The findings of this study indicate that Georgia's reference groups, particularly the United States, contributed to its backsliding on human rights by (1) supporting the Georgian government in its goal of rebuilding the state prior to democratizing it and strengthening respect for human rights; (2) redirecting financial and other assistance from democracy promotion to state-building projects; and (3) providing the Georgian government with flattering, yet, misleading feedback concerning the republic's accomplishments in the area of human rights.

"Eine Korrektur der Ungleichgewichte in den Weltfinanzmärkten ist überfällig. Das Doppeldefizit der USA, die künstlich unterbewerteten Währungen in Asien, der steigende Euro - schon seit Jahren schwelt ein Konflikt in den internationalen Finanzbeziehungen, der letztlich die Weltkonjunktur bedrohen könnte. Die G-7/ G-8 sehen machtlos zu." (Autorenreferat)

Oil export revenues still constitute a considerable part of the national budget, and influence the business cycle, in Russia as well as other oil-exporting countries. Therefore, the identification of the main factors influencing oil prices, an adequate assessment of their significance, as well as a forecast of market developments and possible actions in the international arena are necessary for competent public policy planning and realistic evidence-based budgeting. The activities of the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) are traditionally considered among the main geopolitical factors that significantly influence oil price dynamics.Although at present it is too early to make a full-fledged impact assessment for all factors that influenced oil prices during the current crisis, the first attempts are already being made through situation analyses and academic articles in peer-reviewed journals. However, an analysis of the available studies carried out since the end of the 1960s for all cases of significant oil price fluctuations helps systematize existing findings and answer the following research question: under what circumstances do geopolitical factors play a defining role, and when is their influence extremely limited or completely absent? The goal of this analysis is to identify and generalize the main trends in the oil market and relevant academic research, as well as to clarify OPEC's role in the current stage of the oil market's development.Based on this analysis several conclusions are drawn. First, geopolitical factors had varying significance in oil price dynamics depending on the historic period: in the 1960s and 1970s, the influence was determinative; it then started to weaken and became less important compared to economic variables (especially on the demand side). Second, a key feature of the influence of geopolitical factors on the oil market is indirectness: expectations about future events that theoretically could lead to changes in market conditions, primarily oil supply, have a greater impact on prices than the events themselves. Third, OPEC (+) activities and the political processes taking place among its members are still the most significant geopolitical factors affecting the oil market. Moreover, OPEC's influence as a cartel has been steadily declining since the 1980s. It has lost price-setting power, and now its major function is the adjustment of market-defined prices. Finally, OPEC's influence has decreased due to several major factors: oil market transformation from the sale of commodities to the sale of financial products, the shale revolution, the development of production in non-OPEC countries that, in case of the United States, are also the largest consumers, and the development of alternative energy and renewable sources.

Cover -- Half Title -- Series Page -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- List of figures -- List of tables -- Part I Introduction -- 1 Geographical overview of China's maritime boundaries in the South China Sea -- Part II Chinese historical records of the South China Sea -- 2 The South China Sea in Song-Yuan-Ming-Qing China -- 3 Shitang and Changsha within China's maritime boundaries in the South China Sea -- 4 South China Sea in the Measurements of the Four Seas of the Yuan Dynasty -- 5 Why are Hoang Sa and Truong Sa of Vietnam not Xisha and Nansha of China? some evidence from historical sources -- 6 China's development and administration of Xisha and Nansha Islands -- Part III Controversy over the dotted line -- 7 China's dotted line in the South China Sea: its background and ramifications -- 8 Legal status of the dotted line in the South China Sea: historic waters, territory boundary line or an Island ownership line? -- 9 A critical review of research on the legal status of the dotted line in the South China Sea -- Part IV Mixed reactions to new developments in contested waters -- 10 China's struggle for sovereignty over Xisha and Nansha Islands before and after the Second Sino-Japanese War -- 11 China's dispute with the Philippines over the Nansha Islands: an international law perspective -- 12 Sino-French border demarcation disputes and maritime boundary delimitation in the Gulf of Tonkin -- 13 UN Convention on the Law of the Sea and the South China Sea disputes -- 14 Latest developments in the South China Sea and China's responses -- 15 Current situation in the South China Sea and Vietnamese policy -- Index.

Based on extensive empirical analysis of policy communication, this chap-ter investigates the difference between the Arctic narratives presented by the Rus-sian government to the domestic and foreign audiences. We apply narrative policy analysis (Nye 2004; Jones and McBeth 2010) to demonstrate how the Russian government offers two separate, yet intersecting policy stories. For the domestic audience, it highlights the socio-economic significance of natural (hydrocarbon) resources to the development of the Arctic region and Russia as a whole, and demonstrates persistence in turning the Arctic into the primary resource base 'against all odds' (such as the Western economic sanctions and low price of oil). For the foreign publics, it presents the narrative of the Arctic as a territory of peace and stability, emphasising adherence to the norms and principles of the international law ; Peer reviewed