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The ability of a person to represent and protect his interests, and bear legal responsibility for committing administrative offenses and crimes, constitutes such a category as the legal personality. The article's purpose was to compare the legal personality of an offender and criminally punishable acts by the legislation of Ukraine and international legal acts.

For this purpose, the following tasks have been set: 1) the concept and components of such a category as "legal entity" were defined; 2) the peculiarities of the concept of administrative legal personality are clarified, the limits of the administrative legal personality of a person who has committed an administrative offense are determined; 3) the limits legal personality person who has committed a criminal offense are characterized.

The value of individual sources of the United Nations and the European Court of Human Rights for solving the specified tasks is clarified. Provisions are given that indicate that certain norms of Ukraine's national legislation do not correspond to the provisions of international law. This needs to be settled, because, for example, the right to a fair trial should be equal for everyone.

The legal personality within the limits of administrative and criminal proceedings carried out by the legislation of Ukraine does not differ. However, in the case of bringing a person to justice, it is necessary to evaluate different components of legal personality.

This article examines the role of multinationals and international business in poverty alleviation, based on an analysis of articles in the top journals in business, economics, and policy. We develop a conceptual cross-disciplinary framework that maps and disentangles the impact of different types of international business activities on five dimensions of poverty, moderated by country and industry effects. While our study suggests that the impact of all the types of business activities on poverty is still unclear overall, we contribute to research and policy debates by identifying key insights from and main gaps in this cross-disciplinary stream of literature. A distinction is made between firm effects as part of both 'mainstream' and 'responsible' globalization, and firm-specific activities with and without the explicit goal of poverty alleviation, considering investment and trade. We propose areas for further research based on the framework, including the importance of interaction effects and contextual factors.

Excellent vecteur de la propagande brésilienne à l'étranger, l'Institut International de Coopération Intellectuelle (IICI), ancêtre de l'UNESCO, est pour le Brésil la garantie d'un certain équilibre de sa politique extérieure ; c'est un moyen de ne pas quitter tout à fait la scène européenne, même après son retrait de la SDN, alors même que dès le début du XX° siècle, avec l'arrivée du Baron de Rio Branco à la tête de l'Itamaraty, le rapprochement avec les États-Unis est devenu un axiome de la diplomatie brésilienne. Il ne s'agissait pas de se placer sous la coupe du puissant voisin du Nord, mais de se servir de l'amitié américano-brésilienne pour « atteindre les objectifs plus élevés de sa politique dans le cadre sud-américain. Avec le concours des États-Unis, qui rehaussait le prestige du Brésil, il [Rio Branco] briguait pour son pays le statut de première puissance sud-américaine. Getúlio Vargas n'abandonne pas cette ambition et met en œuvre un discours pan-américaniste qui, d'une part, atténue son image germanophile, et d'autre part le pose en bâtisseur de la solidarité continentale. Dans le même temps, la collaboration avec l'Institut permet au régime de Vargas de donner un gage de bonne volonté au camp des démocraties, inquiètes de ses relations tant économiques qu'idéologiques avec l'Allemagne : quoi de mieux pour cela que de participer à l'œuvre de coopération intellectuelle « grand agent du rapprochement des peuples », selon les mots d'un diplomate brésilien ? C'est aussi un moyen de renforcer son « prestige moral » vis-à-vis des États-Unis, mais aussi des autres pays d'Amérique du Sud. L' « équidistance pragmatique » qui caractérise la politique extérieure brésilienne sous Vargas est donc également valable sur le plan des relations culturelles internationales, où la question de l'image de soi est fondamentale. En utilisant les archives de l'UNESCO et celles de l'Itamaraty sur la participation brésilienne à l'Institut, nous souhaitons montrer comment le Brésil de Vargas construit l'image que les États-Unis et l'Europe des démocraties attendent, tout en jouant sur leur rivalité en Amérique latine. Rivalité ici matérialisée par la concurrence entre l'IICI et les projets de coopération intellectuels de l'Union Panaméricaine. Si la participation du Brésil à l'IICI remonte à 1924, c'est donc principalement à la période Vargas que nous nous intéresserons.

This article tries to identify the conditions under which international policy diffusion occurs, focusing on networks among states. In the existing policy diffusion literature, 'networks' have recently attracted the attention of scholars. Using Agent-Based Simulation, we consider the question of whether a new policy diffuses more widely in a community with dense networks or in a community with sparse networks. Our results show that denser networks do not always lead to more diffusion. Moreover, we find that 'network structure', namely whether easily affected states are connected to innovators, greatly determines the outcome of policy diffusion. Conducting a deductive thought-experiment rather than inductive (mainly statistical) analysis, our research presents a counter-intuitive result concerning the effects of network density on policy diffusion. In addition, we make a contribution to the methodology of international relations by attempting to bridge the unit- and system-levels. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Ltd., copyright holder.]

This study researches international intervention and what makes it successful and unsuccessful. The analysis of the Bosnian and Macedonian interventions from the 1990's through the 2000's provides clues as to what makes intervention more successful for other international actors considering intervention. These two interventions are a great analytic tool because of their similar situations yet divergent outcomes and studying the successes and mistakes of each intervention is helpful in deciding what should be emphasized in future interventions. Bosnia and Macedonia were the two most multiethnic republics in Yugoslavia before their independence, each had forces from the United Nations and other international actors stationed in their nations at the same time, each had heavy international involvement in their state constitutions, and each hope to become members of the European Union. Given all of these similarities, studying the actions made by the international community helps explain their divergent outcomes and make recommendations for future interventions. This study analyzes resolutions from the United Nations, failed and successful peace agreements, and state constitutions to determine what the role of the international community was supposed to be in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Macedonia and what their role actually was. This research concludes that the international intervention in Bosnia-Herzegovina was a failure while the international intervention in Macedonia was a success. It also concludes that international intervention works best when actors intervene early on in a country, when sustained physical violence has not begun at the time of intervention, and when actors look at the situation as a whole without faulty preconceived notions of the reason(s) for intervention.

Compared to the disappointment of the 2009 climate summit in Copenhagen, the results of the recent Conferences of the Parties can be regarded as positive progress. This was made possible due to lesson drawing and learning among states. Recent evidence from the UNFCCC negotiations suggests that countries began to reflect on the "Copenhagen experience." They are setting up domestic climate legislation in the form of low carbon development plans and share their knowledge and experiences in the international climate change negotiations. Country representatives engage in workshops and roundtables to showcase their mitigation plans and low carbon development initiatives, thereby raising ambitions and creating group pressure on other countries. This article examines how the diffusion of policies across countries is motivated and facilitated by knowledge transfer and learning within multilevel-reinforcing governance dynamics between the domestic level and international negotiations. It analyzes how changes in the negotiation setting from confrontational formal negotiations to a more open forum and bottom-up pledge-and-review process, in combination with a positively framed win–win low carbon economic development narrative resulted in the diffusion of climate policies across developed and developing countries. Communicating these climate initiatives on the national level has shifted the debate. Countries emphasize less the win–lose perspective of economic costs and sacrifice. Thus, they focus less on the question of who should reduce emissions', but identify co-benefits instead. The institutionalized knowledge sharing within the UNFCCC is also creating positive competitive dynamics among countries to increase their ambition and to take on a leadership role. This shift in the negotiations carries potential for a more ambitious aggregate negotiation outcome and opens up a window of opportunity.