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Today we are facing an incremental militarization of outer space, which is not only more congested and contested, but it is also starting to be considered by many nations as a warfare domain. This paper intends to give an overview of the current international dynamics at play in the militarization of outer space, identifying the main actors involved, their actions, postures and capabilities development, in order to examine whether these are encouraging international cooperation and the agreement of new governance rules or enhancing military competition and a possible conflict. It also aims to examine the current legal regime that regulates space activities, which is being challenged by new technological developments and states' growing interest in space, and the different dimensions of conflict in outer space and its possible impact on the international community.

This study examines the impact of business group (BG) affiliation on international sales intensity and diversification in small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) by using a multi-country sample of over 13,000 SMEs from 34 European countries. Drawing on the revised Uppsala internationalization model and network theory, this paper suggests that the effects of BG affiliation on international sales intensity and diversification depend on the geographical dispersion of the BG network ties, the size and the age of the firm, and the institutional support in the home country. Thus, we find that interfirm networks in the form of BGs are a double-edged sword that can have both favorable and unfavorable consequences for international sales, depending on the geographical dispersion of the BG's ties. In addition, the results reveal that BG affiliation is more beneficial for smaller SMEs and SMEs in countries with lower institutional support that are more dependent on the network resources embedded within BG networks.

On 27 February 2013 the European Commissioners for Development and Environment presented a proposal for a joint European Union (EU) position for a post-2015 framework on global development. This Briefing Paper looks into what the EU can learn from three past international negotiation processes on how to further develop and effectively promote a joint position: The 2008 Accra High Level Forum on Aid Effectiveness The 2011 Busan High Level Forum on Aid Effectiveness The 2012 Rio Conference on Sustainable Development The analysis shows that the influence of the EU is significantly reduced when individual Member States distance themselves from previously agreed joint EU positions. This is not to say that the EU can push things on its own, but rather that unity in the EU's positions and negotiation strategies – i.e. 27 states, each with their own wide-ranging views and interests – is key to convincing others that it would be worthwhile for them to align themselves with the EU's views and ideas. Five lessons are identified that could inform the EU's preparation and negotiation actions: Prepare well and complete on time: the approach to preparing EU positions has become heavier and more time-consuming, increasing the risk that a joint position could be adopted at a time when the draft outcome document is already at an advanced stage. Keep things flexible: a too detailed position can hamper the EU's flexibility (or reduce the usefulness of the position) in the case of unforeseen circumstances or strong shifts in the negotiation positions of other countries. The need for coordination between negotiations on the post-2015 development agenda and the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) – and their full integration, as desired by the EU – definitely calls for such flexibility. Seek broad-based alliances: the EU needs to strongly invest in seeking support from other United Nations (UN) members around key elements of its joint position if it is to negotiate successfully during the coming months. Promote a broad agenda: compared to environmental policy negotiations, development cooperation negotiations show stronger tendencies of EU Member States operating on their own or in likeminded coalitions. The potential inclusion of Sustainable Development Goals into the post-2015 framework may reduce that risk. EU coordination during Rio+20 presented some ideas on how the EU could organise itself. Convince with action, not with words: in negotiations the EU has developed a reputation of "do what I say and not what I do". Given the possible greater focus of a post-2015 development agenda on areas and actions beyond development assistance, the importance of results in making policy areas such as trade and environment more development-friendly only increases.

ABSTRACTManuscript Type:ReviewResearch Question:This review essay examines the mechanisms by which crosslisting of a firm's shares on a foreign stock exchange and its subsequent exposure to an international capital market can induce changes in corporate governance. We also review reasons why a firm might elect to use crosslisting to improve investor perception of the quality of its governance.Research Findings/Results:After a review of the existing literature, we conclude that there is substantial support for legal bonding in the decision to crosslist, with lesser evidence consistent with reputational bonding. We also conclude that firm growth opportunities and the need for external capital are critical factors in a decision to crosslist.Theoretical Implications:This study synthesizes the extensive empirical work done on crosslisting and consequent changes in corporate governance structures. It also highlights a number of areas that require further research including more direct testing of governance changes following crosslisting, the effect of crosslisting on corporate equity ownership structures, and the investment/new securities issuance behavior of firms subsequent to crosslisting. This research will help to chart the path of future academic study by scholars of international corporate governance.Practical Implications:This review of the empirical evidence will contribute to the identification of a set of best practices that can lead to improved governance for firms worldwide. Furthermore, the discussion of what remains unexamined by governance researchers will help to shape the contours of future policy and legislative debate.

AbstractThe research aims to empirically validate a multidimensional measure of total quality management (TQM) benchmarking within a humanitarian setting. This study is the first to investigate the dimensionality of the TQM benchmarks as used by international nongovernmental organizations (INGOs). The proposed four‐dimensional construct for measuring quality lends itself to lean and practical TQM framework for INGOs, allowing them a greater awareness and an appetite for aligning their operations with TQM principles. Utilizing survey data collected from participants working for United Nations agencies in the Middle East, the methodology consisted of a set of literature‐backed quantitative procedures to test the validity of the previously suggested theoretical TQM‐measurement model. An alternate model emerged and revealed that the TQM‐benchmarking measurement model is a four‐factor variate. The implications of the proposed model for implementing lean management practices by INGOs are discussed.

A similar set of concepts has been central to the literatures on the formation of trade policy coalitions and the "new economics of institutions": the political and economic consequences of the degree to which assets are specific to a particular economic activity. In this survey, the authors take the necessary first step of summarizing the main findings of these two literatures and then suggest ways in which the issue might be joined. In addition to providing a more coherent understanding of the findings of these two literatures and some new directions for them, the authors show that many puzzles remain in the field of trade politics—puzzles for which there are no appealing answers or, where there are answers, no strong evidence in support of them. This essay, then, in addition to being a theoretical review of the literature, puts forward an agenda for future study of international trade politics.