Suchergebnisse

Little is known about the inadequate teacher support towards inclusive education in South Africa. This study was aimed at exploring the inadequacy of support regarding the implementation of inclusive education in the Johannesburg East District, Gauteng province. The ecological theory of Bronfenbrenner was used as a theoretical lens for this study. Face-to-face individual interviews were carried out, whereby 15 teachers were interviewed. This study used a phenomenology design, underpinned within a interpretive paradigm, to gain insight on the inadequacy of support regarding the implementation of inclusive education. The data was inductively analysed using the thematic analytic methods that search for themes. The study used convenient and purposive sampling as initial plan to select teachers that a researcher can easily access. Non-probability sampling was used as sampling technique; thus, the sampling was unable to give all individuals in the population an equal chance of being selected. This study revealed that inadequate teacher support was prevalent in the district where this study was conducted. Teachers in this study mentioned that they struggled to implement inclusive education in schools, owing to insufficient support given to them Teachers need to be empowered through continuous development platforms such as training and provided with guiding manuals. In addition, structures should be made accessible to accommodate all learners and resources and supports should be made available for use in the inclusive schools. This study would contribute significantly in the understanding of the inadequate support provision provided to teachers in the implementation of inclusive education.

The full-scale incursion by Russia into Ukraine in February 2022 starkly revealed the aggressive, manipulative, and deceitful nature of the Russian autocracy. This action effectively employed state terrorism and led to Russia being labeled as a terrorist state. This article undertakes a thorough examination of the emerging geopolitical concept known as the "terrorist state" within the broader context of the evolution and hybridization of terrorism. The authors employ a conceptual analysis of the "terrorist state" as a manifestation of destructive aggression, utilizing the instrumental axes methodology. They delve into the distinctive characteristics of state-sponsored terrorism and explore the static structural and dynamic processes leading an autocracy toward the designation of a terrorist state. In this discourse, the authors highlight the pressing necessity to broaden the research perspectives within the realms of terrorism theory and praxeology by introducing the novel concept of a "terrorist state" into the normative framework of international law and counter-terrorism strategies. This research holds significant practical relevance amid contemporary geopolitical tensions, providing a scholarly basis for proactive policies aimed at addressing autocratic dictatorships that challenge the global security apparatus. Additionally, it underscores the importance of strategic isolation measures directed at terrorist states.

It is a relatively common occurrence in American politics for state electorates to divide their partisan majorities between different parties, depending on the office contest. Observations concerning these divergent aggregate patterns are usually accompanied by speculation that the theoretical propositions on individual voting behavior, developed and tested in the context of presidential voting, hold less relevance for voting in statewide contests. Evidence presented in this paper does not bear out that view of state elections. The candidate incumbency context of state elections is introduced as an aid in predicting the partisan direction of split-ticket voting at the state level. Setting respondents in various conflict situations with respect to (1) basic party loyalties, (2) net assessments of presidential candidates, and (3) incumbent partisanship yields reasonably accurate specification of split-ticket voting patterns in gubernatorial, senatorial, and presidential contests; it also suggests at least one source of disparate partisan majorities among state electorates.

Due to the weak reform of Ukraine\'s economy and low level of investment attraction, its potential has significantly decreased, and the structure of the economy has acquired the features of agricultural and raw materials orientation. This approach makes it impossible to raise the living standards of Ukrainians. To change the situation, it is necessary to rethink the approaches of state regulation of economic processes, increase productivity, intensification and growth of production efficiency, active sale on world markets of goods and services made in Ukraine with higher added value. All this can be possible by attracting certain new technologies, know-how, innovations, and most importantly, investments, through which a favorable environment can be built. With this in mind, in order to attract investment and technology, the world practice is to initially focus on building institutions, infrastructure and implementing the best world standards in the rule of law, government regulation, education, science, medicine, etc. Only effective reforms to stimulate investment in the domestic economy can shift the process of renewal and qualitative growth of Ukraine\'s economy. To improve the investment climate and create a competitive Ukrainian economy, the priority measures should be the revision of domestic investment programs and similar measures in neighboring countries, the formation on this basis of an updated institutional mechanism to attract productive investment, establishing the rule of law by EU standards, cleansing law enforcement and government of corruption, optimization of the fiscal and tax mechanism for investors, renewal of infrastructure and introduction of system technological re-equipment. Implementation of the 10 proposed items, which relate to state incentives for investment activities, will help to systematically attract investment resources on a long-term basis. Another priority for public authorities should be the introduction of UAE-type industrial parks and innovation parks to strengthen the development of the domestic IT sector in major cities of Ukraine. This will allow Ukraine to develop the socio-economic environment faster and more efficiently and gradually, on a pragmatic basis, integrate into the EU.

ObjectiveAlthough the United States 1993 Family and Medical Leave Act is considered meager by international standards, significant variation in family leave policies exists across U.S. states. This article develops a political theory—driven by mobilized interest groups—to explain variation in the duration and pay level of state parental leave policies.MethodsEmploying four different measures of family leave policy, we use ordinary least squares and logit models to test the effects of partisanship, women in the legislature, and evangelical populations on parental leave outcomes.ResultsWe find that states with a pattern of Democratic Party controlled legislatures and high percentages of legislative seats occupied by women see more generous parental leave protections, while states with large populations of evangelical Christians see less generous policies.ConclusionFamily leave policies are the product of a battle between competing visions of the family and the state, shaped by partisanship, gender, and religion.

700Sea — High seas — Piracy — Definition of crime of piracy — United States law defining piracy as defined by law of nations — Whether piracy narrowly defined as robbery at sea — Whether piracy encompassing violent conduct — Whether defendants guilty of crime of piracy under United States law — Whether defendants' mandatory life sentences appropriateRelationship of international law and municipal law — United States law incorporating law of nations in definition of crime of piracy — Interpretation of law of nations — Whether law of nations at time Congress passed United States law — Whether law of nations as evolved — Precedent — Alvarez-Machain — Treaties — Definition of piracy — Geneva Convention on the High Seas, 1958, Article 15 — United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, 1982, Article 101 — Customary international law — Intention of United States Congress — Whether defendants guilty of crime of piracy under United States lawJurisdiction — Universal jurisdiction — Piracy — Universal jurisdiction crime — Whether United States Congress intending to define piracy as universal jurisdiction crime — The law of the United States

Mode of access: Internet. ; Information for 1991 issued as a section of: United States. Office of Management and Budget. Budget of the United States government, 1991.

This Article presents an independent analysis of a fundamental aspect of the free speech provision of the Washington Declaration of Rights, which closely resembles the free speech provisions of many other state constitutions. The focus is on whether the Washington free speech provision protects Washingtonians against abridgment of their speech and press rights by private individuals and organizations. To answer this question, this Article examines the nature of state constitutions and government, the case law of other jurisdictions interpreting similar provisions, the text of the Washington provision, the origins of the provision, the historical background of the Washington Constitutional Convention, Washington case law, current social values, and public policy considerations. Analysis of these factors reveals that the Washington Constitution can, was intended to, and does protect free speech rights against many forms of abridgment by private individuals and organizations.

The article is devoted to a complex of scholarship programs of the European Union aimed at increasing the mobility of students and researchers within the European space ; Статья посвящена комплексу стипендиальных программ Европейского Союза, направленных на повышение мобильности студентов и исследователей в рамках европейского пространства

Northern Ireland has achieved political stability and its devolved government is now tackling public policy issues neglected during periods of sectarian violence. Notwithstanding the prevailing political optimism, one legacy of the conflict is a deeply divided society. This is particularly manifest in the education system where around 90% of children attend either state (Controlled) schools (de facto Protestant) or Catholic (Maintained) schools, with integrated schools accounting for less than 6% of the school population. In an attempt to address this wasteful duplication of services, external funders have piloted an initiative entitled The Shared Education Programme (SEP) where schools working in cross-community partnerships deliver shared classes and activities in order to improve education outcomes. This paper attempts to: quantify the educational returns for pupils participating in the SEP; articulate the qualitative reconciliation benefits from the perspective of teachers, parents and pupils; and, locate the findings of the research in the ongoing policy debate about restructuring education provision in Northern Ireland at a time of budget retrenchment and declining school rolls.