Suchergebnisse

AbstractIn the face of the triple planetary crisis, which includes climate change, biodiversity loss and environmental degradation, there is growing recognition that the environment needs to be re-evaluated and better protected. Recent developments, such as a values assessment by the Intergovernmental Science-Policy Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services (IPBES),1 the concept of biocultural rights and the acknowledgment of granting rights to nature, emphasize the intrinsic value of the environment and endorse the understanding of the interconnectedness between humans and non-human entities. These developments are also increasingly evident in legal frameworks; for instance, several domestic legal systems now accept the rights of nature and grant legal standing to natural entities. This expansion in our understanding of the environment challenges the traditional anthropocentric focus of international law, which has primarily prioritized human rights and interests, perceiving humans as having dominance over nature and the liberty to harness its resources. Simultaneously, international environmental law is increasingly recognizing the interdependence of ecosystems and species. This acknowledgment drives the promotion of approaches to environmental management and conservation that centre around ecosystems and local communities. The present article looks at how to reconcile these heightened environmental values and the legal norms in armed conflict by examining two examples: the safeguarding of protected areas and the restoration of the environment post-conflict. By analyzing the changing values and legal developments in this area, the article offers legal and practical tools to support the protection of nature's intrinsic value in future warfare.

Much has been written about the need to build local capacities in emergency and postemergency situations. Many relief programs, however, remain characterized by externality: in their funding, accountabilities, approach to management, and dependence upon expatriate staff. Reality often flies in the face of stated policy and good intentions. In reality, strengthening local capacity is easier said than done, and there are real tradeoffs between outsiders doing something right now in the midst of an emergency, on the one hand, and building longer term local skills, on the other.

Putting the humanitarian-development nexus into practice, aid organisations and donors pay most attention to camp populations in protracted refugee situations (PRS). This Paper argues that synergies arise when development aid redefines and expands the area of humanitarian
needs regarding developmental objectives and instruments rather than bolstering the mainstream activities of humanitarian actors. Drawing on the case of Colombia, the argument of this
Paper is threefold: First, it shows how the conditions to qualify refugees and IDPs as aid recipients must be extended to include forcibly immobilised persons. The Paper understands 'forcibly immobilised persons' as individuals who are forced to stay in the same place for lack of alternatives or constraints on their movement (e.g. through armed groups). Strikingly, forcibly immobilised persons have so far usually been overlooked as persons in need, although they face similar
hardships as refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs). This is why this Paper proposes to replace the classical concept of spatial displacement with a model of displacement that includes both in situ immobilised persons (on the spot) and ex situ immobilised persons (immobilised after initial spatial movement). Second, the Paper argues that individual needs, such as the need for protection, rather than circumstances, should be decisive for aid eligibility. Whether a situation
is categorised as "war", for instance, is a highly politicised question and hence not a reliable indicator - whereas a needs-based approach is. Third, the Paper draws on an in-depth analysis of confined communities in Colombia to show that forcibly immobilised persons - like IDPs and refugees - often require humanitarian and development aid, thus showing clear examples for how the nexus could work - as it already does in part. Overall, this Paper thus proposes a reconceptualisation of the humanitarian-development nexus to ensure a more targeted reach for persons in need.

The goal of this study is to evaluate the application of the flipped classroom (FC) format in the international studies curriculum. Previous research has examined the impact of the FC on students' performance, operationalized by test scores, and demonstrated the utility of this technique in the learning process. Our research goes beyond student performance to evaluate the impact of the FC on student class attendance and the development of a set of soft skills, such as teamwork, critical thinking, self-efficacy, academic self-concept, and perception of learning. In our experiment, we compare an FC with a non-flipped class that combines traditional lecturing with other active learning techniques, such as presentations, teamwork activities, and problem-based debates. The study finds that the FC did not have a substantial impact on either students' performance, attendance, or soft skills. The differences between the two groups were too small to corroborate any tendency in favor of one or the other format. For the most part, students performed in a similar way. This can suggest that the benefits of an FC format might be less when compared with other active learning techniques.

Hauptbeschreibung Mit Errichtung der ad hoc Tribunale der Vereinten Nationen zur Verfolgung völkerrechtlicher Verbrechen im ehemaligen Jugoslawien und in Ruanda zu Beginn der 90er Jahre entschloss sich die Staatengemeinschaft erstmalig in neuerer Zeit zur Einsetzung internationaler Strafgerichte. Den Tribunalen wird überwiegend Anerkennung für ihre Beiträge zu Frieden und Aussöhnung entgegengebracht. Im Jahre 1998 wurde in Rom das Statut des ständigen Internationalen Strafgerichtshofs angenommen. Der Strafgerichtshof hat mittlerweile seine Arbeit aufgenommen. Er steht nun vor der schwierigen Aufgabe, den Erwartungen, die seitens der Weltöffentlichkeit an ihn gestellt werden, in gleicher Weise gerecht zu werden wie seine beiden Vorgänger. Dabei ist maßgeblich, inwieweit sich die rechtlichen Vorgaben für den Strafgerichtshof von denen der ad hoc Tribunale unterscheiden. Diese Fragestellung liegt der Arbeit zu Grunde. Die Wissenschaft hat sich bislang vor allem mit der Weiterentwicklung des materiellen Völkerstrafrechts beschäftigt. Aspekte der Durchsetzung eines völkerrechtlichen Strafanspruchs sind jedoch genauso wichtig wie die Entstehung des Strafanspruchs. Für die Durchsetzung eines völkerrechtlichen Strafanspruchs wiederum sind die rechtlichen Vorgaben für das Ermittlungsverfahren von herausragender Bedeutung, denn im Unterschied zur staatlichen Ebene haben internationale Strafgerichte fernab vom Tatort ihren Sitz und verfügen über keine eigenen Vollzugsorgane. Deshalb findet das Ermittlungsverfahren besondere Berücksichtigung. Im Ergebnis erfolgt eine Bewertung, ob die im Einzelnen festgestellten Unterschiede zwischen den Strafgerichten derart gravierend sind, daß nunmehr mit dem Strafgerichtshof eine neue Ära beginnt, in der möglicherweise eine effektive Durchsetzung des Strafanspruchs wesentlich schwieriger erscheint als bei den ad hoc

International legalization promises to civilize world politics with global legal norms that bind states' behavior effectively. However, international legal norm can also institutionalize unjust forms of cooperation and the dominance of powerful states. In order to challenge unjust global rules the concept of civil disobedience has to be extended to international law violations by sovereign states. In the national realm civil disobedience has contributed extensively to the establishment of human rights. In order to use the concept for international politics, this paper develops criteria for state civil disobedience which are then applied to the Argentine foreign debt repudiation and Bolivia's violations of international investment law. Furthermore two hypotheses concerning causes and consequences of state civil disobedience are formulated ; Internationale Verrechtlichung verspricht eine Zivilisierung der Weltpolitik durch eine effektive Bindung der Staaten an globale Rechtsnormen. Gleichwohl können internationale Rechtsnormen auch die Dominanz der mächtigeren Staaten institutionalisieren und ungerechte Kooperationsformen festschreiben. Um ungerechte globale Rechtsnormen zu verändern ist es notwendig den Ansatz des zivilen Ungehorsams auf staatliche Rechtsbrüche zu übertragen. Im nationalen Rahmen hat der zivile Ungehorsam durch begrenzte Rechtsbrüche einen erheblichen Beitrag für die Erkämpfung der Menschenrechte geleistet. Um dieses Potential für die internationale Politik nutzbar zu machen, werden Kriterien für staatlichen zivilen Ungehorsam entwickelt und auf die argentinische Schuldenverweigerung und Boliviens Verletzungen internationalen Investitionsrechts angewendet. Zudem entwickelt das Papier zwei Hypothesen zu den Ursachen und den Wirkungen von staatlichem zivilem Ungehorsam

Dugardian legal theory / David Dyzenhaus -- Casting fresh light on the supreme right : the African commission's general comment no. 3 on the right to life / Christof Heyns, and Thomas Probert -- Human rights in the work of the international law commission / Arnold Pronto -- Pursuing a brave new world for the oceans : the place of common heritage in a proposed law of the sea treaty / Dire Tladi -- Climate change and the rule of law : adjudicating the future in international law / Philippe Sands -- The International Law Commission's articles on diplomatic protection revisited / James Crawford -- Immunities and consent to jurisdiction in international law / Annemarieke Vermeer-Kunzli -- The development of international law by national courts / Christopher Greenwood -- The status of municipal law before the world court in the light of recent cases / Maurice Kamto -- The individualization of enforcement in international law / Larissa van den Herik -- South Africa in Africa : assessing South Africa's participation in organization of African unity and African Union treaties / Tiyanjana Maluwa -- Unconstitutional change of government and the public law of Africa : outlawing Coups d'Etat in Africa / Abdulqawi A. Yusuf -- State succession in relation to treaties : looking back and looking forward / Ivan Shearer -- United Nations Security Council Resolution 1373 (2001) as a tool for criminal law enforcement / Trevor P. Chimimba -- Counter-terrorism sanctions and human rights / Hennie Strydom -- The Omar Al-Bashir case : exploring efforts to resolve the tension between the African Union and the International Criminal Court / Max du Plessis -- International Criminal Law and the Middle East / William Schabas -- Fighting apartheid on a second front : Dugard's work on the occupied Palestinian territories / Mia Swart -- Global trends towards the simplification of extradition procedures / Neil Boister.

This book provides a critical history of influential women in the United Nations and seeks to inspire empowerment with role models from bygone eras. The women whose voices this book presents helped shape UN conventions, declarations, and policies with relevance to the international human rights of women throughout the world today. From the founding of the UN and the Latin American feminist movements that pushed for gender equality in the UN Charter, up until the Security Council Resolutions on the role of women in peace and conflict, the volume reflects on how women delegates from different parts of the world have negotiated and disagreed on human rights issues related to gender within the UN throughout time. In doing so it sheds new light on how these hidden historical narratives enrich theoretical studies in international relations and global agency today. In view of contemporary feminist and postmodern critiques of the origin of human rights, uncovering women's history of the United Nations from both Southern and Western perspectives allows us to consider questions of feminism and agency in international relations afresh. With contributions from leading scholars and practitioners of law, diplomacy, history, and development studies, and brought together by a theoretical commentary by the Editors, Women and the UN will appeal to anyone whose research covers human rights, gender equality, international development, or the history of civil society.