Suchergebnisse

1. The present moment : religious and political identities in the contemporary United States -- 2. The "ground zero mosque" : sacred space and the boundaries of "American" religion -- 3. A nation of maximalists? The Orthodox Alliance's identity of resistance -- 4. Neoliberalization theology and the great recession -- 5. None of the above : religious independents and identity in the United States -- 6. Political religion and religious politics : navigating 21st century identities.

Title Page -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- Part 1: The Ethical -- Chapter 1: Anxiety -- Chapter 2: Complacency -- Part 2: Between the Ethical and the Political -- Chapter 3: Between -- Part 3: The Political -- Chapter 4: Passivity -- Chapter 5: Violence -- Part 4: The Religious -- Chapter 6: Faith -- Bibliography.

Cover -- Half-Title -- Series -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Series Editors' Introduction -- Introduction -- A diplomatic journey -- A methodological overview -- Integrating religion in international relations? -- Religions and violence: myths and reality -- The role of religions in conflict prevention and resolution -- Non-state transnational religious actors -- Book structure -- Part I A Theoretical Overview -- 1 Religion and World Politics -- Religions and inter-state relations -- Religions and internationalism -- Religions and transnationalism -- Religions and globalism -- 2 Religions and Global Governance -- Polity -- Politics -- Policy -- Secularization and governance -- Part II Issues and Applications -- 3 Islam between National and International Politics -- Geopolitics and identity -- Political transitions in the Arab-Islamic world -- Politics and religion in Pakistan: international and transnational dimensions -- The international context -- The analytical context: transnational religions -- Religions and "soft power" -- Transnational Islam: Pakistan as a case-study -- 4 The Catholic Church and the Global Shift of Power -- Interpreting globalization. Between Augustine and Thomas Aquinas -- The Church and the "New World" -- 5 Religious Freedom in the International Practice -- Reciprocity? -- Reporting on religious freedom: credibility and legitimacy -- Standards, actors, legitimacy and policy -- Current practices -- Italian foreign policy and religious freedom -- A case study: the Italian "Observatory on Religious Freedom" -- Index

The relationship of religion and politics is continuously fascinating and elusive, not least because it is rarely posed in a direct way. In stable democracies, incidents which are rather out of the ordinary, such as publishing the Satanic Verses in the United Kingdom or sporting the Islamic headscarf in a French state school, might push the issue temporarily to the centre of the political arena until the categories of normal politics, such as class, region, language or ethnicity, incorporate it or contrive to edge it beyond public visibility. In developing countries, one is accustomed to the more salient presence of religion in the public sphere: for example, the broad sweep of an Islamic revolution in Iran, popular jihad in the Middle East, the militant Sikhs in the Punjab, or the battle for the birthplace of Rama in North India. However, the intelligentsia in these countries who speak with the authority of modern science and the modern state see these events, important as they are, as the expression of primordial sentiments, and indicative of the underdeveloped nature of the people concerned, rather than as the political expression of unresolved issues, ill concealed by the fabric of normal politics and not articulated by political institutions.

AbstractThe exact relationship between religiosity and moral values is understudied, and it is unclear what the process of secularization means for the morality of Europeans. Previous research shows that religion is associated with low levels of political and economic development. A potential explanation is that religion provides an alternative moral authority to the authority of the state. Using data from four waves of the European Values Study 1981–2008, I analyze attitudes to personal autonomy (vs tradition) and self-interest (vs social norms) in a multilevel model of 48 European countries. The results show that religious decline has been accompanied by an increase in autonomy values, but not self-interest, that the relationship between religion and morality is stronger in more religious countries, and that it has declined since the 1980s. We also show that religiosity is more negatively associated with self-interest among people with low confidence in state authorities.

AbstractThis article examines one aspect of current disagreements over immigration reform — Anglo-Saxon nativist rhetoric — through the lens of civil religion. It argues that the idea of America as a "New Jerusalem" can sometimes take on a nativist and even ethno-centric cast. The analysis uses two case studies to articulate the ways in which this nativism can play out in terms of civil religion: Patrick J. Buchanan's folding of immigration concerns into his culture wars rhetoric and some of the far-right rhetoric coming out of the 2016 presidential race in America. This sort of rhetoric can also be found surrounding President Obama's executive action on immigration. The analysis shows that these fears combine a view of American "chosenness" with a sense of existential threat generated by rapid demographic changes. However, while this rhetoric is grounded in civil religion, it is also a symptom of the corruption of the prophetic core of American civil religion.

Americans have long acknowledged a deep connection between evangelical religion and democracy in the early days of the republic. This is a widely accepted narrative that is maintained as a matter of fact and tradition—and in spite of evangelicalism's more authoritarian and reactionary aspects.In Conceived in Doubt, Amanda Porterfield challenges this standard interpretation of evangelicalism's relation to democracy and describes the intertwined relationship between religion and partisan politics that emerged in the formative era of the early republic. In the 1790s, rel

The Emerging Church grew in prominence in the United States in the 1990's as a reaction to seeker-sensitive approaches of nondenominational evangelical megachurches. These megachurches are known for the commodification of religion and the conception of church members as consumers, and are thus prime examples of the neoliberalization of the American religious landscape. In contrast, the Emerging Church opposes institutionalized and neoliberalized religious practices and structures, instead emphasizing local and contextual organization and practice as a basis for more "authentically Christian" lives. Nevertheless, the Emerging Church itself displays characteristics of neoliberalization, which I disclose using Wendy Brown's definition of neoliberal rationality. This raises the question whether a lived critique of neoliberalization is possible in the late modern era.

This article discusses the recent political alliance between IC and the "Hardal" (acronym for Haredi-Dati-Leumi, meaning Ultra-Orthodox-Religious-Zionists) followers of Rabbi Zvi Thau. This new cooperation is surprising, due to Thau's tendency to criticize groups that do not adhere to his strict interpretation of Judaism. In this article we analyze the recent developments within Thau's circle, and determine that this cooperation is a consequence of a unique interpretation of a spiritual state of emergency. We conclude by analyzing the circumstances in which IC was formed, as a lesson religious Zionists took from the 2005 disengagement from Gaza plan. The article demonstrates that IC intentionally intended to enable the creation of this sort of political alliance.

The negative impact of political instability, religious and ethnic conflicts on tourism is well known. The article uses the example of a number of IGAD member countries to consider the reverse impact of tourism on inclusive development, weakening of ethno-religious problems, security and elimination of violence. Analysis of the tourism sector in Ethiopia, Kenya and Uganda shows that international tourism, being a driving force of economic development in these countries, is not a neutral factor in gender, religious and ethnic dynamics. Its positive impact is not automatically achieved. The article shows that the rapid growth of tourism-related industries, which is accompanied by an unequal distribution of its benefits between the state, business, local communities and religious organizations, can slow down the resolution of gender equality problems, escalate intercommunal and interreligious conflicts. However, the analysis of travel companies' business practices shows that the transition to a sustainable tourism model can contribute to the elimination of interethnic and interreligious conflicts. Formation of professional tourism communities aware of their social responsibility will help the hospitality industry together with the state to solve the problems of youth employment and education, gender inequality and security in general.

Objective. Although national surveys indicate that Americans have become more accepting of the prospect of a Jewish presidential candidate, this could reflect some voters' desire to be seen as having socially correct opinions. The present study uses a survey technique known as the "list experiment" to assess public reaction to the nomination of Jewish candidates for high office. Methods. Two telephone surveys of registered voters in FL, each employing the list-experiment methodology, were conducted in Oct 2000 & May/June 2002. Results. We find only limited evidence of negative affect directed at either the vice-presidential candidacy of Joseph Lieberman in 2000 or a hypothetical (unnamed) Jewish presidential candidate who might choose to run in the future. Conclusions. Although there still are enough voters with anti-Semitic views to affect the outcome of a close election, their numbers do not appear to be as great as some observers have feared. 1 Table, 20 References. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractThe Association of Religion Data Archives (ARDA) currently archives over 500 local, national, and international data files, and offers a wide range of research tools to build surveys, preview data online, develop customized maps and reports of United States church membership, and examine religion differences across nations and regions of the world. The ARDA also supports reference and teaching tools that draw on the rich data archive. This research article offers a brief introduction to the quantitative data available for exploration or download, and a few of the website features most useful for research and teaching. Supported by the Lilly Endowment, the John Templeton Foundation, the Pennsylvania State University, and the Baylor Institute for Studies of Religion, all data downloads and online services are free of charge.