Suchergebnisse

The political alliance Cambiemos (PRO) has recently become part of the Argentinean national government by winning, among others, in historical strongholds ofthe Peronist movement such as the province of Buenos Aires. The triumph of PRObreaks with the historical difficulty of the right to gain access to power by electoralmeans. This situation, which was unexpected by a large segment of the social sciences,undoubtedly reopens the debate about the scope and nature of the political processin the making. The article proposes an analysis of political discourse in order to demonstrate the formation of a discourse that tends to hide the conflictive dimension of politics and replaces it with a consensualist conception while being based on an ahistorical perspective on the past as an essential element of the story. ; Recientemente la alianza Cambiemos logró acceder al gobierno argentino por elecciones e incluso ganar un histórico bastión del peronismo como lo era la provincia de Buenos Aires. Este triunfo del PRO rompe con la histórica dificultad de la derecha de lograr acceder al poder por medios electorales. Esta situación, inesperada para un sector amplio de las ciencias sociales, reabre indudablemente el debate en torno a los alcances y a la naturaleza del proceso político en ciernes. El artículo propone un análisis del discurso político para mostrar la conformación de un relato que tiende a ocultar la dimensión conflictiva de la política y reemplazarla por una concepción consensualista a la vez que se construye desde una mirada deshistorizadora de nuestro pasado como elemento nodal del relato. ; Recentemente a aliança Cambiemos conseguiu aceder ao governo argentino poreleições e inclusive ganhar um histórico do peronismo como o era a província de Buenos Aires. Este triunfo do PRO rompe com a histórica dificuldade da direita deconseguir aceder ao poder por meios eleitorais. Esta situação que resultou inesperada por um setor amplo das ciências sociais reabre indubitavelmente o debate em torno aos alcances e natureza do processo político em amadurecimento. O artigo propõe uma análise política para mostrar a conformação de um relato que tende a ocultar a dimensão conflitiva da política e substituí-la por uma conceição de consensualidade que ao mesmo tempo se constrói desde um olhar des-historizada do nosso passado como elemento nodal do relato.

Recientemente la alianza Cambiemos logró acceder al gobierno argentino por elecciones e incluso ganar un histórico bastión del peronismo como lo era la provincia de Buenos Aires. Este triunfo del PRO rompe con la histórica dificultad de la derecha de lograr acceder al poder por medios electorales. Esta situación, inesperada para un sector amplio de las ciencias sociales, reabre indudablemente el debate en torno a los alcances y a la naturaleza del proceso político en ciernes. El artículo propone un análisis del discurso político para mostrar la conformación de un relato que tiende a ocultar la dimensión conflictiva de la política y reemplazarla por una concepción consensualista a la vez que se construye desde una mirada deshistorizadora de nuestro pasado como elemento nodal del relato. ; Recentemente a aliança Cambiemos conseguiu aceder ao governo argentino poreleições e inclusive ganhar um histórico do peronismo como o era a província de Buenos Aires. Este triunfo do PRO rompe com a histórica dificuldade da direita deconseguir aceder ao poder por meios eleitorais. Esta situação que resultou inesperada por um setor amplo das ciências sociais reabre indubitavelmente o debate em torno aos alcances e natureza do processo político em amadurecimento. O artigo propõe uma análise política para mostrar a conformação de um relato que tende a ocultar a dimensão conflitiva da política e substituí-la por uma conceição de consensualidade que ao mesmo tempo se constrói desde um olhar des-historizada do nosso passado como elemento nodal do relato. ; The political alliance Cambiemos (PRO) has recently become part of the Argentinean national government by winning, among others, in historical strongholds ofthe Peronist movement such as the province of Buenos Aires. The triumph of PRObreaks with the historical difficulty of the right to gain access to power by electoralmeans. This situation, which was unexpected by a large segment of the social sciences,undoubtedly reopens the debate about the scope and nature of the political processin the making. The article proposes an analysis of political discourse in order to demonstrate the formation of a discourse that tends to hide the conflictive dimension of politics and replaces it with a consensualist conception while being based on an ahistorical perspective on the past as an essential element of the story.

The article deals with the use of humorous and entertaining elements in online election campaign videos of the right-wing populist Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ). We first discuss the role of humor in political communication and advertising. Subsequently, the visual and multimodal design of humorous messages is discussed with a special emphasis on how humor and visuality can contribute to attack political opponents and foster anti-immigrant attitudes. Applying multimodal discourse analysis on humorous campaign spots, we reconstruct the multimodal meaning-making in the audiovisual narration, connect the individual media texts to the broader discursive structure, and show in detail how humor is instrumentalized and functionalized for political persuasion in the context of right-wing populism. For example, in the episodic video series "The Hubers'" images in the literal sense and linguistic images (metaphors) were strategically deployed inside a humorous narrative as collective symbols to convey fear appeals combined with simple anti-immigrant messages.

The murder of Ferdinand Leopold von Hallweil in August 1696, in the Vienna Woods, drew a great deal of attention, because the suspected perpetrator was the Portuguese ambassador, Charles-Joseph of Ligne, second marquis of Arronches. Building on the existing literature and on unchartered sources, this article examines how the Portuguese royal court handled the case both on the political-diplomatic level and on the judicial front, looking into the conflicting interests and values that were weighed and the solutions designed to minimize reputation damages to the Portuguese crown and to the House of Sousa, as well. It argues that both formal and informal mechanisms of punishment were put in place to restore political and social order. ; El asesinato de Fernando Leopoldo de Hallweil en agosto de 1696, en los bosques de Viena, tuvo un gran impacto en la opinión pública, al ser considerado el embajador portugués, Carlos José de Ligne, segundo marqués de Arronches, principal sospechoso del crimen. Gracias a la documentación de archivo, este artículo tiene por objeto analizar el modo en que el escándalo fue tratado en la corte portuguesa, tanto en el ámbito político y diplomático como en el judicial, y atendiendo a los intereses y valores contradictorios que entraron en juego en el conflicto para minimizar el daño ocasionado a la reputación de la Monarquía portuguesa y de la Casa de Sousa. Con este caso se demuestra la combinación de mecanismos formales e informales de castigo para restaurar el orden político y social perturbado con ocasión de este suceso. ; Fundaçao para a Ciência e a Tecnologia (Portugal) POPH/FSE (EC) SFRH/BPD/88967/2012 ; Universidade de Évora. Centro Interdisciplinar de História, Cultura y Sociedades (Portugal). CIDEHUS-UID/HIS/00057/2013 (POCI-01-0145-FEDER-007702)

El presente artículo, tras el análisis de la doctrina científica y jurisprudencial existente en la materia, explora el significado que ha de atribuirse a las "cruces de caídos", a los efectos de la aplicación del artículo 15 de la conocida como Ley de Memoria Histórica. Los resultados obtenidos constituyen base jurídica suficiente como para poder concluir la inaplicabilidad de este precepto en el asunto estudiado. ; The present paper, after analyzing the existing and related scientific and new case law doctrine, explores the meaning to be attributed to the "fallen crosses", for the purposes of the application of article 15 of the so-called Historical Memory Act. The results constitute a sufficient legal basis to be able to conclude the inapplicability of this law provision in this case.

The present paper, after analyzing the existing and related scientific and new case law doctrine, explores the meaning to be attributed to the "fallen crosses", for the purposes of the application of article 15 of the so-called Historical Memory Act. The results constitute a sufficient legal basis to be able to conclude the inapplicability of this law provision in this case. ; El presente artículo, tras el análisis de la doctrina científica y jurisprudencial existente en la materia, explora el significado que ha de atribuirse a las "cruces de caídos", a los efectos de la aplicación del artículo 15 de la conocida como Ley de Memoria Histórica. Los resultados obtenidos constituyen base jurídica suficiente como para poder concluir la inaplicabilidad de este precepto en el asunto estudiado.

The article is devoted to problems of Soviet policy "of the conflict on the Chinese Eastern Railway" in the second half of the 1920s. It was "The conflict on the CER in 1926" and "Conflict on the CER in 1929," In the political history of Soviet-Chinese relations. First "The conflict on the CER", coincided, and was associated with a critical event in the history of the ruling party in the Soviet Union the Bolshevik Party. That year Trotsky and several other leaders were expelled from the Politburo of the CPSU (b) LD of the party, all the power was in the hands of one leader – Stalin. Second "The conflict on the CER" coincided and was associated with a critical event in the history of the Russian state – the establishment of a totalitarian model. The article is written on the basis of published and unpublished documents, recovering the course of Soviet policy developments in relation to the CER and established a cause-effect relationship of the two events "conflict on the CER". Cooperative control of the CER in the second half of the 1920s carried a set of domestic economic and political contradictions. When comparing the two "conflict on the CER" it is clear that in the beginning of 1926 the Soviet elite were able to pursue a more flexible policy, adjust policies, to make compromises. In 1929, this ability has been largely lost, and Soviet policy became more and more to rely on force to achieve goals. ; Статья посвящена проблемам советской политики по «Конфликту на КВЖД» во второй половине 1920-х гг. В политической истории советско-китайских отношений были «Конфликт на КВЖД 1926 г.» и «Конфликта на КВЖД 1929 г.». Первый «Конфликт на КВЖД», совпал и был связан с переломным событием в истории правящей в СССР партии большевиков. В этом году был изгнан из Политбюро ЦК ВКП(б) Л.Д. Троцкий и ряд других лидеров партии, вся власть оказалась в руках одного лидера – И.В. Сталина. Второй «Конфликт на КВЖД» совпал и был связан с переломным событием в истории российского государства – установлением тоталитарной модели политико-экономического управления. В статье, написанной на основе опубликованных и не публиковавшихся ранее документах, восстанавливается ход событий советской политики в отношении КВЖД и реконструируются причинно-следственные взаимосвязи событий двух «конфликтов на КВЖД». Совместное управление КВЖД во второй половине 1920-х гг. несло в себе комплекс внутренних экономических и политических противоречий. При сравнении двух «конфликтов на КВЖД» видно, что в начале 1926 г. советская элита была способна проводить более гибкую политику, корректировать политический курс, идти на компромиссы. В 1929 г. такая способность была в значительной мере утрачена, и советская политика все больше стала опираться на силовые методы достижения целей.

A principios del siglo XX en un pase de revista sobre el despliegue minero deJujuy se advierte, además de los siempre aludidos frenos provocados por lainsuficiencia de capitales disponibles, el retraso tecnológico y las dificultadesdel transporte y la inexistencia de una institucionalidad que resguarde losderechos y genere obligaciones en los actores mineros. En la temprana décadade 1930 se usaba el aforismo "No hay minas buenas sin pleitos" para invocarla seguidillas de disputas que despertaba en la vida local el interés minero-al punto de incidir en la renuncia de un gobernador, tras el asesinato de unminero español. El artículo aborda la problemática de la institucionalidad y laconflictividad minera en la provincia entre 1880 y 1930, para lo cual se determinaronlos emprendimientos mineros ensayados, se reconstruyó el origen yaplicación de la normativa respectiva y se estudiaron las prácticas mineras yla injerencia política en el asunto. ; At the beginning of the 20th century a review on mining deployment in Jujuy showed -apart from the recession caused by the lack of capital, the technological backwardness and the transportation difficulties- the absence of institutions protecting the rights and promoting obligations among the mining actors. In the early 1930s the aphorism "There are no good mines without lawsuits" was used to invoke the string of disputes the mining interest aroused in local life -to the point that even a governor had to resign after the murder of a Spanish miner. The article discusses the institutional problem and the mining conflict in the province between 1880 and 1930, the approach takes into consideration the mining ventures tested, the reconstruction of regulations - origins and application- and the mining practices and the political interference.

A principios del siglo XX en un pase de revista sobre el despliegue minero deJujuy se advierte, además de los siempre aludidos frenos provocados por lainsuficiencia de capitales disponibles, el retraso tecnológico y las dificultadesdel transporte y la inexistencia de una institucionalidad que resguarde losderechos y genere obligaciones en los actores mineros. En la temprana décadade 1930 se usaba el aforismo "No hay minas buenas sin pleitos" para invocarla seguidillas de disputas que despertaba en la vida local el interés minero-al punto de incidir en la renuncia de un gobernador, tras el asesinato de unminero español. El artículo aborda la problemática de la institucionalidad y laconflictividad minera en la provincia entre 1880 y 1930, para lo cual se determinaronlos emprendimientos mineros ensayados, se reconstruyó el origen yaplicación de la normativa respectiva y se estudiaron las prácticas mineras yla injerencia política en el asunto. ; At the beginning of the 20th century a review on mining deployment in Jujuy showed -apart from the recession caused by the lack of capital, the technological backwardness and the transportation difficulties- the absence of institutions protecting the rights and promoting obligations among the mining actors. In the early 1930s the aphorism "There are no good mines without lawsuits" was used to invoke the string of disputes the mining interest aroused in local life -to the point that even a governor had to resign after the murder of a Spanish miner. The article discusses the institutional problem and the mining conflict in the province between 1880 and 1930, the approach takes into consideration the mining ventures tested, the reconstruction of regulations - origins and application- and the mining practices and the political interference.

The article discusses the approaches of M. Weber and P. Bourdieu to understanding of political activities, policy as a professional work. The article also offers an analysis of the activities of the Russian public front (ONF) as an example of the professionalization of social movement in the field of policy, and definition of its place in the political space of modern Russia. ; Рассматриваются подходы М. Вебера и П. Бурдье к пониманию специфики политической деятельности, политики как профессиональной работы. Предлагается анализ деятельности Общероссийского народного фронта (ОНФ) как пример профессионализации общественного движения в поле политики, определения его места в политическом пространстве современной России.

The paper is devoted to the history of the old memorial Kazakh Cemetery in Omsk. The aim of the paper is to characterize the contradictions between Russian necro-culture traditions and the Soviet Memory policy with the example of the Kazakh Chemistry in Omsk between the late 1919 – early 1941. The author describes the appearance of cemetary, briefly characterizes the social composition of the people buried in the cemetery, lists the graves of the most interesting people. The author highlights the signs of pre-revolutionary traditions preserved in the cemeteries' layout and the Soviet innovations. The paper also characterizes the attitude of the local Soviet authorities, the press and the residents of the city to the problems of the cemetery's destruction in the 1920s – 1930. In methodological terms, this work reflects a new experience in the studies of Siberia – the combination anthropology-oriented approach to the study of the society's historical memory, known as the «memory studies» and the methods of traditional necropolistics. The author concludes that after the revolution the Kazakh Cemetery kept the signs of pre-revolutionary necroculture for many years. However, in the early 1920s, under the influence of the Soviet Memory policy, the memorial aesthetics and the attitude of citizens to historical necropolis changed. Despite the local intelligentsia's efforts to keep the Kazakh Chemistry, this memorial place had been heavily damaged by the early 1940s., avoiding, however, the almost complete destruction of what was happening in other cities of Western Siberia. ; Статья посвящена истории старого мемориального Казачьего кладбища, находившегося в Омске. Цель статьи – охарактеризовать противоречия между традициями российской некрокультуры и советской политикой памяти на примере Казачьего кладбища в Омске в период между концом 1919 – первой половиной 1941 г. Автор описывает внешний облик этого кладбища, кратко характеризует социальный состав лиц, погребенных на Казачьем кладбище, называет могилы наиболее интересных и выдающихся людей. Показаны признаки сохранения дореволюционных традиции в устройстве кладбищ и советских нововведений. Также в статье охарактеризовано отношение местных органов Советской власти, печати и жителей города к проблемам разрушения кладбища в 1920 – 1930-х гг. В методологическом отношении работа отражает новый для сибиреведения опыт сочетания антропологически ориентированного подхода к изучению исторической памяти общества, известного как «memory studies» и приемов традиционной некрополистики. По выводам автора, после революции Казачье кладбище долгие годы сохраняло признаки дореволюционной некрокультуры. Однако уже в начале 1920-х гг. под воздействием советской политики памяти заметно менялась мемориальная эстетика и само отношение горожан к историческому некрополю. Несмотря на усилия местной интеллигенции сохранить Казачье кладбище, это памятное место было сильно разрушено к началу 1940-х гг., избежав, однако практически полного уничтожения, происходившего в других городах Западной Сибири.