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Drawing from the literature on conflict regulation and other plural society theories, this paper provides a framework of analysis to explore the dynamics involved in the external statebuilding process in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). The analysis is based on a three-level framework whereby patterns of conflict regulation are analyzed at the inter- and intra-ethnic levels, as well as what this article terms the 'supra-national' ethnic level, where interactions between domestic and external actors are considered. In order to explore these issues empirically, this paper examines the process of constitutional reform in BiH over the course of 2005-6, drawing from personal interviews. The paper concludes that, while the assistance provided by external actors has proven substantial, the neglect of intra-ethnic dynamics and other related considerations have often rendered external actors' efforts at shaping the statebuilding process in BiH ineffective. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractThis article provides a novel account of recent UK governance reforms, describing what can be termed an 'incoherent' state, ill-equipped to address complex, multi-dimensional policy challenges. This is evidenced through two interrelated case-studies: Covid-19 and levelling up. We highlight how the tradition of strongly centralised government combined with an ad hoc approach to reform has undermined inter-governmental relations and limited the possibility of effective policy. We conclude by arguing that current levelling up proposals, focused on redesigning sub-national government, reflect these deficiencies and therefore offer an insufficient remedy for the UK's imbalanced economic geography and resulting inequalities. The failure of past reform highlights the need for systemic transformation—including a new governance framework—to address meaningfully the UK's geography of discontent.

International audience ; Sir Vidiadhar Surajprasad Naipaul has been either praised to the skies or held up to public obloquy ; he is considered as the greatest writer in the English language, or as a writer whose ideological and political attitudes are sometimes considered dubious—few writers have been as controversial as V. S. Naipaul. The tensions that surround the man and his oeuvre are only echoed by the multiple strands that his writing has been taking over the past fi fty years—multifarious and yet paradoxically more and more centred. V. S. Naipaul not only writes fi ction and non-fi ction, he covers a wide spectrum of the literary practice, writing short stories and novels, essays and travel writing. A few academics among the specialists of V. S. Naipaul's work present us with papers on different aspects and periods of the writer's oeuvre, from 1957 to 2002, as well as the richness and complexity of the writing. They make it easier to understand how generic boundaries are not what matters. The sense of form and creation is simply at work in every text. It is the same furrow that is being ploughed with different tools. The papers were originally presented at the conference "V. S. Naipaul : a World in Tension" (Paul Valéry University, Novembre 2002). ; Sir Vidiadhar Surajprasad Naipaul a été tantôt voué aux gémonies tantôt encensé ; tantôt considéré comme le plus grand écrivain de langue anglaise, tantôt comme un écrivain dont les prises de position politiques et idéologiques sont douteuses — peu d'écrivains ont été aussi controversés. A ces multiples tensions qui entourent l'homme et son oeuvre, le lecteur trouve un écho dans son écriture, constituée au fi l des cinquante dernières années. Le registre de sa pratique littéraire est extrêmement large : nouvelles, romans, essais et récits de voyage. Parmi les spécialistes de l'oeuvre de V. S. Naipaul, quelques universitaires, tout d'abord réunis au cours du colloque « V. S. Naipaul : un monde sous tension » (Université Paul-Valéry, novembre 2002), présentent ...

Subnational governments are generally funded by fiscal rents, that is, transfers of centrally levied taxes. Existing literature concurs that fiscal federalism breeds rentierism and, consequently, hinders subnational democracy. However, in Argentina, fiscal rents do not always lead to low provincial contestation. Building on research on oil-based rentierism and fiscal federalism, we argue that this variation results from the provincial fiscal institutions that distribute central-government transfers from the province to municipalities. Specifically, we claim that as provincial fiscal institutions decentralize fiscal rents from the province to municipalities, they empower mayors to challenge governors. Conversely, as these institutions centralize rents at the province, they empower governors and weaken opposition from below. Using panel data and a comparison between Tierra del Fuego and Santa Cruz—the provinces that receive the largest fiscal transfers—we show that the effect of fiscal rents on incumbent party advantage decreases and eventually disappears as institutions become province-decentralizing.

This article discusses the claims of entitlement and processes of rendering a story tellable in early twentieth-century Soviet Union through a case study of the play Vavlyo Nyenyangg. The play was co-authored by Ivan Nogo and linguist Grigori Verbov in the context of the creation of a cultural and political intelligentsia, as well as a literature and other modern institutions, for Nenets, an indigenous community living in northern Russia and Western Siberia. In analysing the manuscripts of the play, the alterations made to it and its final, published version, the article argues that Nenets writers collaborated with their Russian assistants by combining two different fields, the vernacular Nenets and the institutionalised socialist models, to create original textual products that both followed the socialist requirements and alluded to the Nenets oral narration. Shared knowledge, called either 'folklore' or 'oral history', was used as an entitlement for the indigenous writers to tell stories that were rendered tellable in the socialist context through choices in vocabulary and plot structure. These choices produced stories that erased some local contents, structures and interpretations but simultaneously produced new ones.

Ilse Langner's Klytämnestra marks a change in revisions of Clytemnestra, wife of Agamemnon. While authors have traditionally demonized the figure as a murderer or discounted her as a mother in mourning, feminist authors have reclaimed Clytemnestra in order to clear her name. Langner belongs to this tradition, but at the same time breaks free of it. Instead of justifying Clytemnestra's murder of Agamemnon, Langner focuses on the queen's deeds during her reign in Mycene, where she has created an alternative society that denies the primacy of patriarchy and war. This article examines Langner's feminist revision of Clytemnestra. (CCM)

Literature on peacebuilding emphasises the need for stakeholders at all levels of society to be engaged in the peace and reconciliation process for peace to be sustainable. Policy-makers around the globe strategically employ entrepreneurship, particularly self-employment and small enterprises development, to economically empower the communities in post-conflict areas. At the same time, researchers in the fields of entrepreneurship and small enterprise development have identified 'networking' as an important factor for the success of entrepreneurs. This paper examines the role played by business linkages among micro-entrepreneurs and its contribution to sustainable peacebuilding, including the development of business and social linkages among entrepreneurs from the North of Sri Lanka.

A BBC article reported that "a Facebook page calling for violence against 102 Muslim men who are allegedly in relationships with Hindu women has been taken down" . Raised by Indian parents who had an inter-religious marriage in the 80s, the idea of intolerance of kinship networks being formed across religious and caste lines and the recent spate of 'love-jihad' related violence is deeply troubling to me at a personal level. Moreover, far from normalising such relationships, advertisements from nationally renowned brands like Tanishq and Surf Excel depicting loving friendships and filial ties between Hindus and Muslims have been boycotted and pulled out. Congress Member of Parliament and former diplomat, Shashi Tharoor, has been vocal in condemning these cases of communal violence, which has risen exponentially since the election of right wing Bharatiya Janata Party in 2014. In response the backlash against the Tanishq Ekatvam ad campaign, Tharoor tweeted; "So Hindutva bigots have called for a boycott of @TanishqJewelry for highlighting Hindu-Muslim unity through this beautiful ad. If Hindu-Muslim 'ekatvam' irks them so much, why don't they boycott the longest surviving symbol of Hindu-Muslim unity in the world -- India?" . In this essay I explore the dichotomy of public and private in official discourse in multicultural polities, and how religious identities, freedom to love and marry, and other issues relevant to women's lives problematise it. Moreover, I suggest that the recent visibilisation of Muslim women leading mass protests against a religious majoritarian government shatters this false dichotomy that has been propped up by a studied ignoration and exclusion of these bodies, lives, experiences, connectivities and issues from the political discourses around equality and democracy

Drastic changes in the former GDR necessitate reevaluation of the unique appeal of GDR women's writing, especially women born between 1930 and 1950, whose primary experiences were the contradictions created by the massive shift in their existence from housewife/mother to paid worker with equal rights. Their writings fulfilled GDR literature's much-discussed "compensatory function" in a double sense: by articulating taboos affecting the society as a whole, and by critical reflection on women's situation in socialism. The Utopian solutions outlined by GDR women writers, grounded in and at the same time critical of socialist theory, had and still have persuasive power, because they are not the fantasies of "cockeyed optimists," but bear a "realistic" relationship to reality. (JC)

Cover -- Half Title Page -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- Introduction -- Chapter One What the Experts Say -- Chapter Two What the Lawmakers and Politicians Say -- Chapter Three What the Couts Say -- Chapter Four What Advocacy Groups Say -- Chapter Five What the Media Say -- Chapter Six What Ordinary People Say -- Conclusion -- About the Editor -- Bibliography -- Chapter Notes -- Glossary -- For More Information -- Index -- Back Cover