Suchergebnisse

Kosovo is one of the poorest countries in Europe (World Bank 2010). In 2009, 35 percent of the population lived below the poverty line. This note was prepared primarily as a key input to the Kosovo country partnership strategy (FY2012 to FY2015) and aims to provide an overview of gender disparities in three major domains: human capital, labor market, and entrepreneurship. The note provides a broad picture of gender disparities in Kosovo in education, health, and access to economic opportunities. Lack of statistical data on Kosovo, and particularly of gender-disaggregated data, limits the depth and scope of this gender diagnostic. Men and women in Kosovo have lower education levels than men and women in the European Union (EU). Women comprise less than 10 percent of all entrepreneurs and 0.3 percent of top management positions. This note is organized as follows: section one highlights gender differences in human capital focusing on education and health outcomes; section two describes men's and women's relative employment patterns; section three focuses on gender disparities in entrepreneurship and career advancement in business and politics; and section four provides concluding observations.

This report synthesizes data from surveillance, behavioral surveys and published and unpublished research to better understand emerging patterns and trends in the HIV epidemic in Bangladesh. Taking stock of 20 years of experience with HIV in Bangladesh, this report summarizes what is known about the coverage and impact of HIV prevention services, including knowledge on risk and protective behaviors. The report is divided into nine chapters. Chapter one provides a brief introduction and an overview of the methodology used for this exercise. Chapter two discusses the risks and vulnerabilities of the high risk groups including female sex workers, injecting drug users, male who have sex with male, hijra and overlapping populations, while chapter three discusses the trend of the infection amongst partners of high risk groups. Bangladesh continues to report low condom use, which is analyzed and discussed in chapter four. Structural factors including macro level and intermediate level factors that affect HIV interventions in Bangladesh are addressed in chapter five. The national HIV response is discussed in chapter six. The report concludes with a discussion of the main findings, with recommendations for the future in chapter seven, and chapter eight and nine are annexes and references.

The Marriott,Slaterville City Oral History Collection was created by the residents of the town to document their history. Each participant was provided with a list of questions asking for; stories about their childhood, schools they attended, stories about their parents and grand,parents, activities they enjoyed, fashions they remember, difficulties or traumas they may have dealt with, and memories of community and church leaders. This endeavor has left behind rich histories, stories and important information regarding the history of the Marriott,Slaterville area. ; 17p.; 29cm.; 2 bound transcripts; 4 file folders. 1 sound disc: digital; 4 3/4 in.; 1 videodisc: digital; 4 3/4 in. ; Abstract: This is an oral history of Orvil Holley. It was conducted March 1, 2007 and concerns his recollections of the history of the Marriott-Slaterville area. OH: Hello. My name is Orvil Holley. I was born in Slaterville, Utah on the 15th of November 1925. I was born in the old Echins home. That home still stands this day. In the spring of 1926 my family moved to the Rhoan Wheeler property, which is still there, and at that time it was across the road from the Slaterville Creamery, which was a cooperative association of dairy farmers in the area. It was active for some twenty years. My father was a dairyman and a farmer raising all kinds of crops such as peas, corn, alfalfa, wheat, barley, oats, beets, and some other crops. My father had married my mother who was a widow and he was a widower. He had a family, and when he married my mother she had three boys and a girl. I am the only child of my father and my mother. My mother was Amelia Echins Alan Holley and my father was Henry Ezra Holley. My father was in his forties when I was born and mother was a few years younger. I remember the early roads. When I was a youngster I particularly remember the grater pulled by what looked like a caterpillar tractor. It came along and grated the roads. Also there were a number of artesian sulfur wells that were drilled in Marriott and Slaterville. These wells were drilled for the purpose of filling up a tanker that was pulled by an old tractor or a team of horses that used to go along and water the roads to keep the dust down a little bit. I don't know if any of those old wells are still in existence or not. I also remember the kids walking to school. At that time the Slaterville School was located on the property where the Slaterville park is now, right where the backstop is in fact. It was really an interesting thing to me because it was the only building that I knew of that had inside plumbing. All of the farm boys enjoyed that particular part of the schoolhouse. There were many great things that happened in that school house. I'll have to tell you one. I think I was in about the fourth grade—maybe it was the third grade. The teacher was a man from North Ogden by the name of Charles Chandler. We only had Charles for one period. That was the last period of the day. Normally, our class was down in the basement, but for this class, the class that Mr. Chandler taught, we would go upstairs. It just so happened that on this particular day three of the boys decided that they would sluff. They were older boys. Their names were Clyde Hunter, Raymond Bowans and Delore Echins. For some reason, they decided that they would get in the closet upstairs and hide in that closet as the classes changed and then they would sneak out of the closets and open a window and go out onto the roof of the restrooms and slide down on the ground and away they would go. Well…it just so happened that Mr. Chandler saw them going into the closet. He called our class to go into that room where the closet was. In those days the children's seats were all on runners. They would put a row of seats and maybe six or seven, maybe eight seats to one runner. So when you move the seats you had to move the runners too. He had us move those seats right over next to the closet. The closet had two doors that opened to the outside towards us. Then Mr. Chandler got his chair and put the back of it up against the door and his feet on these seats that we were sitting in. There was no way that those boys could get out of that room. Well about two-thirds of the way through the class we could hear some rustling going on inside that room. It was a very small room, they were in cramped conditions. Then all of a sudden we could hear what sounded like water—a trickle of water running into a can. But what the person didn't know in the closet was that this was a flower can that had holes in the bottom and pretty soon a little yellow stream came out from underneath the door and into our classroom. You can imagine what the class was like in that particular incident. I thought you might be interested in that. It might be interesting to say a little bit about those old country schools. They weren't very large. The Slaterville School for example had four rooms, two downstairs and two upstairs. But only one of the rooms downstairs was used for teaching. The other room was never fixed up for teaching. It was still dirt, dirt floor—the only things that I can remember that connected that with any of the other rooms were the heating pipes that went through the room. That was a wonderful place for the kids to play in the wintertime. But it was a little dusty and I can remember seeing dust so thick that you couldn't see from one end of the room to the other. Now generally speaking, school went through the eighth grade, but when I started school, school went through the ninth grade. The way it worked is, we had three classes in each room. So in the basement we had the first, second, and third grade all in the same room. Then the two rooms upstairs had third, fourth, fifth, sixth, seventh, and on up into eighth or maybe ninth. I don't remember which. Anyway, it was kind of an interesting thing as one teacher handled all three grades. My first grade class—the most it ever had in it was about eight and sometimes it only had five, most of the time it was about six kids in the first grade. And some of those kids are still alive today and still live in Slaterville. In as much as my mother was born in a house that was almost on the borderline between Slaterville and Marriott. She attended the Marriott School for some years. We know that some of the Marriott kids attended the Slaterville School some years. In fact, I remember when I was in school that Marriott—when we were in the sixth grade, Marriott had no sixth graders and we did have Marriott fifth graders over in our school. So it is kind of an interesting setup in these schools. Well let's go back to the very earliest days, before there was a Slaterville, before there was a Marriott. About 1850, there was some movement of people out into this area of the county. At that time there was no Marriott, there was no Slaterville. In fact, one of the things that we are trying to find out at this time is "when did Marriott become Marriott and when did Slaterville become Slaterville?" So far, we can't nail that down. But the first settlers in Slaterville were the Steven Slater family—the Steven Perry family. They settled on the North side of what became known as Mill Creek. Right across from Mill Creek was Marriott. Just when Marriott was settled was, I understand, about the same time. We still have some of the descendants of Steven Perry living in Slaterville today. The man for whom Slaterville is named, Richard Slater, came into Slaterville in 1853. As you can tell he wasn't one of the original settlers so it wasn't named Slaterville because he was an original settler. Tradition has it that was named Slaterville after Richard Slater because he was a member of the Mormon Battalion. I think that was why Slaterville became as it was. The earliest documentation of the name Slaterville comes from the Deseret News and it is at about 1860. It mentions Slaterville as one of the little communities West of Ogden City. Naturally it had to be named Slaterville before that appeared in the Deseret News but just when, we don't know. Irrigation was very important to the people in all of Weber County. If you think of Slaterville, it was a very good place for those early settlers to make their homes because of the water sources. On the South end was the Ogden-Weber River. In the middle was Mill Creek. And on the north end was Four-Mile Creek. They had three water sources going through the community. Now they had to have a way for getting the water from those ditches—those creeks and streams—out to the farms. This is an amazing thing to me. Those old pioneers had some system of knowing where to put those canals and those ditches so they flowed easily with nothing but gravity to pull them along and yet they are still in existence and still being used today. It is magnificent. Now because the water was so important, it was important for those canals and ditches to be clean. That was quite a thing. The presidents of the companies would call to their members and say we are going to clean on such and such a day and we would like you to show up. There would be a huge turnout of men with horses and with cultivators and scrapers and men with shovels and hoes and rakes. They would start—sometimes they would start on each end of the canals and work towards each other. In those days, they cleaned those canals—they were really neat and clean. The ditches were the same way. They were very cooperative one with another even though they may have had some difficulties religiously; they still were together in those community projects. Now I mentioned something about even though citizens in the city or in the town of Slaterville particularly, may not have been together religiously but worked cooperatively on community programs such as cleaning ditches and so forth. I might say, in about 1860 there was a man that came into Slaterville by the name of Joseph Morris. He was very successful in teaching his religious views to particularly the western half of the Slaterville community. So successful was he, that he was invited to leave by the ecclesiastical authorities here in the community. So he left and he took with him almost all the western half of the community, over fifty people were involved. They went to South Weber. I might tell you one little story that comes out of that settlement. When Joseph Morris left Slaterville he went to South Weber. It has always been our belief—in fact, it was so written in a Master's thesis that I did, that this happened to William Jones of Slaterville. But within the last six months we learned that it is not William Jones of Slaterville but William Jones of Marriott that this happened to. We are just learning that the people of Marriott were also involved, more than one, in having people who have succumbed to Mr. Morris's work. They all moved over to South Weber. At the height of the community there is believed to be about seven hundred people in the South Weber area who were connected with the Morrisites. The story goes that Mr. Jones was disappointed with some of the things that Morris was teaching. For example, he was teaching that the advent of the Savior was imminent. He even set the day. When the savior didn't come, Mr. Morris found that he had made a mistake in his calculations and so set another day. He still didn't show up so some of the Morrisites started to get a little bit nervous. Brother Jones from Marriott decided that he would leave and take his wife and away they went. One of the problems that they have is they had to give everything that they owned into the Morrisite Prophet Morris. If anybody wanted to leave they were allowed to leave but they couldn't take anything with them that they had brought such as grain and flour or food stuffs of any sort. That had to stay and that kind of bothered Mr. Jones. One day after he and his wife left he saw a wagon load of wheat coming out of Kingston Fort which was the name of the area where Mr. Morris and his people lived. This wagon load of grain was headed for the grist mill. Mr. Jones knew that he had contributed much more than one load of grain to the Morrisite cause and he didn't have anything to live on so he decided to commandeer this load of grain, which he did. But when the news got back to Mr. Morris, he sent some of his people to regain the grain. He also took into custody Mr. and Mrs. Jones. This caused a lot of trouble. The Jones' relatives went to the legal authorities to try and get them to go and see if they could get the release of Mr. and Mrs. Jones, which they tried to do but were unsuccessful. Finally, it got so bad that they asked the Governor of the state to send the militia to South Weber. The Governor was not in Utah at the time but the person who took his place was in charge and he did call out the militia. They came into South Weber and we can't go into detail on that but just to say that the militia at a certain time open fired and I have held in my hands the cannonball that came down the side of the mountain, bounced along, went through the fence where Mr. and Mrs. Jones had been kept in custody, landed in the lap of Mrs. Jones. That cannonball is still in existence and the descendents of the Jones family still have it. Just a little story to let you know how things went sometimes in those days. Going back a little bit to my early days—needless to say, my mother and father never owned a home of their own until they were both at sixty years. They always rented. They worked hard. Their families that were with them worked hard. We always had good living conditions. I was born in a brick home. When we went to the Wheeler place it was a brick home. When we moved back to the Echins place it was still a brick home. We had a good home. We also came up through the '30's, which was the depression. You could go to town—when I was a boy, about seven or eight years old, once a week we would go to town on a Saturday. I always went with my cousin. Either we rode with his folks or he rode with ours. One of the great things that we lived for all week was to go to Ross & Jacks and eat. You could get burger, spuds for fifteen cents, which was enough to feed a man. Then for ten cents more you could get a pie. So for twenty-five cents you could get a meal. Then we would go to the movies, it was a double-feature for a dime. We were well taken care of as far as that type of thing was concerned. A lot of the boys rode horses in those days. A lot of the boys had some really fine horses. They liked to swim in the river. It was dangerous. My older brother almost drowned in the river but Alvin Cobabe who now owns Powder Mountain and Arthur Slater saved his life. They remember it and he remembers it even better than they do. We used to have what was called ward reunions once every year. Everybody was invited back to that particular ward on a particular date and they had the most fun and the greatest time that you can imagine. Slaterville's reunion was always on the last Thursday of January. Marriott's reunion was in February, I don't remember the date but they still hold their reunion. Marriott still holds their ward reunion. All the other towns around—Farr West, Harrisville, Plain City, Hooper, Taylor, Riverdale—they all have their reunions. It wasn't unusual for our people from the Slaterville area to go to Marriott and Marriott would come to Slaterville, then they would go to Plain City. It was something they looked forward to that they could have a really wonderful time once each month and sometimes more than that because some of the other communities held their reunion the same month. You can't imagine, unless you see it, what the dancing was like. The dances were learned dances—quadrilles—and everybody did the same steps, the same moves on the floor. They had Virginia reels, which sometimes people still have today but those kind of dances, where everyone knows what the dance is and they all dance it. It was just beautiful to see. They would dance their shoes off and just have the greatest time. It was just wonderful folks. Not being familiar with how all the wards handled their reunions, I will just tell you how Slaterville did theirs. Normally it was on the last Thursday of January. The first program started at about eleven o'clock in the morning. It continued for about an hour and a half and then it was time for the dinner. Even though the areas they had to prepare those dinners, you wouldn't expect that they could do the jobs that they did. They had everything. You can't believe it. And what a spread they would put on. And all the wards were the same. They all just went all out. When people were so full that they could hardly walk back up the stairs, they would go back up and there may be another program for thirty minutes while the dinner settled and then they would go to dancing. This is in the afternoon. They would dance until time to go back down for the evening meal. They would go back down and have the evening meal, then they would come back up and they would have another program. These programs folks were great. Those people were talented. They could do anything. They were great actors. They would do—it was just amazing. When that program was over, usually about eight-thirty at night, we pushed the benches back and pile them up on top of each other to make room on the dance floor and then the dance began. It never finished until one or two o'clock in the morning. It was just great. I have been asked to say a little bit about my college years. I have to confess that it took me three years to get through two years of work at Weber College. I only would go two quarters a year and then in the Spring I would have to go home and start to plant and get ready for the next year—the harvest for that year. Then in the Fall I could go back to College and I would go for two quarters, Fall and Winter. While I was at Weber College I became involved with a group of young men who were musicians. I was not a musicians, I had never had a music lesson in my life. The three other fellows were studying music and were fine musicians. Somehow they invited me to join them in a quartet. This quartet lasted for quite a number of years. We sang professionally all over the state of Utah, Idaho, we sang at Sun Valley for the Union Pacific Railroad who owned Sun Valley. In fact, we were invited to go back to Sun Valley and sing for a big convention which hosted President Truman. I wanted to go so bad my teeth hurt but the other fellows said, "No, we have got finals coming up and we are not going to do it." So we didn't get to do that. Following that year, my final year at Weber College, these three wanted to go to the University of Utah to school so we went down there and had a great time. We lived together in an old army barracks. The war was now over, World War II was now over. We practiced our singing every day. We were on the first television station that broadcasts out of Utah, old KDYL. We had a program every week which gave us a little money to spend and we also were hired to sing at big conventions all over the city in Salt Lake that year. The next year our quartet kind of broke up a little bit because I was called on a mission and was gone for two years. When I came back we got together again and even had an agent. I often laugh at the agent's name, his name was Bill Risky. We always used to laugh that it was "Risky business" that we were in. They had graduated college by the time I got home. I went back to the University of Utah but an unusual thing happened. The President of Weber College had been Henry Aldous Dixon. He had been called and given the chance to become President of Utah State. I got a call from President Dixon one afternoon and he said, "I'd like you to come up and take care of the program bureau here at Utah State." I explained to President Dixon that I only needed thirteen hours to graduate from the "U" and I knew that it was required that you have fifteen hours from the institution from which you were to graduate. He said, "I think we can work that out." So I went up to Utah State and headed the program bureau up there and formed a quartet up at Utah State. We traveled all over the country for Utah State, advertising Utah State to the high schools in Idaho and Wyoming, Utah, we even went to California on one big trip. We had a great time, a wonderful experience. So I graduated from Utah State with a Bachelor of Science degree in speech and dramatics. I taught two years in public school and then was hired by the LDS church to teach seminary. It was required that we go down to BYU for a symposium which lasted six, seven, eight weeks every other summer. We decided instead of just going down there let's work on a degree. So many of us worked on a degree down there and I graduated with a Master's degree from BYU in 1966. It has been suggested that I give a little ecclesiastical history of the area. I think that has been well written up as far as the early days of Ogden City and Weber County is concerned. I know that Lorin Farr had a great deal to do with both the ecclesiastical and political history here in the Ogden area. There were some others who were very influential. Before there was any ecclesiastical authority in Slaterville, we were no doubt part of the Northern Stake of Zion at that time—two stakes of Zion, one in the Northern part of Weber County and the other in the Southern part. The first ecclesiastical person to hold an office in Slaterville was a man by the name of Thomas Richardson. He was something like a Branch President. He served faithfully for quite a number of years. One of his counselors was Edwin Smoot. After several years had gone by, Thomas Richardson began not feeling too well and also he was going to receive the call of Patriarch, so it was decided that Slaterville would probably become a ward. During the time that Thomas Richardson was not active as the Branch President, Brother Smoot being next in line did most of the ecclesiastical work in the Slaterville area. We are very grateful to Mr. Smoot for keeping a journal. In it he records the things that he did ecclesiastically—setting people apart, baptizing them, helping people do this and do that. He was very active. But a sad thing occurred when they held a meeting to announce the new Bishop. Brother Smoot thought that it would be him and it turned out to be John A. Allred. Brother Smoot withdrew from the church and took a good number with him. In reading his journal, you read up right to the day when they chose Allred as the Bishop. He recounts his great work in the church. Following the Bishops choosing and ordaining, Brother Smoot never says one more thing about the church except, "I asked them to take my name off the rolls." Kind of a sad day. We have been quite fortunate in this Slaterville area. Towns all around us have seen a great deal of growth. The old farmers have tried to hang on to most of the property that they have had and have tried to farm it. But we have finally seen a change in the last several years. Now within about the last year we have two fairly large developments in the Slaterville-Marriott area. It is sometimes a little difficult for us old timers to realize that other people need homes to live in too. We think we have a beautiful area here. The people have been united in the things that have been going on as far as organizing the present city of Marriott-Slaterville, which is now approximately sixteen years old. It has been amazing how the people have worked together. Before, Marriott and Slaterville didn't always get along the best. I could tell you stories about that. Maybe I will. Today, Marriott and Slaterville have a church where we meet together. We have three wards in that building and we are getting along fine. I am sure it is different than what some of the older folks thought we would be able to do. When Slaterville first decided that they needed a new building—they had no Bishop's office, they had to meet in the coal room, the furnace room of the building, to hold their Bishop meetings. Things were just not good for that particular time. Things were changing in the church. More meetings were being held. Finally, the bishopric of the Slaterville ward decided that they would see what they could do to make the old building suitable for the situation of the day. They got an architect to draw up some plans. When he finished the plans they looked good to the ward leaders and so the ward leaders asked the architect how much this would cost. He said nineteen thousand dollars should do it. So the bishopric scratched their heads and tried to figure out who on earth they could borrow nineteen thousand dollars from to build the building and pay the man back so much a month—if we could find somebody. Finally, one man came up as the one who could loan us nineteen thousand dollars. He was a bachelor, he had never married. He wasn't a member of the church. In fact, he was descendents of people who had joined the Morrisites. His name was Joe Stevens. We made an appointment and met with Joe and visited with him a few minutes. Then the bishop told him why we were there, that we had come to ask him if he would loan us nineteen thousand dollars to remodel the old church. Joe came up out of his chair and he said, "My goodness, I haven't got that kind of money." So we chatted a little bit and the amazing thing was before we left the house he wanted to know if he could be baptized. Shortly after, he was baptized. He died within just very few weeks after we had visited with Joe in his home. But he died a member of the church. Now how did Marriott and Slaterville get together? Well nobody thought they could. Half of Slaterville didn't think they could get along with Marriott and half of Marriott didn't think they could get along with Slaterville. But the two bishoprics got together and they had determined that they would look for a place to build. They picked a place on the old Marriott farm over in Marriott where California Pack had purchased one acre of property from the Marriott family to build a pea viner. The two wards purchased that piece of property from California Pack. Then the two wards were trying to decide how they were going to go about raising money and whatnot to try and move the project along. In the meantime, the committee in Marriott had written a letter to the first presidency, President David O. McKay, explaining that they would prefer to build their own building. Well not long after that letter was received by President McKay, the two bishoprics received word from our Stake President, President Wimmer, that two of the General Authorities, Bishop Vandenburg, the presiding Bishop of the church, and Elder Thomas Monson, a new member of the Quorum of the Twelve, were assigned to come up and meet with us. So the day was set and we met with Brother Vandenburg and Elder Monson in the basement of the old Slaterville church. After the pleasantries were over, Elder Monson looked at Bishop Buck, Bishop of the Marriott Ward, Clarence Buck, and he said, "President McKay has received your letter and read your letter and he has told us that we are not to come here and try to push a building down your throat. If you want to build a building, you are welcome to do so. However, be cautioned, you won't be able to afford the kind of building that you need, and it is our desire that you two wards get together if you possibly can." Then there was some discussion between Bishop Buck and the General Authorities concerning the problem, and with how many people were opposed to it in Marriott. There was sufficient number that it would cause some concern. Bishop Vandenburg, all of a sudden, he lighted up like a light and said, "Well I am from Ogden and I know Marriott. There are some Dutch people in Marriott aren't there? And Bishop Buck said, "Yes, there are." "Well they'll support you won't they?" "Well they are the worst ones in the whole ward." Bishop Vandenburg dropped his head and Elder Monson looked over at me and smiled and then he said, "How do you change a Dutchman's mind, Bishop?" Bishop Vandenburg sat there for a second, looked up and said, "You can't." Anyway, we got together and rode with the General Authorities around to look at different places where we might build and they picked out the spot where the church now stands. We dedicated that building in 1968. So it is almost forty years old. I think we have gotten along as good or better than most of the wards have who just had the wards divided among themselves. It has been really quite a wonderful thing. Now since those two wards went together some sixteen years ago, Marriott and Slaterville, the residents of those two communities, by a huge majority of vote, voted to go together to form a city. The city's name is Marriott-Slaterville. There was some opposition to that. Some people said, "That was too long a name, make it simpler." They pointed out other communities that had done that. But we knew the makeup of Marriott and Slaterville. Slaterville didn't want to lose its identity and Marriott didn't want to lose theirs. So why not Marriott-Slaterville? The wards today are Marriot-Slaterville 1, Marriott-Slaterville 2, and Marriott-Slaterville 3.

 This winter/spring was the first time I lived abroad for three months--Japan was six weeks broken up into two parts in 2016 and 2017 and London was seven weeks back in 1987.  I have had a great time and have learned a lot, and while I am eager to go home to my much bigger kitchen (Mrs. Spew is with her mother right now), I am also looking forward to coming back next winter.  The Humboldt Award brings foreign academics to Germany for six or more months.  So, I have completed half of that time, and as I have to return home for a variety of family stuff (a wedding most importantly), I will do the second half next winter.  Any academic will say that they didn't get enough done, and I definitely did not get enough done, but what did I do?I helped my co-authors revise the book on parliamentary oversight and submit it.I interviewed enough German experts, MoD officials (past and present), and military officers (retired and active) to have enough to draft a rough case for the MoD/militaries book.  I have more interviews to do, and will do those next year hopefully.  I haven't really cracked the case yet, but hopefully things will fall together as I write the case study.I went to Finland to do that case study for the same project and talked to pretty much everyone I needed.  I transcribed all of my notes, but have not yet written the case study--one of those things I wish I had gotten done.  But upon returning to Berlin, my wife arrived for two weeks of great tourism by car, plane, boat, train, tram, and bus (do busses to and from the planes at airports that don't park their planes at the terminal count?) followed by my sister and her boyfriend and then by Melissa, the CDSN's COO, and her daughter.  My last week in Berlin involved one conference, one presentation, and much packing.I wrote up more of the South Korean case study from October for the same project, but didn't finish it because, damn, this book is hard.I received much feedback on the MoD/militaries book with multiple presentations at Hertie, a presentation at Central European University in Vienna, and a talk to a class in Potsdam. I have done much networking to develop more European partners for the next CDSN grant application and to develop more ways for us to work together to make the partnership more meaningful.I had opportunities to learn how the Europeans are seeing things these days, especially at a Hertie conference on whether each country is experiencing its own zeintenwende (watershed/turning point in its world view after Russia's 2022 invasion of Ukraine) or not.I also learned the whole "the Germans have a word for everything" gag is very true but also played out.I learned much about comparative authoritarianism at a workshop organized by Hertie folks.Speaking of Hertie, I had some chats with some of the students here about their work as folks here are working on NATO and on other stuff I have studied at some point.  I am crashing a dissertation defense today as the student used some of the data from my long languishing diaspora project with Erin Jenne that Kathleen Cunningham and Connor Kopchick resurrected.SI saw a lot of Berlin, first by myself and then with the aforementioned waves of visitors towards the end.I saw much more of Germany than I had seen before: Bamberg, Dresden, Leipzig, Nuremberg, Erfurt, and more of Potsdam than before.I saw much more of Austria than I had seen before: Vienna (my first time) and the Austrian Alps (Zurs and Lech and the train ride to and from the Bodansee).I saw more of northern Italy than I had seen before: Venice, Milan, and Como. I learned much about the German politics of EU parliamentary campaign via interesting campaign signs (see my this post).I found out that people use the gym in so many different ways.  There was a largely unstaffed fitness center near me, and I went nearly daily, trying to recover from the combo ski trip/amusement park trip.  I was amazed at how every person has a very different exercise regiment.  I was mostly treadmilling and doing various knee stretches/exercises.  My first time in a 21st century gym essentially, and I was almost always the oldest, most out of shape person there.   Oh, and the kids really do have a lot of tattooes. So, nope, didn't do much, I guess 😉To dig up one of the oldest tropes here, what did I find to be the most surprising, troubling, enchanting, and humbling from my time in Berlin and Europe? I guess I have been the most surprised by how much English I heard, not just by me, as I wandered through Berlin.  Apparently, East Berlin has many foreign folks, including North Americans, so it is increasingly a bilingual city.  That and the graffiti of East Berlin.I am most troubled that Germany is so hamstrung by past decisions and laws that it may not make the changes it needs to make to thrive.  Just the other night, I heard folks complaining about the governing coalition being frozen by the wide ideological divide between Liberal Democrats (think libertarians), Greens, and Social Democrats.  Good for the Steve and Dave book of yore, not so good for dealing with Russia, climate change, or China.I am most enchanted by, yes, the good weather of Berlin (it rained a lot my first few weeks but has been mostly sunny since) that allowed me to explore lots and lots of neighborhoods, finding great gelato places and Indonesian food and absolutely terrific doner kebabs from the many, many Türkische places.  I am most humbled by how sharp the people at Hertie and at the Canadian embassy and the various other folks I have bumped into.  Berlin is chock full of really smart, incisive, multilingual, experienced people.  I again feel like a recently unfrozen caveman when hanging around with these folks.  I have learned a lot, and, yeah, I got into this business because I have an insatiable curiosity, so woot!  I am also humbled by how crappy I skied on mixed snow in Zurs.Was this my best sabbatical?  I could say it is too soon (IT IS TOO SOON!!) as my sabbatical does not end until July 1st.  However, most of the next 1.5 months will be doing catch up on paperwork and CDSN-ing, family stuff (that aforementioned wedding, the first of the next generation of Saidemans and perhaps the first millennial wedding I will be attending), and then conferencing.  So, probably not too soon.  I have had three sabbaticals and one leave (the Pentagon experience), so, as is my tendency, a few rankings:Best food:Toyko in 2016-17Germany this year (mostly the non-German food I ate), as I learned what the Hokey Pokey is really all about (ice cream).The sabbatical at home plus travel of 2006-2007The Pentagon year.  Most of the rankings here are of relatively good stuff, but that year was not good for my diet and was not tasty either.Biggest career impactPentagon year and it is not close as it helped get me the jobs at McGill and Carleton and re-directed my research from the IR of ethnic conflict to alliances and then civil-military relations.Tokyo--I had never done any research on Asia before that sabbatical.  I am not an Indo-Pacific expert, but I have a far better idea of what the big questions are out there, and that has influenced my teaching, and the Tokyo work did lead to the question I am exploring this year in Europe.Sabbatical at home as it gave me a chance to catch up and shift to civ-milThis one--I am nearing the end of my career, so it is hard to move it that far from the current path.  Most productive in terms of academic research/output:It might be this one--two case studies, revising the book (we made a lot of progress last summer and then this winter), getting feedback.  the sabbatical at home--I finished the Steve and Bill book on irredentism if I remember correctly and shifted to a new research agendaTokyo: I got that case study done, but the survey took years to complete and we haven't published anything from it yet.  I thought I had a partnership that was going to produce a lot of work, but it fizzled.Pentagon: I got one week of fieldwork done, and it fostered a heap of questions, but I was too busy desk officer-ing to do much academic stuff.FavoritePentagon.  I learned so much about so many things at a pivotal time in US foreign policy and international relations from the nexus of US defense policy.  Did I mention it helped get me out of Lubbock?Tokyo.  Watching Shogun this winter reminded me of how wonderfully addictive Japan is--I went from never going there to visiting at least six times--so many times that I am losing track.  Which competes with how many times I have been to Germany.This one.  It has been a terrific three months in Germany.  My sabbatical this year also includes the South Korea trip, which was also pretty cool.  My first one in 2006-2007.  It wasn't bad, it just wasn't as special.  I barely remember what I did that year.  I will always remember my times in the Pentagon, in Japan, and, here.   I will soon start counting down until the next one, and I have a cool idea, but we shall see if I can make it happen.  It will be my last one, so I hope I can make it count.As I keep saying, I am very lucky.  The Humboldt Award was a great break, giving me the chance to hang out with the sharp and generous folks at Hertie.  I haven't baked in three months and desperately miss my kitchen (facebook is reminding me of the renovation that took place this time last year).  So, I am ready to go home, but I will soon be eager to come back.  My plans for my next Eurotrip?  More Germany, more Nordic case studies (Sweden and Norway), the Italian Alps, and probably Greece. I will write another post about what I have learned over the course of the past few months.    

Since this is a post about class, family, and returnsI thought that I would illustrate it with pictures illustratingthe fact that I now live in the same neighborhood my mother lived in, but the neighborhood has changed except this old fishing/gun store I have often considered teaching to be a kind of translation and not just because much of the history of philosophy is written in different languages. Part of what one does in teaching is try to take the questions and concerns of a different time and figure out some way to bridge that gap, while at the same time being faithful to its original sense and meaning (just like translation). These thoughts occurred to me again when I decided to teach Didier Eribon's Returning to Reims.I first heard about Eribon's book when I read Chantal Jaquet's Les Transclasses, and was happy to learn that it was translated by Semiotext(e). After reading it I gave a copy to my father, and he loved it; as a first generation college student from a small mill town in Maine he could really relate to it. It was for that reason that I was excited to teach it in my seminar on Race, Class, and Gender. Many of the University of Southern Maine's students are first generation and higher education in part justifies itself by its ability to supposedly transform class belonging, so it seemed worthwhile to teach the book.With the first discussion it became immediately clear how much work would need to be done to translate the book to a different time and place. Eribon's trajectory, in which the transformation of his class position was made both possible and desirable by a transformation of his cultural coordinates, a transformation made possible by reading Proust, Sartre, and Marx. Such a trajectory seemed difficult to understand in the American context where class was not only disconnected from such cultural markers, but actively repudiated them. This might be what it means to be transclass in the post-bourgeois age, there is no longer a reading list, the accumulation of capital has become divorced from cultural capital. As one student put it, her uncles had all changed their financial situation, but rather than cast off the culture that they grew up with they had made that transformation maintaining their connection with NASCAR and pick-up trucks. However, it is possible to make these awkward elements of translation the basis for an engagement rather than a rejection of Eribon's book. It is through the difficulties of translation that it becomes possible to rethink the nature of class and its relation to individual and national identity. It is possible to delineate three levels of class in Eribon's analysis. The first is the one that describes one's position in the economic system. As Eribon writes, "In my case, I can say that I have always deeply had the feeling of belonging to a class, which does not mean that the class that I belonged to was conscious of itself as such. One can have the sense of belonging to a class without the class being aware of itself as such or being "a clearly defined group." This could be called the class in itself, if one wanted to use that language. It is the aspect of class that is written on the body, on the exhaustion of work and the effects of poverty. In contrast to this is Eribon's memories of what class meant for his family when they were members of the communist party. As Eribon writes describing this dimension of class for itself, or for itself through the party, "You became a political subject by putting yourself into the hands of the party spokespersons, through whom the workers, the 'working class,' came to exist as an organized group, as a class that was aware of itself as such." In between these two there is what could be called the class of itself, the way that class constitutes not just an economic position or a political subject, but a way of life or a habitus of a sort. As Eribon writes of these divisions of class, "These boundaries that divide these worlds help define within each of them radically different ways of perceiving what it is possible to be or become, of perceiving what it is possible to aspire to or not." This is class as it was lived in terms of the things one does and does not do, in terms of tastes, habits, and dress. Eribon's story is one of both his own personal transformation, his own non-reproduction, to use Jaquet's term in which the son of a factory worker becomes a journalist and then a famous academic. It is also a story of the larger disarticulation of class composition, of how the working class in the economic sense, shifted from being a class organized by and through the communist party, to a bastion of nationalist and racist sentiment. This disarticulation has two aspects, first there is the transformation of the communist and socialist parties after 1981. As Eribon writes,What actually occurred was a general and quite thoroughgoing metamorphosis of the ethos of the party as well as of its intellectual references. Gone was any talk of exploitation and resistance, replaced by talk of "necessary modernization" and of "radical social reform"; gone the references to relations between classes, replaced by talk of a "life in common": gone any mention of unequal social opportunities replaced by an emphasis on individual responsibility. At the same time that the party moved away from the class struggle, the terms of that struggle where changing for the workers, defined less in terms of revolution and more in terms of the hopes and dreams of a consumer society. The rhetoric of class struggle, of nothing to lose but chains, begins to sound hollow to a class that aspires to buy a car or a vacation. As Eribon writes, But what is the point of a political story that doesn't take into account what people are really like as it interprets their lives, a story whose result is that one ends up blaming the individuals in question for not conforming to the fiction one has constructed? It is clearly a story that needs to be rewritten in order to make it less unified and less simple, to build in more complexity and more contradictions. And to reintroduce historical time. The working class changes. It doesn't stay identical to itself. And clearly the working class of the 1960s and 1970s was no longer the same as that of the 1930s or the 1950s. The same position in the social field does not correspond to exactly the same realities, nor to the same aspirations.This disarticulation, the party moving away from class struggle, and the working class defining its struggle differently made possible a new articulation, not in terms of class but of nation. As Eribon writes,Whose fault if the meaning of a "we" sustained or reconstituted in this way undergoes a transformation such that it comes to mean the "French" as opposed to "foreigners," whereas it had used to mean "workers" as opposed to the "bourgeoisie"? Or, to put it more precisely, whose fault is it if the opposition between "worker" and "bourgeois," even if it continues to exist in the form of an opposition between the "have nots" and the "haves" (which is not exactly the same opposition—it carries different political consequences), takes on a national and racial dimension, with the "haves" being perceived as favorably inclined to immigration and the "have nots" as suffering on a daily basis because of this same immigration, one that is held to be responsible for all their difficulties?This story, which I have given here in terms of just a few key moments, is one of the disarticulation of class and revolution, class and party, and the rearticulation of class and reaction, class and nation. As we discussed in class, this story, the story of the disarticulation of the workers' party and the aspiration of workers' cannot be simply transposed onto the US, even if the ending is the same in terms of the similarity of the National Front and MAGA parties. It would be a massive mistranslation to simply replace the Communist Party with the Democratic Party. There is a much longer story to be told about the disarticulation and the disarray of class and party in the US, and it is told in W.E.B. Du Bois' Black Reconstruction and Mike Davis' Prisoners of the American Dream. (So basically if you want the TL:DR version it is the wages of whiteness and Ronald Reagan). However, it might be possible to use Eribon's categories to make a different disarticulation or rearticulation, not that of the class in itself becoming another for itself, the for itself of the French, of the nation, but the way in which what could be called the class of itself, the habitus of class, the taste, habits and customs have shifted from one class to another. The lack of an articulation between economic position of class and political party has made way for a different articulation in which class is defined in terms of the cultural signifiers of guns, trucks, and Carhart. It is a brand and not a politics. This is the way in which our modern politicians appear to be "of the people" in Machiavelli's sense. This in part accounts for the bizarro world version of class in the US.This difficulty in translation, the impossibility of neatly mapping Eribon's French story onto an American one made for interesting discussions, but I wonder if we were talking about something that went beyond the classroom. The devaluation of a certain kind of symbolic capital, that one no longer has to read a certain set of books or listen to the right kind of music, is part of the story of the decline of the university, or at least the humanities. The university, at least a state university, is no longer the same institution of transclass transformation. I think that things might be different at elite private colleges, but even there it is more about who one knows than what one knows, connections rather than cultural capital. At small state colleges people still seek to change their class status, but do so through trying to figure out how to accumulate capital in its more material and less symbolic form, they major in business or finance. Where does this leave Eribon's own story of transclass transformation, his desire to become someone different, to leave Reims, to leave a culture dominated by sports, restricted gender roles, and fishing, to go to Paris, to a culture dominated by books and ideas, where it is possible to become someone else, something else? I still think people come to the university to do that, to transform themselves, and become something different, but that transformation has been disarticulated from class transformation. 

Bullying behaviour can have a negative impact on a child's physical and psychological health. Bullying in the classroom is a challenge for early-childhood educators. Preschool is the first place outside the home where children face social challenges when interacting with their classmates. Child-Friendly Class is the first step and part of the Children Friendly School (CSF) as a UNICEF program and an important Indonesian government policy to prevent the emergence of child bullying behaviour. This study aims to identify needs in the process of developing a Child-Friendly Classroom Management model to anticipate bullying behaviour. This research and development method uses an adaptation of the Rowntree model which includes three stages of the process and data collection techniques using interviews, questionnaires, and observation. The results of this study indicate that the preparation of an effective classroom management guidebook to create child-friendly classes needs to be followed up immediately. Several findings related to teachers' perceptions of classroom management, and child-friendly classes prove that child-friendly classes have not been implemented properly in PAUD institutions, with bullying behaviour still appearing in early childhood in PAUD institutions. PAUD teachers understand that it is important to implement classroom management but so far there has been no manual on how to manage effective classrooms as well as training related to the implementation of effective classroom management. The creation of child-friendly classes is believed to be able to help teachers suppress the emergence of bullying behaviour in early childhood. Keywords: Child-Friendly Classroom Management, Bullying Prevention, Early Childhood Education References: Allday, R. A., Hinkson-Lee, K., Hudson, T. M., Neilsen-Gatti, S., Kleinke, A., & Russel, C. S. (2012). Training General Educators to Increase Behavior-Specific Praise: Effects on Students with EBD. Behavioral Disorders, 37, 87–98. Alsaker, F. D., & Valkanover, S. (2012). The Bernese Program against Victimization in Kindergarten and Elementary School. New Directions for Youth Development, 2012(133), 15–28. https://doi.org/10.1002/yd.20004 Arseneault, L., Walsh, E., Trzesniewski, K., Newcombe, R., Caspi, A., & Moffitt, T. E. (2006). Bullying Victimization Uniquely Contributes to Adjustment Problems in Young Children: A Nationally Representative Cohort Study. PEDIATRICS, 118(1), 130–138. https://doi.org/10.1542/peds.2005-2388 Benedict, E., Horner, R. H., & Squires, J. (2007). Assessment and Implementation of Positive Behavior Support in Preschools. Topics in Early Childhood Special Education, 27, 174–192. Boz, Y. (2008). Turkish student teachers' concerns about teaching. 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The life path, scientific-pedagogical and public activity of Volodymyr Sokurenko – a prominent Ukrainian jurist, doctor of law, professor, talented teacher of the Lviv Law School of Franko University are analyzed.It is found out that after graduating from a seven-year school in Zaporizhia, V. Sokurenko entered the Zaporizhia Aviation Technical School, where he studied two courses until 1937. 1/10/1937 he was enrolled as a cadet of the 2nd school of aircraft technicians named after All-Union Lenin Komsomol. In 1938, this school was renamed the Volga Military Aviation School, which he graduated on September 4, 1939 with the military rank of military technician of the 2nd category. As a junior aircraft technician, V. Sokurenko was sent to the military unit no. 8690 in Baku, and later to Maradnyany for further military service in the USSR Air Force. From September 4, 1939 to March 16, 1940, he was a junior aircraft technician of the 50th Fighter Regiment, 60th Air Brigade of the ZAK VO in Baku. The certificate issued by the Railway District Commissariat of Lviv on January 4, 1954 no. 3132 states that V. Sokurenko actually served in the staff of the Soviet Army from October 1937 to May 1946. The same certificate states that from 10/12/1941 to 20/09/1942 and from 12/07/1943 to 08/03/1945, he took part in the Soviet-German war, in particular in the second fighter aviation corps of the Reserve of the Supreme Command of the Soviet Army. In 1943 he joined the CPSU. He was awarded the Order of the Patriotic War of the 1st degree and the Order of the Red Star (1943) as well as 9 medals «For Merit in Battle» during the Soviet-German war.With the start of the Soviet-German war, the Sokurenko family, like many other families, was evacuated to the town of Kamensk-Uralsky in the Sverdlovsk region, where their father worked at a metallurgical plant. After the war, the Sokurenko family moved to Lviv. In 1946, V. Sokurenko entered the Faculty of Law of the Ivan Franko Lviv State University, graduating with honors in 1950, and entered the graduate school of the Lviv State University at the Department of Theory and History of State and Law. V. Sokurenko successfully passed the candidate examinations and on December 25, 1953 in Moscow at the Institute of Law of the USSR he defended his thesis on the topic: «Socialist legal consciousness and its relationship with Soviet law». The supervisor of V. Sokurenko's candidate's thesis was N. Karieva. The Higher Attestation Commission of the Ministry of Culture of the USSR, by its decision of March 31, 1954, awarded V. Sokurenko the degree of Candidate of Law. In addition, it is necessary to explain the place of defense of the candidate's thesis by V. Sokurenko. As it is known, the Institute of State and Law of the USSR has its history since 1925, when, in accordance with the resolution of the Presidium of the Central Executive Committee of March 25, 1925, the Institute of Soviet Construction was established at the Communist Academy. In 1936, the Institute became part of the USSR Academy of Sciences, and in 1938 it was reorganized into the Institute of Law of the USSR Academy of Sciences. In 1941–1943 it was evacuated to Tashkent. In 1960-1991 it was called the Institute of State and Law of the USSR Academy of Sciences. In Ukraine, there is the Institute of State and Law named after V. Koretsky of the NAS of Ukraine – a leading research institution in Ukraine of legal profile, founded in 1949.It is noted that, as a graduate student, V. Sokurenko read a course on the history of political doctrines, conducted special seminars on the theory of state and law. After graduating from graduate school and defending his thesis, from October 1, 1953 he was enrolled as a senior lecturer and then associate professor at the Department of Theory and History of State and Law at the Faculty of Law of the Lviv State University named after Ivan Franko.By the decision of the Higher Attestation Commission of the Ministry of Higher Education of the USSR of December 18, 1957, V. Sokurenko was awarded the academic title of associate professor of the «Department of Theory and History of State and Law».V. Sokurenko took an active part in public life. During 1947-1951 he was a member of the party bureau of the party organization of LSU, worked as a chairman of the trade union committee of the university, from 1955 to 1957 he was a secretary of the party committee of the university. He delivered lectures for the population of Lviv region. Particularly, he lectured in Turka, Chervonohrad, and Yavoriv. He made reports to the party leaders, Soviet workers as well as business leaders. He led a philosophical seminar at the Faculty of Law. He was a deputy of the Lviv City Council of People's Deputies in 1955-1957 and 1975-1978.In December 1967, he defended his doctoral thesis on the topic: «Development of progressive political thought in Ukraine (until the early twentieth century)». The defense of the doctoral thesis was approved by the Higher Attestation Commission on June 14, 1968.During 1960-1990 he headed the Department of Theory and History of State and Law; in 1962-68 and 1972-77 he was the dean of the Law Faculty of the Ivan Franko Lviv State University. In connection with the criticism of the published literature, on September 10, 1977, V. Sokurenko wrote a statement requesting his dismissal from the post of Dean of the Faculty of Law due to deteriorating health. During 1955-1965 he was on research trips to Poland, Czechoslovakia, Romania, Austria, and Bulgaria. From August 1966 to March 1967, in particular, he spent seven months in the United States, England and Canada as a UN Fellow in the Department of Human Rights. From April to May 1968, he was a member of the government delegation to the International Conference on Human Rights in Iran for one month. He spoke, in addition to Ukrainian, English, Polish and Russian. V. Sokurenko played an important role in initiating the study of an important discipline at the Faculty of Law of the Lviv University – History of Political and Legal Studies, which has been studying the history of the emergence and development of theoretical knowledge about politics, state, law, ie the process of cognition by people of the phenomena of politics, state and law at different stages of history in different nations, from early statehood and modernity.Professor V. Sokurenko actively researched the problems of the theory of state and law, the history of Ukrainian legal and political thought. He was one of the first legal scholars in the USSR to begin research on the basics of legal deontology. V. Sokurenko conducted extensive research on the development of basic requirements for the professional and legal responsibilities of a lawyer, similar to the requirements for a doctor. In further research, the scholar analyzed the legal responsibilities, prospects for the development of the basics of professional deontology. In addition, he considered medical deontology from the standpoint of a lawyer, law and morality, focusing on internal (spiritual) processes, calling them «the spirit of law.» The main direction of V. Sokurenko's research was the problems of the theory of state and law, the history of legal and political studies. The main scientific works of professor V. Sokurenko include: «The main directions in the development of progressive state and legal thought in Ukraine: 16th – 19th centuries» (1958) (Russian), «Democratic doctrines about the state and law in Ukraine in the second half of the 19th century (M. Drahomanov, S. Podolynskyi, A. Terletskyi)» (1966), «Law. Freedom. Equality» (1981, co-authored) (in Russian), «State and legal views of Ivan Franko» (1966), «Socio-political views of Taras Shevchenko (to the 170th anniversary of his birth)» (1984); «Political and legal views of Ivan Franko (to the 130th anniversary of his birth)» (1986) (in Russian) and others.V. Sokurenko died on November 22, 1994 and was buried in Holoskivskyi Cemetery in Lviv.Volodymyr Sokurenko left a bright memory in the hearts of a wide range of scholars, colleagues and grateful students. The 100th anniversary of the Scholar is a splendid opportunity to once again draw attention to the rich scientific heritage of the lawyer, which is an integral part of the golden fund of Ukrainian legal science and education. It needs to be studied, taken into account and further developed. ; Проаналізовано життєвий шлях, науково-педагогічну та громадську діяльність Воло-димира Гавриловича Сокуренка – видатного українського правознавця, доктора юридичних наук, професора, талановитого педагога Львівської правничої школи Франкового універ-ситету.З'ясовано, що В. Г. Сокуренко навчався у Запорізькому авіаційному технікумі та Вольському військовому авіаційному училищі, яке закінчив у 1939 р. У 1939‒1946 рр. служив у радянській армії. Після закінчення у 1950 р. юридичного факультету Львівського університету пройшов шлях від аспіранта до професора, завідувача кафедри, декана юридичного факультету. Упродовж 1960‒1990 рр. завідував кафедрою теорії та історії держави і права; в 1962‒1968 та 1972‒1977 рр. був деканом юридичного факультету Львівського державного університету імені Івана Франка. Протягом 1955‒1965 рр. перебував у наукових відрядженнях у Польщі, Чехословаччині, Румунії, Австрії, Болгарії. Зі серпня 1966 до березня 1967 рр., зокрема сім місяців перебував у США, Англії та Канаді як стипендіат ООН по департаменту прав людини. У квітні-травні 1968 р. був членом у складі урядової делегації на міжнародній конференції по правах людини в Ірані упродовж одного місяця. Володів, окрім української, англійською, польською та російською мовами. В. Г. Сокуренко відіграв важливу роль у започаткуванні на юридичному факультеті Львівсь-кого університету вивчення важливої навчальної дисципліни – Історії політичних і правових учень, яка висвітлювала і до сьогодні продовжує висвітлювати історію виникнення та розвитку теоретичних знань про політику, державу, право, тобто вивчає процес пізнання людьми явищ політики, держави і права на різних етапах історії у різних народів, почи-наючи з ранньої державності і сучасності.Професор В. Г. Сокуренко активно досліджував проблеми теорії держави і права, історії української правової та політичної думки. Він був одним із перших учених-правників у СРСР, хто почав наукові студії основ юридичної деонтології. Велику наукову дослід-ницьку діяльність проводив В. Г. Сокуренко щодо розробки основних вимог до професійно-правових обов'язків юриста, аналогічно до вимог, що стосуються лікаря. У подальших наукових дослідженнях учений аналізував юридичні обов'язки, перспективи розвитку основ професійної деонтології. Крім того, правознавець розглядав медичну деонтологію з позиції юриста, права і моралі, приділивши основну увагу внутрішнім (духовним) процесам, назвавши їх «духом права». Основним напрямом наукових досліджень В. Г. Сокуренка були проблеми теорії держави і права, історії правових та політичних учень.Володимир Гаврилович Сокуренко залишив по собі світлу пам'ять у серцях широкого загалу науковців, колег та вдячних учнів. 100-річний ювілей Вченого – добра нагода для того, щоб ще раз привернути увагу до багатої наукової спадщини правознавця, яка є невід'ємною складовою золотого фонду української юридичної науки і освіти. Вона потребує вивчення, врахування та подальшого розвитку.

Funder: CIMBA: The CIMBA data management and data analysis were supported by Cancer Research – UK grants C12292/A20861, C12292/A11174. ACA is a Cancer Research -UK Senior Cancer Research Fellow. GCT and ABS are NHMRC Research Fellows. iCOGS: the European Community's Seventh Framework Programme under grant agreement No. 223175 (HEALTH-F2-2009-223175) (COGS), Cancer Research UK (C1287/A10118, C1287/A 10710, C12292/A11174, C1281/A12014, C5047/A8384, C5047/A15007, C5047/A10692, C8197/A16565), the National Institutes of Health (CA128978) and Post-Cancer GWAS initiative (1U19 CA148537, 1U19 CA148065 and 1U19 CA148112 - the GAME-ON initiative), the Department of Defence (W81XWH-10-1-0341), the Canadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR) for the CIHR Team in Familial Risks of Breast Cancer (CRN-87521), and the Ministry of Economic Development, Innovation and Export Trade (PSR-SIIRI-701), Komen Foundation for the Cure, the Breast Cancer Research Foundation, and the Ovarian Cancer Research Fund. The PERSPECTIVE project was supported by the Government of Canada through Genome Canada and the Canadian Institutes of Health Research, the Ministry of Economy, Science and Innovation through Genome Québec, and The Quebec Breast Cancer Foundation. BCFR: UM1 CA164920 from the National Cancer Institute. The content of this manuscript does not necessarily reflect the views or policies of the National Cancer Institute or any of the collaborating centers in the Breast Cancer Family Registry (BCFR), nor does mention of trade names, commercial products, or organizations imply endorsement by the US Government or the BCFR. BFBOCC: Lithuania (BFBOCC-LT): Research Council of Lithuania grant SEN-18/2015. BIDMC: Breast Cancer Research Foundation. BMBSA: Cancer Association of South Africa (PI Elizabeth J. van Rensburg). CNIO: Spanish Ministry of Health PI16/00440 supported by FEDER funds, the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness (MINECO) SAF2014-57680-R and the Spanish Research Network on Rare diseases (CIBERER). COH-CCGCRN: Research reported in this publication was supported by the National Cancer Institute of the National Institutes of Health under grant number R25CA112486, and RC4CA153828 (PI: J. Weitzel) from the National Cancer Institute and the Office of the Director, National Institutes of Health. The content is solely the responsibility of the authors and does not necessarily represent the official views of the National Institutes of Health. CONSIT: Associazione Italiana Ricerca sul Cancro (AIRC; IG2014 no.15547) to P. Radice. Italian Association for Cancer Research (AIRC; grant no.16933) to L. Ottini. Associazione Italiana Ricerca sul Cancro (AIRC; IG2015 no.16732) to P. Peterlongo. Jacopo Azzollini is supported by funds from Italian citizens who allocated the 5x1000 share of their tax payment in support of the Fondazione IRCCS Istituto Nazionale Tumori, according to Italian laws (INT-Institutional strategic projects '5x1000'). DEMOKRITOS: European Union (European Social Fund – ESF) and Greek national funds through the Operational Program "Education and Lifelong Learning" of the National Strategic Reference Framework (NSRF) - Research Funding Program of the General Secretariat for Research & Technology: SYN11_10_19 NBCA. Investing in knowledge society through the European Social Fund. DFKZ: German Cancer Research Center. EMBRACE: Cancer Research UK Grants C1287/A10118 and C1287/A11990. D. Gareth Evans and Fiona Lalloo are supported by an NIHR grant to the Biomedical Research Centre, Manchester. The Investigators at The Institute of Cancer Research and The Royal Marsden NHS Foundation Trust are supported by an NIHR grant to the Biomedical Research Centre at The Institute of Cancer Research and The Royal Marsden NHS Foundation Trust. Ros Eeles and Elizabeth Bancroft are supported by Cancer Research UK Grant C5047/A8385. Ros Eeles is also supported by NIHR support to the Biomedical Research Centre at The Institute of Cancer Research and The Royal Marsden NHS Foundation Trust. FCCC: The University of Kansas Cancer Center (P30 CA168524) and the Kansas Bioscience Authority Eminent Scholar Program. A.K.G. was funded by R0 1CA140323, R01 CA214545, and by the Chancellors Distinguished Chair in Biomedical Sciences Professorship. FPGMX: FISPI05/2275 and Mutua Madrileña Foundation (FMMA). GC-HBOC: German Cancer Aid (grant no 110837, Rita K. Schmutzler) and the European Regional Development Fund and Free State of Saxony, Germany (LIFE - Leipzig Research Centre for Civilization Diseases, project numbers 713-241202, 713-241202, 14505/2470, 14575/2470). GEMO: Ligue Nationale Contre le Cancer; the Association "Le cancer du sein, parlons-en!" Award, the Canadian Institutes of Health Research for the "CIHR Team in Familial Risks of Breast Cancer" program and the French National Institute of Cancer (INCa grants 2013-1-BCB-01-ICH-1 and SHS-E-SP 18-015). GEORGETOWN: the Non-Therapeutic Subject Registry Shared Resource at Georgetown University (NIH/NCI grant P30-CA051008), the Fisher Center for Hereditary Cancer and Clinical Genomics Research, and Swing Fore the Cure. G-FAST: Bruce Poppe is a senior clinical investigator of FWO. Mattias Van Heetvelde obtained funding from IWT. HCSC: Spanish Ministry of Health PI15/00059, PI16/01292, and CB-161200301 CIBERONC from ISCIII (Spain), partially supported by European Regional Development FEDER funds. HEBCS: Helsinki University Hospital Research Fund, Academy of Finland (266528), the Finnish Cancer Society and the Sigrid Juselius Foundation. HEBON: the Dutch Cancer Society grants NKI1998-1854, NKI2004-3088, NKI2007-3756, the Netherlands Organisation of Scientific Research grant NWO 91109024, the Pink Ribbon grants 110005 and 2014-187.WO76, the BBMRI grant NWO 184.021.007/CP46 and the Transcan grant JTC 2012 Cancer 12-054. HRBCP: Hong Kong Sanatorium and Hospital, Dr Ellen Li Charitable Foundation, The Kerry Group Kuok Foundation, National Institute of Health1R 03CA130065, and North California Cancer Center. HUNBOCS: Hungarian Research Grants KTIA-OTKA CK-80745 and OTKA K-112228. ICO: The authors would like to particularly acknowledge the support of the Asociación Española Contra el Cáncer (AECC), the Instituto de Salud Carlos III (organismo adscrito al Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad) and "Fondo Europeo de Desarrollo Regional (FEDER), una manera de hacer Europa" (PI10/01422, PI13/00285, PIE13/00022, PI15/00854, PI16/00563 and CIBERONC) and the Institut Català de la Salut and Autonomous Government of Catalonia (2009SGR290, 2014SGR338 and PERIS Project MedPerCan). IHCC: PBZ_KBN_122/P05/2004. ILUH: Icelandic Association "Walking for Breast Cancer Research" and by the Landspitali University Hospital Research Fund. INHERIT: Canadian Institutes of Health Research for the "CIHR Team in Familial Risks of Breast Cancer" program – grant # CRN-87521 and the Ministry of Economic Development, Innovation and Export Trade – grant # PSR-SIIRI-701. IOVHBOCS: Ministero della Salute and "5x1000" Istituto Oncologico Veneto grant. IPOBCS: Liga Portuguesa Contra o Cancro. kConFab: The National Breast Cancer Foundation, and previously by the National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC), the Queensland Cancer Fund, the Cancer Councils of New South Wales, Victoria, Tasmania and South Australia, and the Cancer Foundation of Western Australia. MAYO: NIH grants CA116167, CA192393 and CA176785, an NCI Specialized Program of Research Excellence (SPORE) in Breast Cancer (CA116201),and a grant from the Breast Cancer Research Foundation. MCGILL: Jewish General Hospital Weekend to End Breast Cancer, Quebec Ministry of Economic Development, Innovation and Export Trade. Marc Tischkowitz is supported by the funded by the European Union Seventh Framework Program (2007Y2013)/European Research Council (Grant No. 310018). MODSQUAD: MH CZ - DRO (MMCI, 00209805), MEYS - NPS I - LO1413 to LF and by the European Regional Development Fund and the State Budget of the Czech Republic (RECAMO, CZ.1.05/2.1.00/03.0101) to LF, and by Charles University in Prague project UNCE204024 (MZ). MSKCC: the Breast Cancer Research Foundation, the Robert and Kate Niehaus Clinical Cancer Genetics Initiative, the Andrew Sabin Research Fund and a Cancer Center Support Grant/Core Grant (P30 CA008748). NAROD: 1R01 CA149429-01. NCI: the Intramural Research Program of the US National Cancer Institute, NIH, and by support services contracts NO2-CP-11019-50, N02-CP-21013-63 and N02-CP-65504 with Westat, Inc, Rockville, MD. NICCC: Clalit Health Services in Israel, the Israel Cancer Association and the Breast Cancer Research Foundation (BCRF), NY. NNPIO: the Russian Foundation for Basic Research (grants 17-54-12007, 17-00-00171 and 18-515-12007). NRG Oncology: U10 CA180868, NRG SDMC grant U10 CA180822, NRG Administrative Office and the NRG Tissue Bank (CA 27469), the NRG Statistical and Data Center (CA 37517) and the Intramural Research Program, NCI. OSUCCG: Ohio State University Comprehensive Cancer Center. PBCS: Italian Association of Cancer Research (AIRC) [IG 2013 N.14477] and Tuscany Institute for Tumors (ITT) grant 2014-2015-2016. SEABASS: Ministry of Science, Technology and Innovation, Ministry of Higher Education (UM.C/HlR/MOHE/06) and Cancer Research Initiatives Foundation. SMC: the Israeli Cancer Association. SWE-BRCA: the Swedish Cancer Society. UCHICAGO: NCI Specialized Program of Research Excellence (SPORE) in Breast Cancer (CA125183), R01 CA142996, 1U01CA161032, P20CA233307, American Cancer Society (MRSG-13-063-01-TBG, CRP-10-119-01-CCE), Breast Cancer Research Foundation, Susan G. Komen Foundation (SAC110026), and Ralph and Marion Falk Medical Research Trust, the Entertainment Industry Fund National Women's Cancer Research Alliance. Mr. Qian was supported by the Alpha Omega Alpha Carolyn L. Cuckein Student Research Fellowship. UCLA: Jonsson Comprehensive Cancer Center Foundation; Breast Cancer Research Foundation. UCSF: UCSF Cancer Risk Program and Helen Diller Family Comprehensive Cancer Center. UKFOCR: Cancer Research UK. UPENN: Breast Cancer Research Foundation; Susan G. Komen Foundation for the cure, Basser Center for BRCA. UPITT/MWH: Hackers for Hope Pittsburgh. VFCTG: Victorian Cancer Agency, Cancer Australia, National Breast Cancer Foundation. WCP: Dr Karlan is funded by the American Cancer Society Early Detection Professorship (SIOP-06-258-01-COUN) and the National Center for Advancing Translational Sciences (NCATS), Grant UL1TR000124. ; Abstract: Background: Height and body mass index (BMI) are associated with higher ovarian cancer risk in the general population, but whether such associations exist among BRCA1/2 mutation carriers is unknown. Methods: We applied a Mendelian randomisation approach to examine height/BMI with ovarian cancer risk using the Consortium of Investigators for the Modifiers of BRCA1/2 (CIMBA) data set, comprising 14,676 BRCA1 and 7912 BRCA2 mutation carriers, with 2923 ovarian cancer cases. We created a height genetic score (height-GS) using 586 height-associated variants and a BMI genetic score (BMI-GS) using 93 BMI-associated variants. Associations were assessed using weighted Cox models. Results: Observed height was not associated with ovarian cancer risk (hazard ratio [HR]: 1.07 per 10-cm increase in height, 95% confidence interval [CI]: 0.94–1.23). Height-GS showed similar results (HR = 1.02, 95% CI: 0.85–1.23). Higher BMI was significantly associated with increased risk in premenopausal women with HR = 1.25 (95% CI: 1.06–1.48) and HR = 1.59 (95% CI: 1.08–2.33) per 5-kg/m2 increase in observed and genetically determined BMI, respectively. No association was found for postmenopausal women. Interaction between menopausal status and BMI was significant (Pinteraction < 0.05). Conclusion: Our observation of a positive association between BMI and ovarian cancer risk in premenopausal BRCA1/2 mutation carriers is consistent with findings in the general population.

Die Politiken gegenüber der Pflege älterer Menschen in europäischen Wohlfahrtsstaaten waren in den letzten Jahrzehnten einem erheblichen Wandel unterworfen. Seit den 1990er Jah-ren haben viele Wohlfahrtsstaaten in Europa soziale Rechte im Hinblick auf öffentlich finanzierte Unterstützung und Bereitstellung sozialer Dienstleistungen im Bereich der Pflege älterer Menschen ausgeweitet. Darüber hinaus wurden in vielen Ländern Marktprinzipien in der Pflegepolitik einführt oder gestärkt. Die historische Entwicklung und länderspezifische Unterschiede im Hinblick auf die Ausgestaltung von Pflegesystemen sind national wie international bereits relativ umfassend erforscht. Es mangelt jedoch an Forschung, die die konkreten institutionellen Regelungen der Pflegepolitiken analysiert und ihren Wandel sowie internationale Differenzen erklären kann. Des Weiteren sind zentrale theoretische Konzepte, die zur Untersuchung von Pflegepolitiken verwendet werden (etwa das Konzept der Vermarktlichung oder der Ansatz der De-Familialisierung/ Familialisierung) teilweise nicht ausreichend dazu geeignet die Wirkungen der neuen Pflegepolitiken systematisch und differenziert zu analysieren. Darüber hinaus ist bisher noch wenig erforscht, in welcher Beziehung der Wandel der Pflegepolitiken in Europa mit dem übergreifenden Wandlungsprozess hin zur aktiven Sozialbürgerschaft steht. Die dargestellten Forschungslücken werden im Rahmen der vorliegenden Arbeit auf der Grundlage von drei zentralen Forschungsfragen adressiert. • Wie lässt sich der Wandel von Pflegepolitiken im Hinblick auf ihre Vermarktlichung im internationalen Vergleich erklären? • Wie unterscheiden sich die europäischen Pflegepolitiken in ihrer Ausgestaltung und wie lassen sich internationalen Differenzen in der Ausgestaltung und in den hypothetischen Wirkungen von Pflegepolitiken erklären? • Welche Folgen hat der Wandel von Pflegepolitiken in Europa im Hinblick auf das Konzept der aktiven Sozialbürgerschaft in europäischen Wohlfahrtsstaaten? Die Forschungsfragen werden auf der Grundlage eines theoretischen Rahmens beantwortet, der die Bedeutung von kulturellen Ideen, institutioneller Pfadabhängigkeit und Aushandlungsprozessen zwischen politischen Akteuren im Hinblick auf die Erklärung von institutionellem Wandel betont. Es wird weiter davon ausgegangen, dass Differenzen zwischen Wohlfahrtsregimen wie auch Differenzen in der Wohlfahrtskultur maßgeblich zur Erklärung von internationalen Differenzen in der Ausgestaltung der Institutionen beitragen. Die Erklärung von Differenzen der hypothetischen Wirkungen von institutionellen Settings basiert auf der theoretischen Annahme, dass Pflegepolitiken auf komplexen institutionellen Settings basieren, die in unterschiedlichen Typen von Wohlfahrtsstaaten variieren können, wobei Unterschiede in der Ausgestaltung maßgeblich zur Erklärung von Differenzen hinsichtlich der hypothetischen Wirkungen beitragen. Zur Beantwortung der Frage nach dem Wandel von Pflegepolitiken im Hinblick auf ihre Vermarktlichung im internationalen Vergleich (Forschungsfrage 1) werden Differenzen in den pflegepolitischen Institutionen analysiert, welche zu einer Stärkung von Marktprinzipien führen. Die Differenzen werden anschließend auf der Grundlage von Unterschieden in den vorausgegangenen Politiken, Unterschieden im Hinblick auf die Interessen der regierenden Parteien und Unterschieden in der Bedeutung von verschiedenen kulturellen Ideen im politischen Prozess erklärt. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass es nicht notwendigerweise eine enge Verbindung zwischen der politischen Ausrichtung von Parteien einer Regierung und den kulturellen Ideen zur Vermarktlichung von Pflege geben muss und dass sich kulturelle Ideen bezüglich der Pflegepolitik im politischen Prozess relativ selbständig entwickeln. Die Verbindung zwischen politischen Parteien und spezifischen kulturellen Ideen kann sich hierbei während der Prozesse verändern. Im Hinblick auf die Fragen nach den internationalen Unterschieden in der Ausgestaltung von Pflegepolitiken und ihren hypothetischen Wirkungen (Forschungsfrage 2) werden in einem ersten Schritt internationale Unterschiede in den Pflegepolitiken mit einem neuen theoretischen Ansatz zur Klassifizierung von unterschiedlichen Formen der Bezahlung von familialer Pflege analysiert. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass sich die Pflegepolitiken zur bezahlten Familienpflege im Hinblick auf den Charakter der Bezahlung in den untersuchten Ländern erheblich unterscheiden. Die internationalen Unterschiede im Hinblick auf die Ausgestaltung der Pflegepolitiken lassen sich hierbei nicht systematisch durch die Generosität der Politiken und den Wohlfahrtsregimetyp erklären. Unterschiede in der Wohlfahrtskultur der Untersuchungsländer tragen hingegen zur Erklärung bei. In einem zweiten Schritt werden internationale Unterschiede in der Ausgestaltung von Pflegepolitiken zur familialen und extra-familialen Pflege und ihre Wirkung auf Geschlechtergerechtigkeit analysiert. Die Analyse der institutionellen Differenzen unterstützt die theoretische An-nahme, dass der Grad der Generosität von Politiken im Hinblick auf die Förderung der familialen und der extra-familialen Pflege unabhängig variiert. Die Ergebnisse geben neue Einblicke in die Art und Weise wie Wohlfahrtsstaaten ihre Pflegepolitik ausgestalten. Zudem wird ein neuer Ansatz für die Konzeptionalisierung der Begriffe der De-Familialisierung und Familialisierung eingeführt, dessen Anwendung Konsequenzen für das Verständnis der neueren Pflegepolitiken und deren Folgen für die Geschlechtergerechtigkeit hat. Es wird gezeigt, dass sich das Verhältnis zwischen neueren Pflegepolitiken und Geschlechtergerechtigkeit besser analysieren lässt, wenn man die Bedeutung verschiedener Kombinationen von extra-familialer und familialer Pflegepolitik für die Gleichstellung der Geschlechter berücksichtigt. In einem dritten Schritt werden internationale Unterschiede in der institutionellen Ausgestaltung und Bedeutung von Märkten im Bereich der Pflegepolitik auf der Basis eines neuartigen analytischen und methodischen Ansatzes untersucht. Der Ansatz beruht auf der Annahme, dass die angebots- und nachfrageseitige institutionelle Ausgestaltung und Bedeutung von Märkten im Bereich der Pflegepolitik theoretisch unabhängig voneinander variieren. Es wird weiter angenommen, dass Unterschiede im Verhältnis der angebots- und nachfrageseitigen institutionellen Ausgestaltung und der Bedeutung von Märkten im Bereich der Pflegepolitik auch erhebliche Differenzen in den Wirkungen der Pflegepolitiken zur Folge haben. Die Ergebnisse der empirischen Studie stützen die theoretischen Annahmen. Vor dem Hintergrund, dass die Organisation und Erbringung von Pflege als soziale Dienstleistung nur in begrenztem Maße mit Marktprinzipien kompatibel ist, ergibt sich, dass die sozialen und ökonomischen Wirkungen von pflegepolitischen Institutionen entscheidend durch das Ausmaß der Marktregulierung beeinflusst werden, indem mit dem Ausmaß der Marktregulierung die an die Pflege geknüpften sozialen Risiken sinken. Bezüglich der Frage nach den Folgen des internationalen Wandels der Pflegepolitiken im Hin-blick auf das Konzept der aktiven Sozialbürgerschaft in europäischen Wohlfahrtsstaaten (Forschungsfrage 3) wird untersucht, wie sich verschiedene Typen von Wohlfahrtsstaaten hinsichtlich ihrer Nutzung des politischen Konzeptes der aktiven Sozialbürgerschaft unterscheiden. Im Rahmen einer differenzierten Analyse der Nutzung des politischen Konzeptes der aktiven Sozialbürgerschaft wird gezeigt, dass das Konzept in verschiedenen Wohlfahrtsstaaten auf unterschiedliche Art und Weise in der Sozialpolitik verwendet wird, wobei entweder die "self-reliance" der aktiven Sozialbürger auf der Basis einer schwachen Rolle des Wohlfahrtsstaates oder die "self-determination" auf der Basis einer starken Rolle des Wohlfahrtsstaates im Vordergrund steht. Unterschiede in der Art des Wohlfahrtsregimes und Differenzen in der spezifischen Wohlfahrtskultur, in die das politische Konzept zum aktiven Sozialbürger kulturell eingebettet ist, tragen zur Erklärung von internationalen Unterschieden in der Nutzung des politischen Konzeptes zum aktiven Sozialbürger bei. Die Dissertation leistet in mehreren Hinsichten einen innovativen Beitrag zur wissenschaftlichen Theoriebildung und Forschung in der Wohlfahrtsstaatsforschung. Es werden mehrere neue theoretische Klassifikationsansätze für den internationalen Vergleich von Pflegepolitiken vorgestellt, die auf neuartigen Ansätzen zur Operationalisierung und zur Messung der jeweils relevanten Variablen in den institutionellen Settings basieren. Des Weiteren werden internationale Differenzen von Pflegepolitiken und ihre Entwicklungen auf der Grundlage eines Erklärungsansatzes analysiert, welcher das Verhältnis von institutionellen und kulturellen Einflussfaktoren und die Rolle von relevanten Akteuren und ihren Machtbeziehungen in einer innovativen Art und Weise konzipiert. Außerdem werden die Wirkungen von Pflegepolitiken – im Unterschied zu herkömmlichen Ansätzen – unmittelbar auf der Ebene der institutionellen Regelungen und nicht auf der Ebene des "Outcome" untersucht. ; Policies towards long-term care (LTC) for older people in European welfare states have un-dergone significant change in recent decades. Since the 1990s many welfare states in Europe have extended social rights to publicly funded support and provision of social services for older people in need of care. In addition, market principles in LTC policies have been introduced or strengthened in many countries. The historical development and cross-national differences with regard to the design of care systems have already been the subject of extensive research both nationally and internationally. However, there is a lack of research that analyzes the concrete institutional arrangements of LTC policies and explains their change as well as international differences. Furthermore, theoretical concepts used to investigate LTC policies (such as the concept of marketization or the de-familialization/ familialization approach) are sometimes insufficient to systematically and differentially analyze the effects of new care policies. Moreover, there is little research about the relationship between the transformation of LTC policies in Europe and the overarching process of change towards active social citizenship. These research gaps are addressed in the context of the present thesis based on three main research questions. • How can international differences regarding changes in LTC policies in terms of their marketization be explained? • How do European LTC policies differ in their design and how can international differences in their design and in their hypothetical effects be explained? • What are the consequences of changing LTC policies in Europe with regard to the concept of active social citizenship in European welfare states? The research questions are answered on the basis of a theoretical framework that emphasizes the importance of cultural ideas, institutional path dependence and negotiation processes between political actors with regard to the explanation of institutional change. It is further assumed that differences between welfare regimes as well as differences in the welfare culture contribute significantly to the explanation of international differences in the institutional design of LTC policies. The explanation of differences in the hypothetical effects of LTC policies is based on the theoretical assumption that LTC policies are based on complex institutional settings that can vary in different types of welfare states. Differences in the design of the institutional settings contribute significantly to the explanation of differences in the hypothetical effects. In order to answer the first research question, differences in the LTC policy institutions, which led to a strengthening of market principles, have been analyzed. The differences are then explained on the basis of differences in previous LTC policies, differences in the interests of the ruling parties and differences in the importance of different cultural ideas in the political process. The results show that there is not necessarily a close connection between the political orientation of government parties and specific cultural ideas regarding the marketization of care. Cultural ideas regarding LTC policy develop relatively independently in the political process. Furthermore, the connection between political parties and specific cultural ideas can change during the process. The answer to the second research question involves three steps. In a first step international differences in LTC policies are analyzed based on a new theoretical approach to the classification of different forms of payment for family care. The results show that LTC policies on paid family care differ significantly in terms of the nature of pay in the countries studied. The international differences in the design of care policies cannot be systematically explained by the generosity of policies and the type of welfare regimes. However, differences in the welfare culture of the countries under investigation contribute to the explanation. In a second step, international differences in the design of LTC policies for familial and extra-familial care and their impact on gender equality were analyzed. The analysis of institutional differences supports the theoretical assumption that the degree of generosity of policies varies independently in terms of promoting familial and extra-familial care. The findings provide new insights into the ways welfare states shape their care policies. It also introduces a new approach to the conceptualization of the concepts of de-familialization and familialization. Its application has important consequences for understanding recent care policies and their implications for gender equality. It shows that the relationship between newer care policies and gender equality can be better analyzed by considering the importance of different combinations of extra-familial and familial care policies for gender equality. In a third step, international differences in the institutional design of LTC markets have been examined on the basis of a novel analytical and methodological approach. The approach is based on the assumption that the institutional design of LTC markets on the supply and demand side vary theoretically independently. It is further assumed that differences in the institutional design on the supply and demand side also lead to significant differences in the effects of LTC policies. The results of the empirical study support the theoretical assumptions. Given that the organization and provision of care as a social service is only to a limited extent compatible with market principles, it follows that the social and economic effects of LTC institutions are crucially influenced by the extent of market regulation. Social risks linked to LTC can de-crease with a strong regulation of markets. In order to answer the third research question, it is examined how different types of welfare states differ in their use of the policy concept of active social citizenship. A differentiated analysis of the use of the concept of active social citizenship shows that the concept is used in different welfare states in different ways in social policy with either a focus on self-reliance of active social citizens on the basis of a weak role of the welfare state or a focus on self-determination on the basis of a strong role of the welfare state. Differences in the type of the welfare regime and differences in the specific welfare culture, in which the political concept of active social citizenship is culturally embedded, contribute to the explanation of international differences in the use of the policy concept. This thesis makes an innovative contribution to scientific theorizing and research of welfare states in several respects. Various new theoretical classification approaches for the international comparison of care policies are presented, which are based on novel approaches to the operationalization and the measurement of relevant variables in institutional settings of LTC policies. Furthermore, international differences in LTC policies and their developments are analyzed on the basis of an explanatory approach that conceptualizes the relationship between institutional and cultural factors and the role of relevant actors and their power relations in an innovative way. In addition, the effects of LTC policies, in contrast to traditional approaches to nursing policy analysis, are examined directly at the level of institutional arrangements rather than on the level of outcomes.

After decades of forced interruption the social work profession development started again in 1990´s. Since then social work is a rapidly developing profession in Estonian society. Now, when there is more than fifteen years of work practice, professional development and academic teaching, it is time to research how social workers experience self-development and development of social work profession. The theoretical framework of this research ties together different conceptions of social workers self and professional self context, professional growth and factors supporting it and development of social work profession in society. Important models and theories in this research are London and Mone´s (1987) three-dimensional interpretation of factors motivating professional growth (with professional identity as one dimension of thereof), conceptions of development of professional identity and professional growth according to Dubin (1990), Farr and Middlebrooks (1990), Maurer and Tarulli (1994), Ruohotie (1995, 1999), Ruohotie?s (2005) theory of growth-oriented atmosphere and model of Lord, Brown and Freiberg (1999) about working self-concept. The study goal is to describe the development of professional identity and opportunities for professional growth of social workers and get an overview of the self-concept tendencies of social workers and social work students; understand how social workers perceive the development of a new profession based on their experiences. The sample (N=122) consisted of social workers that had received academic education in the Tallinn University (N1=41/vilistlased), undergraduate students of the Open University engaged in practical social work, who one month after participating in the survey graduated from the university with a BA degree (N2=52/lõpetajad) and future social workers, first year social work students (N=29/statsionaar). The criterion for inclusion in the sample was academic vocational education from the Tallinn University. The present research is descriptive multi-strategy research, where the first part of the research is survey type and the second part is based on theme interviews and covers the conceptions of social workers about their development to professional social workers and development of the social work profession in Estonian society. Survey data were analyzed by using statistical methods (factor analysis, bivariate correlation, variance analysis) in order to describe and explain relation between self-concept and professional identity of social workers; and to find the differences between the sample groups. Survey results show that social workers´ and social work students´ self-concept components are empathy, innovativeness, self-confidence and need of achievement. These self-identity components are extremely suitable for shaping the social workers professional identity. Professional-self of social workers is characterized by commitment to work, professional growth, willingness to take risk and ability to cooperate. They also feel togetherness and strong commitment to collective (work team). All above mentioned characteristics form the basis for the development of professional identity of social workers. The qualitative data added depth and context to the results of survey. On the basis of the conceptions of social workers, the qualitative content analysis brought out eight main categories and fifty-three subcategories. These categories show professional identity elements of social workers and different aspects of their work on the basis of conceptions of social workers about their experiences of their personal development and the development of social work profession in the newly independent Estonia. Respondents have all experienced stress and as social work is stressful to psyche, the workers? psychosocial coping should not be just their personal work problem. However, the organizational support mechanisms (such as supervision services) are not available for everyone and therefore social workers have only few personal coping strategies at their disposal support from the colleagues (who are also burdened) or family and network of friends. Too often, work difficulties also bring social workers too often to the limits of their endurance there is too much bureaucracy and politicization. Research results describe social workers as innovative and ready to take risks enterprising people with strong self-confidence and strong need for achievement. Surprisingly, the features remind one of successful entrepreneurs in the business field. All this might be explained by the fact that in our society both social system and social work profession are in developmental phase, the well-organised system waits yet to be established. During the developmental phase the people participating in the process have more opportunities to find different workable solutions but they also have to be more creative and driven to implement a vision. Based on my research results it may be concluded that in the future social work may be threatened by lack of recognition. Social workers are often left alone with their heavy workload and they do not receive necessary understanding and support from their organization nor society in general (lack of recognition is proved by the relatively low level of salaries). As there is a clear need of professionals in social work, the society and organizations should support these professionals with strong professional identity and growth motivation that are committed to their work. There should be more acknowledgement and support e.g. with salary rise and by enabling every social worker with supervision service, before the number of those leaving from the field due to the burnout increases. In summary, it can be said that the research has shed light upon professional identity and professional growth of social workers and the development of social work profession in Estonia. As social work as profession has been little researched in Estonia, it is natural that this research brought out many topics that would need further research. New knowledge is needed in vocational education, it would also be used to help and support social workers in their work environment. ; After decades of forced interruption the social work profession development started again in 1990´s. Since then social work is a rapidly developing profession in Estonian society. Now, when there is more than fifteen years of work practice, professional development and academic teaching, it is time to research how social workers experience self-development and development of social work profession. The theoretical framework of this research ties together different conceptions of social workers self and professional self context, professional growth and factors supporting it and development of social work profession in society. Important models and theories in this research are London and Mone´s (1987) three-dimensional interpretation of factors motivating professional growth (with professional identity as one dimension of thereof), conceptions of development of professional identity and professional growth according to Dubin (1990), Farr and Middlebrooks (1990), Maurer and Tarulli (1994), Ruohotie (1995, 1999), Ruohotie?s (2005) theory of growth-oriented atmosphere and model of Lord, Brown and Freiberg (1999) about working self-concept. The study goal is to describe the development of professional identity and opportunities for professional growth of social workers and get an overview of the self-concept tendencies of social workers and social work students; understand how social workers perceive the development of a new profession based on their experiences. The sample (N=122) consisted of social workers that had received academic education in the Tallinn University (N1=41/vilistlased), undergraduate students of the Open University engaged in practical social work, who one month after participating in the survey graduated from the university with a BA degree (N2=52/lõpetajad) and future social workers, first year social work students (N=29/statsionaar). The criterion for inclusion in the sample was academic vocational education from the Tallinn University. The present research is descriptive multi-strategy research, where the first part of the research is survey type and the second part is based on theme interviews and covers the conceptions of social workers about their development to professional social workers and development of the social work profession in Estonian society. Survey data were analyzed by using statistical methods (factor analysis, bivariate correlation, variance analysis) in order to describe and explain relation between self-concept and professional identity of social workers; and to find the differences between the sample groups. Survey results show that social workers´ and social work students´ self-concept components are empathy, innovativeness, self-confidence and need of achievement. These self-identity components are extremely suitable for shaping the social workers professional identity. Professional-self of social workers is characterized by commitment to work, professional growth, willingness to take risk and ability to cooperate. They also feel togetherness and strong commitment to collective (work team). All above mentioned characteristics form the basis for the development of professional identity of social workers. The qualitative data added depth and context to the results of survey. On the basis of the conceptions of social workers, the qualitative content analysis brought out eight main categories and fifty-three subcategories. These categories show professional identity elements of social workers and different aspects of their work on the basis of conceptions of social workers about their experiences of their personal development and the development of social work profession in the newly independent Estonia. Respondents have all experienced stress and as social work is stressful to psyche, the workers? psychosocial coping should not be just their personal work problem. However, the organizational support mechanisms (such as supervision services) are not available for everyone and therefore social workers have only few personal coping strategies at their disposal support from the colleagues (who are also burdened) or family and network of friends. Too often, work difficulties also bring social workers too often to the limits of their endurance there is too much bureaucracy and politicization. Research results describe social workers as innovative and ready to take risks enterprising people with strong self-confidence and strong need for achievement. Surprisingly, the features remind one of successful entrepreneurs in the business field. All this might be explained by the fact that in our society both social system and social work profession are in developmental phase, the well-organised system waits yet to be established. During the developmental phase the people participating in the process have more opportunities to find different workable solutions but they also have to be more creative and driven to implement a vision. Based on my research results it may be concluded that in the future social work may be threatened by lack of recognition. Social workers are often left alone with their heavy workload and they do not receive necessary understanding and support from their organization nor society in general (lack of recognition is proved by the relatively low level of salaries). As there is a clear need of professionals in social work, the society and organizations should support these professionals with strong professional identity and growth motivation that are committed to their work. There should be more acknowledgement and support e.g. with salary rise and by enabling every social worker with supervision service, before the number of those leaving from the field due to the burnout increases. In summary, it can be said that the research has shed light upon professional identity and professional growth of social workers and the development of social work profession in Estonia. As social work as profession has been little researched in Estonia, it is natural that this research brought out many topics that would need further research. New knowledge is needed in vocational education, it would also be used to help and support social workers in their work environment.

First published in 1869 under title: Moral philosophy. ; CHAPTER IX. DUTIES -- SELF-CULTURE -- Aesthetic -- Its expensiveness -- Elevating tendency -- Increases power -- False refinement -- Fastidiousness -- The cultivated lady -- Culture, how attained -- Degree of attention proper -- Other demands to be cousidered -- Physical culture a duty -- Health -- Manual skill --Manners and habits -- Predominance of the soul -- CHAPTER X. DuTIES -- USEFULNESS -- The true aim -- The natural impulse -- Proper occupation -- Notoriety not usefulness -- Wealth and its uses -- Special obligation of the rich -- Social influence -- Difficulties and duties -- Special duties of the young -- The great want -- CHAPTER XL. DUTIES -- FIDELITY --Faithfulness in contracts -- Binding force -- Threats and promises -- In what sense binding -- When null -- Conditions -- Express and implied contracts -- Effect of the oath -- Marriage engagements -- CHAPTER XII. DUTIES -- VERACITY -- ItS nature and obligation -- Significance of the oath -- Its rightfulness -- Profanity -- Violations of veracity -- Limits of the obligation -- Words and gestures -- Legal practice -- Instinct of veracity -- CHAPTER XIII. DUTIES -- CHASTITY -- Nature of the duty -- Effect and criminality of unchastity -- Injustice of society -- Marriage provided for -- Its nature and conditions -- Moral law of divorce -- Civil law -- Incest -- Concluding remarks. ; SECOND DIVISION -- PERSONAL RIGHTS AND DUTIES -- Managing the market -- Cicero's example -- Law of wages Woman's wages -- Work that is above wages -- Violations of the right of property -- Bankrupt laws -- Prevalence of fraud upon the government -- Mischief of repudiation -- Immorality of gambling --Conflict of labor and capital -- CHAPTER VI. DUTIEs -- PIETY -- Origin of duties -- Nature of piety -- Its relation to religion -- Morality and religion -- Morality attained by religion -- Opposite of piety -- Duty of worship -- Possibility of prayer -- Speculative objections -- Social and public prayer -- The Sabbath -- Change of day -- Obligation permanent -- Proper observance -- Duty of promoting religion -- CHAPTER VII. Bums -- PHILANTHROPY -- PATRIoTIsM --Nature of philanthropy --Its relation to religion -- Its scope -- Proper test -- Misanthropy -- Patriotism as a virtue -- Required by benevolence -- Things opposed to patriotism -- CHAPTER VIII. DUTIES -- SELF-CULTURE -- Its nature and reasons -- Extends to all the faculties -- Spiritual culture -- Its relation to virtuous character --Intellectual culture -- Things to be held subordinate -- Kind of knowledge to be sought -- Culture of the sensibility -- Gives power --Relation to moral character -- Control indirect -- Associations --Books -- Perfection of character. ; CHAPTER III. RIGHTS -- LIBERTY -- Definition and extent -- Basis of the right -- Misapprehension of its origin -- Application to different powers --Principle of toleration -- Freedom of the press -- Free discussion -- Intervention of government in worship and education -- Subjective limitations -- Respect to the consciences of others -- Use of definite rules -- Violations of liberty -- Its defense -- CHAPTER IV. RIGHTS -- REPUTATION -- The interest involved -- How a good -- The precept -- Temptations to its violation -- Duty of exposing wrong -- Slander in truth-telling -- CHAPTER V. RIGHTS -- PROPERTY -- Origin of the right -- The precqpt -- Property, how acquired -- Transferable -- Right of discovery -- Effect of long possession -- Things not to be appropriated -- Animals made property, human beings not -- Limitations of the right -- Law of exchange -- Duty of the vender -- Standard of value. ; SECOND DIVISION -- PERSONAL RIGHTS AND DUTIES -- CHAPTER I. GENERAL PRLNCIPLES -- BaSIS of rights -- The comprehensive right -- Inalienable rights -- Basis of duties -- Correlation of rights and duties -- Positive and negative precepts -- Subjects of rights and duties -- The rights of brutes -- Superior right of rational beings -- CHAPTER II. RIGHTS -- LIFE -- Basis of the right -- Guilt of murder -- Malice and hatred -- Manslaughter -- Related crimes -- Right of self-preservation limited -- Self-defense -- Protection of property -- Carrying weapons -- Dueling -- Objections to self-defense -- Euthanacia. ; CHAPTER VIII. FAMILV GOVERNMENT -- Has a natural foundation -- Limited in its subjects -- Wide in its application to interests -- Mode of constitution -- Question of headsbip -- A relation of confidence -- To be entered upon with deliberation -- Maintained with care -- A natural sphere for each -- Relations of the family to the state and to society -- CHAPTER IX. DUTIES OF PARENT AND CHILD -- OF TEACHER AND PUPIL -- Chief work of the family -- Place of parental affection -- Leading duty of the parent -- Duty of obedience and its natural termination -- Claim of the child -- Limit of obedience -- Duty in maturity toward dependent parents -- The teacher's authority -- Its extent -- Need of closer definition -- The pupil's duty -- Unnatural antagonism -- Mutual regard -- Unfavorable tendencies -- Extreme in dividualism -- Independence of opinion. ; PART 11. PRACTICAL ETHICS -- PRELIMINARY REMARKS -- FIRST DIVISION -- CHAPTER V. PENALTIES IN CIVIL GOVERNMENT -- Uses of penalties -- Dangerous tendency -- Capital punishment -- Reasons for it -- Objection -- CHAPTER VI. LIMITS OF OBEDIENcE TO CIVIL GOVERNMENT -- GOvernment subordinate -- The higher law applied to a democratic state -- No general formula -- Laws, just, indifferent, unjust -- Two possible courses -- Duty of a subordinate magistrate -- Right of revolution -- Apprehended tendency -- Errors in two directions -- CHAPTER VII. THE RELATIONS OF NATIONS To EACH OTHER -- Obligation of nations limited -- Laws of nations -- Duty to respect each other's sovereignty -- Duty in case of rebellion -- In treaties -- In commercial intercourse -- Duty of self-preservation -- The rightfulness of war -- In case of resistance at home -- In case of aggression from without -- In defense of the weak -- In suppression of out rage -- In justifiable revolution -- Objections -- The true aim in war -- Duties in war. ; CHAPTER I. GOVERNMENT -- ITS NATURE AND F0UNDATI0N -- Definitions -- Relation of sanctions to government -- Object of government -- Its right to exist -- The right to govern -- Duty to govern -- Designation of the ruler -- Form of government -- Extent of authority -- Not dependent on desire of the governed -- CHAPTER II. THE DIVINE GOVERNMENT -- Its constitution -- Why God assumes the government -- The divine law -- How known to men -- Revealed law --Authority of examples -- The Saviour's example -- Genuine virtue required -- Personality of the law -- Application to communities -- Dealing with nations -- National sins -- CHAPTER III. PENALTIES UNDER THE DIVINE GOVERNMENT -- Nature of penalty -- Effects of penalty -- Relation of penalty to desert -- True reason of penalty -- Its extent -- Discipline and penalty -- Necessity of penalty in the divine government -- Degree and duration -- Guilt everlasting -- Natural consequences not penalty -- Physical law and penalty -- Remorse and penalty -- Providential conse quence -- CHAPTER IV. CIVIL GOVERNMENT -- Its foundation -- Right to govern -- The form of government -- A legitimate government -- A tyranny -- Constitutions -- Not a social compact -- Right and duty of voting -- The ruler a servant -- Doctrine of instruction -- Right of the majority -- Principle of representation -- The will of the governed a controlling element -- General tendency to democracy -- Relation of law to righteousness -- Mistakes. ; CHAPTER XI. -- THEORIES OF OBLIGATION -- Of right as ultimate -- Of obligation as originating in the will of God -- Difficulties -- Reason not ultimate -- Obligation known intuitively -- No character in God -- Relativity of morality -- Unscriptural -- Founded in the reason or nature of God -- Of spiritual worthiness as ultimate -- Hickok's view -- Janet's -- Seelye's -- Personal perfection not the true aim the term good -- Ambiguous use -- Virtue as ultimate -- Complacency not virtue -- Virtue a quality of choice, not its object -- Of abstract right as ultimate -- Axiom of the theory -- Does not explain the virtues -- Gives no unity to virtue -- Rightness not the final motive -- Maxim of the theory -- Acting from principle -- Rightness not ultimate -- Incidental advantages of the theory of benevolence. ; CHAPTER X. THEORIES OF OBLIGATION -- The question -- Different answers -- Reason for the difference -- Socrates and Plato -- Aristotle -- Doctrine of the Stoics -- Of the Epicureans -- Modern views -- Paley -- Taylor -- Difficulties -- Psychological error -- No freedom -- Misrepresents benevolence -- Mistakes the motive -- Makes no difference between the good and the bad -- Does not accord with Scripture -- Utilitarianism -- Misapplication of the term -- Needed discrimination -- "Holy Happiness" -- Kind of happiness to be sought -- Spencer's "Ethics." ; CHAPTER VIII. CONSCIENCE -- IS IT A GUIDE? -- Definition and office -- Impulse of Conscience -- Approval and condemnation -- Aesthetic conscience -- Conscience as a guide -- Intervention of judgment -- Different views -- Whately and Alexander -- Sins of ignorance -- Rational conscience the guide, not the emotional, nor the casthetic -- Conscientiousness -- Paul -- Honesty -- Sincerity --Conscience educated, enlightened, perverted -- Feeling of obligation -- CHAPTER IX. UNITY OR SIMPLICITY OF MORAL AcTI0N -- Virtue and sin contradictory -- Their coexistence impossible -- Different hypotheses to explain their coexistence -- Imperfect powers -- From the fall --From past sin -- Right intention with wrong thoughts and feelings -- Mixed motives -- Partial regard for good -- Lack of intensity -- Right ultimate choice and wrong acts -- The teaching of the Scriptores -- Practical teaching -- N.W. Taylor -- Objections and answers -- Prevailing consciousness -- Negative testimony -- No room for improvement -- Degrees of goodness -- Degrees of sinfulness -- Temptation and guilt -- Knowledge of past sinfulness -- General bearing of the doctrine. ; CHAPTER VI. ADDITIONAL REMARKS AND INFERRNCES -- Universality of the law of benevolence -- Works of supererogation impossible -- Morality personal, not transferable -- Ambiguity of the term character -- The seat of moral depravity -- Total moral depravity -- The moral change required -- Relation of emotion to the moral state -- Moral character in consciousness -- Moral consistency -- CHAPTER VII. RIGHT AND WRONG -- DUTY, KNOWN ANO UNKNOWN -- NEED OF A REvELATI0N -- Ambiguity of the terms right and wrong -- Absolute right and wrong -- Relative right and wrong -- Objective and subjective right and wrong -- Right and wrong per se -- The expedient and the right -- Our knowledge of the right -- End and means -- Doing evil that good may Come -- Least of two evils -- Known and unknown dUty -- Need of revelation to furnish motive and to indicate objective duty. ; CHAPTER V. OF PARTICULAR VICES -- Their common element -- Their relation to sinful character -- Their origin -- Sensuality -- Ambition -- Avarice -- Pride and vanity -- Selfishness -- The desire not sinful -- Malevolent impulses -- Natural or impulsive goodness -- Two characters possible -- Apparent goodness -- Right moral judgments -- Kindly affections -- Devotional feelings -- Impulsive virtues, their relation to true virtue -- Imitative goodness -- Deficiency exhibited -- Are the impulsive virtues sinful? -- Their utility. ; PART 1.--THEORETICAL -- CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTORY DEFINITIONS. -- Divisions of the science -- Topics treated of -- Obligation a simple idea -- Undefinable --Attempted definitions --A moral being or person --Essential attributes -- Intellect -- Sensibility -- Free-will -- A moral act -- The moral element, where found -- Different forms of voluntary action -- More exact location of the moral element -- Character and intention -- Two kinds of moral action -- CHAPTER II. RIGHT OR VIRTUOUS ACTION -- The true good -- Absolute and relative good -- Illustrations of the two -- Mere animal life valuable -- The Summum Bonum -- No comparison of the two forms of good -- Happiness -- Obligation, how perceived -- Regard to our own good -- Of virtue as good -- Of benevolence as virtue -- Benevolence in consciousness -- CHAPTER III. WRONG OR SINFUL ACTION -- Its nature -- Its motive -- Its form, how determined --Gratification of desire not sin -- Sin subordinates reason -- No rational end in sin -- Sin not a choice of evil -- Sin not selfishness --Impossibility of making one's own good the supreme end -- Sin in consciousness -- Self-gratification not the intelligent end -- Sin subjection to impulse, or carnal-mindedness -- Desires and passions not sinful -- Their uses -- CHAPTER IV. OF THE PARTICULAR VIRTUES -- Benevolence the root -- Constitutes right character -- Its relation to the particular virtues, and to right acts -- Love -- Gratitude -- Justice not an independent -- virtue -- Mercy not opposed to justice -- Self-denial --Veracity -- Humility -- Faith -- Obedience -- The teaching of Scripture -- Misapprehensions of benevolence -- Interdependence of the virtues. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Professor David Dabydeen is a Guyanese-born writer, critic and academic at the Centre of Caribbean Studies at the University of Warwick. In 1993 he became Guyana's ambassador at UNESCO and is still a member of their Executive Board. He has been Guyana's ambassador to China since 2010. Professor Dabydeen has also won several international and national prizes such as the Commonwealth Poetry Prize, the Quiller-Couch Prize, and the Hind Rattan (Jewel of India). Among his works are Slave Song (1984), The Intended (1991), Disappearance (1993); and Our Lady of Demerara (2004). He also co-edited The Oxford Companion to Black British History in 2007. RB[1]: You are both a writer and a university professor of comparative literature. Do you know yourself first as a writer or a university professor?DD[2]: First as a writer. When I was a boy that is basically all I wanted to be. As a teenager I wrote the usual self-pitying stuff and, at 16 or 17, I attempted a novel in verse, inspired by some story in the Bible, I forgotten which; but gave up after a couple of pages. Why want to be a writer? I don't know. In my youth in Guyana I never encountered a writer. I think it must have been youthful aspiration to emulate the writers of Nancy Drew and Hardy Boys novels, which were standard childhood fare in Guyana. Also, since I come from a large family, it must have been the regular escape to the New Amsterdam public library to be alone, and whilst there( the place was usually empty), discovering books in the Ladybird series on great scientists, great politicians etc. I distinctly remember reading about Benjamin Franklin, Madame Curie, Alexander the Great, and others, at the age of nine or ten. There were also the odd books on Greek myths, lavishly illustrated for children. The story of Andromeda chained and naked and threatened by a monster, before being saved by Perseus, awakened unfamiliar boyish erotic feelings… perhaps not 'unfamiliar '( I was 8 or 9 ) but certainly the first time a book had aroused such feelings. When I was about 11 or 12 I came across V.S. Naipaul's MIGUEL STREET and was awed by how it made our lives in Guyana so familiar. It was set in Trinidad but the characters lived down my street. A great contrast to the Andromeda story which was exotic and erotic as opposed to the familiar lives of ordinary folk described by Naipaul.Being an academic has also been important to my writing. Firstly, you get a lot of time to read and discuss books with very bright students. Teaching in seminar groups has been amazingly exciting at times, and that intellectual excitement, sensuous in intensity, inspires the act of writing. I used to teach MA courses on Black British Literature and on Literature and Slavery. Certainly, Olaudah Equiano's autobiography in 1789, which I read multiple times for teaching purposes, left an impact on my writing, which is dotted with 'Equiano' figures ( people who moved from deprivation to the craft of writing, through cunning and an inclination for mischief mostly). Secondly, as an academic, you are exposed to theory, which can fertilised your writing and give it a 'metaphysical' content. Overexposure leads to didacticism, which I am sure my writing suffers from. As Derek Walcott says, you shouldn't "put Descartes before the horse." Most importantly, being an academic pays the bills, so whilst hunger has provoked a lot of writers, I preferred to have a house rather than a hovel. Growing up in Guyana was to exist in relative lack of material things. Many years ago I met Maya Angelou, she had kindly invited me to her house, and she had cooked a lovely Southern meal. She said: "I drive a Cadillac. I don't do bicycles, which were my youth. And I eat meat, because all I had as a child was garden vegetables'. I appreciated her extravagance, though deep down she was a kindly person, and generous. RB: You are also a politician. In 2010 you were appointed as Guyana's Ambassador in China. How have you proved yourself as a politician?DD: I don't belong to any political party in Guyana, but I enjoyed a close friendship with Cheddi and Janet Jagan. Cheddi had been cheated out of office as a result of the CIA and the British Government, in the 1960s, because he was a committed man of the left. In 1984, when I was appointed to Warwick University, I invited Cheddi to lecture there. He had no money, so the University and a travel agent friend, Vino Patel, were persuaded to provide his economy ticket and accommodation whilst at Warwick. We treated him as the true President of Guyana. All the national elections had been fiddled, and he was kept out of office for decades. Warwick offered him a platform, when other places thought of him as a 'has been'. He visited about five times, then in 1992, the Berlin Wall having fallen and the Cold war ended, the Americans allowed us to have free and fair elections, supervised by President Carter and Cheddi Jagan won and became President of Guyana. I was his regular houseguest from 1992 until 1997 when he died. He taught me more about how colonialism behaved than any textbook. He had lived through the colonial period and was jailed by the British in 1953. All his life was dedicated to the betterment of the poor: he was fiercely concerned with reducing and eliminating poverty. In return for his great hospitality, all I could do was to edit and publish some of his political speeches. He also asked me to be his Ambassador at Large and to sit on the UNESCO Executive Board representing Guyana. He had no money, since he inherited a bankrupt country in 1992, so it was an amazing honour to serve him pro bono. One day I will write something more extensive about him… one of the stories he told me was about Fidel Castro. The two of them were friends and political comrades in the late 50s and early 60s. It was Cuba who supplied us with food in the early 1960s when the CIA formented strikes and shortages in Guyana. Castro, however, needed allies in the region, against American embargo, so when Cheddi was manoeuvred out of Office, Castro started to court the friendship of our new autocratic Prime Minister, Forbes Burnham, and more or less dropped his relationship with Cheddi. I learn from this that politics trumps decency; that politicians by and large are opportunists. Learning this first hand from a great and ethical politician like Cheddi Jagan was more powerful than learning this from textbooks.As to Janet Jagan, his wife, who, when he died, was elected President in our national elections, with an enhanced vote, she was an astonishingly generous host. My role was to edit and publish her short stories for children. She was a bit lonely in Guyana, in terms of only a few people to share her passion for the arts, so whenever I showed up, a bottle of wine was uncorked, or better still, a bottle of Bailey's Irish Cream( we had a local equivalent). She too had been jailed by the British in 1953, so, again, I learnt from her intimate details of Guyana's struggle for independence, and the callousness of politicians ( Forbes Burnham had attempted to murder her in the 1964 but his bomb went off in the wrong place in the Party's Headquarters, killing a young activist instead, Michel Forde. Janet suffered from minor injuries.)As to Walter Rodney, Guyana's internationally renowned historian, assassinated by Forbes Burnham and the State apparatus in 1980( the International Commission of Enquiry into his death was issued to Guyana's Parliament last month), it was an enlightened decision on the part of the University of Warwick to set up an annual Memorial Lecture . The Walter Rodney lecture has been given, since 1985, by some of our leading Caribbean scholars, like Hilary Beckles, Carolyn Cooper, Harold Goulbourne, Michael Gilkes, Clem Seecharan, Ken Ramchand, Verene Shepherd and others.I don't think I have proved myself as a politician in any concrete way. My only possible 'political' act was, in 2012-2013 lobbying the Government of Guyana vigorously and regularly to set up an International Commission of Enquiry into the death of Walter Rodney. I took full advantage of my friendship with the then President, Donald Ramotar, who was readily sympathetic to Pat Rodney's written request for such an Inquiry( Walter's widow). As a member of the Walter Rodney Foundation's Advisory Group, I liaised with Pat Rodney and in 2013 the Government of Guyana agreed to set up the Commission. I don't think this was a 'political' act on my part, merely the obligation I felt to Walter Rodney, a fellow academic whose books were monumental. RB: How do you define politics?DD: In a small underdeveloped or developing country, politics normally is about the acquisition of power over state resources for the benefit of family and friends. Idealism goes out of the window as soon as the politician assumes Office; the struggle then is for survival and continuation of Office, so very little good gets done, political energy being spent on maintaining and expanding the arena of privilege. Exceptions are rare, people like CheddiJagan, Nelson Mandela…Cheddi was famous for his frugal lifestyle. He died intestate, owning no property. He never stole from the national treasury, rare for a politician from the developing world. Had Rodney lived, he would have been a leader of exemplary ethics. I should add my admiration for a previous, undemocratically elected President of Guyana, Desmond Hoyte, who, long before the Rio Summit and long before 'Climate Change' was topical, bequeathed a million acres of Guyana's rainforest to the Commonwealth, for the study of sustainable development (the Iwokrama Project). This was in 1989. It was an act of rare vision by a Caribbean politician. So, politicians like Hoyte might have been elected by crookery, but can prove to be significant and visionary leaders. I enjoyed cordial relations with him, when he was President (1985-1992) as well as when he was Leader of the Opposition, again based on books. We talked a lot about Egbert Martin, the first Guyanese poet and short story writer (19th century), and about the Guyana Prize for Literature which he had instituted in 1987, in the hope of bolstering the literary and intellectual life of Guyana and its Diaspora. He had a wonderful library, and he cared deeply for literary achievement. We talked little about party politics, except about the sharing of political power and the Mandela Rainbow ideal. Towards the end of his life he was all for power sharing, though he had enough integrity to worry about where oppositional ideas would come from if we were all in alliance. RB: Do your political affairs affect your creative writing?DD: There is no direct link, though I have written about the dereliction of Guyana under the autocratic rule of Forbes Burnham. My new novel-in-progress, set partly in China, is provoked by the unimaginable cruelty imposed on the people by the Emperors and their warlords. So, politics breeds in me a despair which can stimulate writing. One of the great disappointments, living in Britain, was Tony Blair's loss of idealism ( he seemed abundantly idealistic , which is why people voted him into Office in 1992) and the lies he told about Iraq's military capacity to justify a hideous and bloody invasion of Iraq. On the other hand, in Britain, there were politicians like Jo Cox, who was visionary and full of promise( she was murdered recently), and who made all of us feel hopeful and glad to be alive. If only we had a handful of such politicians in Guyana! I am privileged to enjoy a long-standing friendship with Clare Short, the former Labour politician whose heart is as big as Mount Kilimanjaro.RB: You have often depicted Guyanese characters and settings in your fiction such as Disappearance (1993), The Counting House (1996), and Our Lady of Demerara (2004). Does it mean that you still live in your past? and that you know yourself devoted to your homeland?DD: I do live in the past, in that my childhood in Guyana left indelible memories of family and friends and village landscape. Especially the creole language we spoke at home, and the creative tension with the 'proper' English we spoke at school. The slippages between the two are fascinating, with potential for comedy and pathos. The vigour of creole is always with me.Leaving Guyana as a boy was exciting (the prospect of adventure) but then proved to be lonely and hurtful, since I was never settled in England. On the one hand, England was a world of books but at the same time a world of grunting and guttural 'skinheads' daubing racist slogans on walls and threatening to assault immigrants. London has changed profoundly since the 60's and 70's, it is now a diverse space, enriched by waves of immigrants from the Commonwealth and from Europe. There is still a strong undercurrent of racial hostility, but more in the north of England, hence the recent vote to leave the European Community. Many in the north of England have not got accustomed to the loss of Empire and the new order of the free movement of goods and people. This hostility is at the ideological level, and contradictory, because on a day to day level, people are, by and large, decent to each other, irrespective of ethnicity. London is different; it is run by people of immigrant backgrounds: nurses, doctors, builders, hotel and retail staff, care workers. I am astonished at how much has changed, and I am excited to be living in London. The creative energy of the city is palpable, and the diversity of people is inspiring. I no longer feel culturally or physically threatened, as in the 1960's and 1970's. In other words, I feel London is home, but so is Guyana. I return to Guyana at least once a year, to renew my sense of the past, to be refreshed by creole language and creole ways, and to be awed and terrified by the rainforest. I also keep writing about Guyana partly out of a sense of obligation to the place. We only have a handful of writers, so I feel it is important to write about the place. Guyana came into modern being, in a sense, through literature: I am thinking specifically of Walter Raleigh's DISCOVERIE OF GUIANA (1596), the first text about us. RB: Why do you often depict historical tensions and challenge traditional cultural representations of the slave in your novels?DD: Guyanese history, in relation to contact with Europe, is stark: the decimation of indigenous people, the enslavement of Africans, the system of Indian indentureship. It is stark in terms of the immensity of suffering, and the sheer injustices of colonial rule. Yet, we became acquainted with Samuel Johnson's DICTIONARY and the magical properties of the English language; with the lyricism and storytelling of the Bible, of Shakespeare, of Victorian poetry. These new texts supplemented the ones we brought from Africa and India ( the KORAN, the RAMAYANA) . Ancient and living Carib, Arawak and other Amerindian stories fertilised the situation. We rewrote and reimagined our inheritance, hence Walcott, Naipaul, Jean Rhys, Pauline Melville, Grace Nichols, John Agard, and a host of others. I write about the injustice (historical, but also self-inflicted in our postcolonial condition) but more about the urge to creativity and expression that emerged from being on the margins; the fierce resolve to become educated, literate, creative, venturing beyond boundaries. Our postcolonial politicians may have failed us repeatedly, but I am forever astonished at how resilient Guyanese are. When I visit parts of India, parts of China, the nature of poverty there is brutal and overwhelming. We don't have that level of deprivation, because we have created the means of survival and the prospect of abundance, whether on the plate or on the page. RB: Do you believe that there is any nation on earth that enjoys true freedom and independence?DD: I don't know what true freedom or independence mean, we are all constrained and liberated and catapulted into creativity by being with each other. However, I recall what Walcott said about slavery: that the enslaved African being herded to the cane fields would have seen something sensationally beautiful along the way, given how lush Caribbean landscapes are. A hummingbird or kiskadee or blue-saki or brightly coloured viper…Walcott said that such encounters with beauty were moments of freedom which could only be partially understood, partially described, because they also contained the seeds of tragedy and terror. If you venture into Guyana's rainforest, you will experience the sublime which contain elemental terror and a tragic sense of how life is constantly being destroyed and remade and destroyed by tooth and claw.[1] Ruzbeh Babaee[2] David Dabydeen

<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml> <o:OfficeDocumentSettings> <o:AllowPNG /> </o:OfficeDocumentSettings> </xml><![endif]--> <p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; text-align: justify; line-height: normal;"><span style="font-family: ";Garamond";,";serif";; mso-bidi-font-family: ";Times New Roman";;">O presente artigo demonstra o significado da política como <em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">valor</em> e como <em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">fato</em>, expondo que na sociabilidade capitalista vivemos sob a égide da política feita e vivida <em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">como fato</em>. Por isso mesmo, não é possível tomar o público como sinônimo de estatal, algo impensável para o pensamento marxiano. 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<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml> <o:OfficeDocumentSettings> <o:TargetScreenSize>800x600</o:TargetScreenSize> </o:OfficeDocumentSettings> </xml><![endif]--> <p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; text-align: justify; line-height: normal;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; font-family: &quot;Times New Roman&quot;,&quot;serif&quot;;" lang="ES">Este artículo examina el proceso de expansión del cultivo de caña y de la producción de azúcar en el valle geográfico del río Cauca, Colombia, durante la primera mitad del siglo XX. A la par se exploran cuáles fueron los principales componentes que operaron en favor de la transformación del paisaje rural de esta región. Así, observamos que factores como la inversión estatal en infraestructura, la creación de instituciones de apoyo agrícola, la aplicación de innovaciones tecnológicas, y la inversión de capitales por empresarios agrícolas, unidos a la creciente demanda de azúcar para el mercado interno colombiano, llevaron al surgimiento de los ingenios como unidades productivas modernas, en reemplazo de los trapiches, y al incremento de la producción de la azúcar centrifugada.</span></p> <!--[if gte mso 9]><xml> <w:WordDocument> <w:View>Normal</w:View> <w:Zoom>0</w:Zoom> <w:TrackMoves /> <w:TrackFormatting /> <w:DoNotShowComments /> <w:HyphenationZone>21</w:HyphenationZone> <w:PunctuationKerning /> <w:ValidateAgainstSchemas /> <w:SaveIfXMLInvalid>false</w:SaveIfXMLInvalid> <w:IgnoreMixedContent>false</w:IgnoreMixedContent> <w:AlwaysShowPlaceholderText>false</w:AlwaysShowPlaceholderText> <w:DoNotPromoteQF /> <w:LidThemeOther>ES-MX</w:LidThemeOther> <w:LidThemeAsian>X-NONE</w:LidThemeAsian> 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