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Work in philosophy of religion is still strongly marked by an excessive focus on Christianity and, to a lesser extent, Judaism - almost to the exclusion of other religious traditions. Moreover, in many cases it has been confined to a narrow set of intellectual problems, without embedding these in their larger social, historical, and practical contexts. 'Why philosophy matters for the study of religion-and vice versa' addresses this situation through a series of interventions intended to work against the gap that exists between much scholarship in philosophy of religion and important recent developments that speak to religious studies as a whole. This volume takes up what, in recent years, has often been seen as a fundamental reason for excluding religious ethics and philosophy of religion from religious studies: their explicit normativity. Against this presupposition, Thomas A. Lewis argues that normativity is pervasive-not unique to ethics and philosophy of religion-and therefore not a reason to exclude them from religious studies. Lewis bridges more philosophical and historical subfields by arguing for the importance of history to the philosophy of religion

1. Media, religion and society : terrain and debates -- 2. Changing media portrayals of religion and the secular sacred -- 3. Media representations of Christianity in public life -- 4. The reporting of Islam and other religious traditions -- 5. Media representations of ahteism and secularism -- 6. Popular belief and ritual practice, and their media representations -- 7. The case of Geert Wilders, multiculturalism and identity -- 8. Reclaiming religion in secular public life : the media on the Papal visit.

Why do conflicts between states and national movements continue to be "nationalist", concerned almost exclusively with self-determination and control over territory, rather than crusades on behalf of faith? Our basic claim is that the nature of the present international system bolsters the dominant position of nationalists in a given conflict with an opposing political entity, as well as within their own constituency. For this reason, the Palestinian leadership has never entered a power-sharing arrangement with the Islamists, and in Israel, the consociational arrangement with the national religious camp floundered when this internal arrangement threatened Israel's relationship with its key ally, the USA, and jeopardized its standing in the international community. Religion expresses, however, important primordial values, particularly in Palestinian society, and is often a crucial dimension of collective identity. It is only natural, then, that nationalists use religious groups and their symbols as a means in the struggle to achieve their national or state-centered goals.

Einleitung -- Religion, Profession und Subjekt im erziehungswissenschaftlichen Diskurs -- Relationierung von Biographie- und Diskursforschung -- Rahmenbedingungen und Forschungsprozess -- Veronika: "Aber auf jeden Fall hat mir Bildung geholfen" -- Anne: "Ich leb gern vielfältig" -- Osman: "Wie so ein Botschafter der Religion" -- Religion, Profession und Subjektivierung zum Diskurs.

This paper deals with the concept of religiousness and religion in the context of Krause´s panentheist metaphysics, understood as a life of union, as intimacy of and with God, particularly on the part of human beings and also in relation to the rest of the existing. An evolutionary review of this conception of religion is undertaken throughout Krause´s work, and the program of a philosophy of religion is traced, which, besides a metaphysical and anthropological substantiation, would address an understanding of the history of religions and especially of Christianity, proposing a vision of reciprocal illumination between religion, knowledge, feeling and morality, as well as the possibility of an appealing notion of religious freedom, the hallmark of Krausism in its historical development.

Cover -- Titel -- Vorwort -- Inhaltsverzeichnis -- Abkürzungsverzeichnis -- Einleitung -- 1 Religion als Sprachspiel -- Voranzeige -- 1.1 Das kulturell-sprachliche Religionsmodell bei George A. Lindbeck -- 1.1.1 Die kulturelle Komponente des Religionsmodells (Clifford Geertz) -- 1.1.2 Die sprachliche Komponente des Religionsmodells (Ludwig Wittgenstein) -- 1.1.3 Das kulturell-sprachliche Religionsmodell und die Frage nach der Wahrheit -- 1.1.4 Exkurs "Semiotische Überlegungen zu George A. Lindbecks kulturell-sprachlichem Ansatz" -- 1.1.5 Die Religionen aus der Perspektive des kulturellsprachlichen Modells -- 1.1.6 Zwischenbilanz -- 1.2 Zwei Koordinaten im christlich-islamischen Dialog vor dem Hintergrund des kulturell-sprachlichen Religionsmodells: Der Prophet Muhammad und die "Abrahamische Ökumene" -- 1.2.1 Der Prophet Muhammad aus christlicher Perspektive -- 1.2.1.1 Eine problematische Sichtweise: Abraham als Spiegel des Propheten -- 1.2.1.2 Die kulturell-sprachliche Sichtweise auf den Propheten -- 1.2.2 Die "Abrahamische Ökumene" im Kontext einer kulturell-sprachlichen Betrachtung -- 1.2.2.1 Ismael: Stammvater der Araber -- 1.2.2.2 Abrahams Versuchung: Die Rezeption von Gen 22 in Sure 37 -- 1.2.2.3 Abraham und Ismael als Gründer von Mekka (Sure 2,125-127) -- 1.2.2.4 Abraham als "extrinsische Informationsquelle" aller abrahamischen Religionen -- 2 Dogmen als Regeln -- Voranzeige -- 2.1 Die Regeltheorie -- 2.1.1 Die Regeltheorie bei George A. Lindbeck: Christliche Lehre als Grammatik des Glaubens -- 2.1.2 Die Regeltheorie in der Kritik -- 2.2 Das Dogma der Trinität aus regeltheoretischer Perspektive -- 2.2.1 Von der impliziten zur expliziten Regel der Trinität -- 2.2.2 Die explizite Regel der Trinität -- 2.2.3 Von der expliziten zur doxologischen Regel der Trinität

AbstractSince Burwell v. Hobby Lobby (2014), federal and state religious freedom restoration acts now extend the right to free exercise of religion to businesses. But what does it mean for businesses to have such a right? In this paper, I identify three implications of these new rights: they shift the burden for fulfilling the right to private citizens, and they conflict with businesses' both commercial and democratic obligations. To illustrate how they become problematic, I draw on the case of In re Wathen (2015) where the owners of a bed and breakfast cited their business's religion as their reason for refusing to host a wedding reception for a same-sex couple, even though state law specifically prohibited commercial businesses from discriminating based on sexual orientation.

AbstractResearch shows that areas with high levels of aggregate religiosity are less likely to elect female candidates to national, state, and local offices. These studies, however, do not determine the causal mechanisms underlying this relationship. In the present analysis, we seek to examine what role, if any, religious exposure and tradition play in determining individuals' general election vote choices in mixed-gender contests. To explore this relationship, we use data from the 2010 and 2012 Cooperative Congressional Election Studies. We find some evidence of a relationship between religious beliefs and voting for female congressional candidates; when compared to secular voters, evangelical Protestants and Catholics are more likely to vote for Republican women and less likely to support Democratic women. Our results, however, also underscore partisan identities' central role in shaping individual vote choice, regardless of a candidate's gender.

"Why do secular states pursue different policies toward religion? This book provides a generalizable argument about the impact of ideological struggles on the public policy making process, as well as a state-religion regimes index of 197 countries. More specifically, it analyzes why American state policies are largely tolerant of religion, whereas French and Turkish policies generally prohibit its public visibility, as seen in their bans on Muslim headscarves. In the United States, the dominant ideology is "passive secularism," which requires the state to play a passive role, by allowing public visibility of religion. Dominant ideology in France and Turkey is "assertive secularism," which demands that the state play an assertive role in excluding religion from the public sphere. Passive and assertive secularism became dominant in these cases through certain historical processes, particularly the presence or absence of an ancien régime based on the marriage between monarchy and hegemonic religion during state-building periods."--Publisher's description

Der Beitrag versucht die These zu stützen, dass der Irak-Krieg der USA insofern kontraproduktiv war, als er statt zu einer Befreiung eher zur "Religionisierung der Politik" beigetragen hat. Beim Konflikt im Irak geht es für den Autor nicht um einen religiösen Streit zwischen schiitischen und sunnitischen Muslimen, vielmehr geht es um die Vision einer "Gottesherrschaft" als staatlichem Ordnungsrahmen für die Welt des Islam, dann für die ganze Welt. Genau dies ist der zentrale Inhalt der Religionisierung der Politik. Der Islam ist in der Form des Islamismus eine universelle Religion, die die bestehende Weltordnung durch diese "Gottesherrschaft" ablösen will. Der Autor beschreibt, dass und wie zwei brutale und fundamentalistisch orientierte schiitische Milizen, die al-Badr-Brigade und die Mahdi-Armee, mit Hilfe der US-Truppen im Irak die Herrschaft erobern und in der Nachfolge Saddams im Namen der Demokratie antreten. Die alten Geheimdienste der säkularen Republik sind durch die Terrorherrschaft einer religionisierten Politik abgelöst worden. Die islamistische Da'wa-Partei bildet mit den beiden angeführten Milizen als schiitischem Block die Vereinigte Irakische Allianz, die heute den Irak regiert. Diese Allianz erlangte bei den Parlamentswahlen vom Dezember 2005 die absolute Mehrheit. Bei allen Dreien handelt es sich um schiitische Islamistenverbände, die nur - so das Fazit des Autors - mittels Terror und Einschüchterung der Bevölkerung die formal demokratischen Wahlen gewannen. (ICA2)