Suchergebnisse

Beginning with an off-color and seemingly off-topic parenthetical joke near the conclusion of Elfriede Jelinek's novel Gier (2000), this article reads that book beside a draft fragment of Ingeborg Bachmann's 1971 novel Malina called "Besichtigung einer alten Stadt" in order to reveal how both authors simultaneously resist but neverthe-less participate in international literary tourism relating to their native Austria. Both authors grapple with what it means to write of a national home in an apparently postnational era, but whereas Bachmann's work is still marked by a nostalgia for the inherently transnational Austro-Hungarian Empire, Jelinek comes to understand the postnational as the very occasion for the construction of national identity.

Based on 70 interviews and 16 months of ethnographic fieldwork in Arizona, this paper explores the worldviews of both immigration restrictionist activists and pro-immigrant activists. I argue that existing scholarship on immigration activism has been too moralistic and nationally-oriented in its approach. I suggest an alternative framework in which each side's worldview represents a bifurcated response to a contradictory global context. On the one hand, the global political economy is characterized by uneven development and inequality that reinforces US power. On the other hand, this very same context has also created the conditions for unprecedented mobility; the US is now the top migration destination in the world. Activists make sense of this global context in two radically different ways. According to the restrictionist worldview, the US exercises benign paternalism in a world that is falling apart. As a result, the US overextends its resources and neglects Americans' needs. At the same time, restrictionists believe that the world's elite is masterminding a secret plan to do away with nation-states altogether. The growing presence of unauthorized migrants in the US indicates how the covetous Other takes advantage of American generosity and the government's collusion with the world's elite. By documenting how the US-Mexico border and America's internal legal/racial boundaries are disintegrating, restrictionists hope to awaken patriotic Americans from their political slumber. By contrast, pro-immigrant activists believe that the system of migration and American immigration enforcement typifies the ruthlessness of US global power. The coercive nature of American intervention in the Global South—whether it is largely militaristic, like in the past, or economic, like today—is compelling migration to the US. By documenting the suffering of im/migrants who live at the territorial and social margins of the US, pro-immigrant activists try to expose how the US exploits the Global South. I conclude that restrictionists emphasize migrant desire for the US, while neglecting the coercive forces that organize the lives of im/migrants. Pro-immigrant activists, by contrast, stress US domination, without recognizing how the object of resentment can be, at one and the same time, an object of longing.

The transition from a socialist to a market economic activities as an integral part of the overall political and ideological changes in Eastern Europe, still proves to be a painful and incomplete process. On the other hand, according to the vision of Europe's social market economy for the 21st century, the economy of the EU should be: intelligent, sustainable and integrative. Also, the strategy document says that there is a broad consensus that this is the implementation of the three priorities of the 2020th year, where they encourage one another, and that when their implementation in practice must take into account the specificities of each Member State. There is no doubt that this also works well as reforms as tasks imposed for countries wishing to join the EU. In this paper, the authors aim at comparing primarily as highlight competitiveness indicators of the overall quality of a nation's economy, the countries of Southeast Europe and the group's leading market economies in this respect occupying leadership positions indicate the need to respect the principles of the "new economy" and the development of their own innovation strategy. ; ?????? ?? ??????????????? ?? ???????? ?????? ????????????, ??? ????????? ?????? ????????????? ?????????? ? ?????????? ???????? ? ???????? ??????, ??? ?????? ?? ???????? ??? ????? ? ????????? ??????. ? ????? ??????, ????? ?????? ???????? ????????? ??????? ????????? ?? 21. ?????, ????????? ?? ????? ?? ????: ????????????, ??????? ? ????????????. ??????, ? ?????????? ??????????? ?? ?????? ?? ??????? ?????? ????????? ?? ?? ???? ?? ?????????????? ??? ??? ?????????? ?? 2020. ??????, ??? ???? ??? ???????? ????? ?????, ?? ?? ?? ??? ??????? ????????? ? ?????? ?????? ??????? ????????????? ????? ?????? ???????. ???? ?????? ?? ?? ????? ??????????? ???? ? ? ????????? ???? ?? ??? ?????? ?????? ???? ????? ???? ???? ?? ?? ???????? ??. ? ???? ???? ?????? ????? ?? ??? ?? ?????????, ????? ?????, ?????????????? ??? ??????? ?????????? ??????? ????????? ????? ?????????? ?????????, ?????? ??????????? ?????? ? ????? ??????? ??????? ????????? ???? ? ??? ??????? ????????? ???????? ????????, ????? ?? ??????? ????????? ???????? "???? ?????????" ? ??????? ???????? ?????????? ??????????.

Many Americans believe free trade destroyed the U.S. industrial base, and blame foreign workers for taking their jobs. During World War II, Keynes had similar misgivings about the effect of postwar free trade on Britain's economy. Yet for Keynes, economic forces are never inevitable, and capital rather than labor was the cause of trouble. His 1941 proposal for an International Clearing Union suggested capital controls, forced creditor adjustment, and an international fiat reserve as remedies for deindustrialization. This framework channeled financing toward production rather than speculation, leading to a rising standard of living for workers. A counterfactual with balance of payments data for the United States and China since 1982 suggests his ICU would have prevented U.S. deindustrialization, while yet permitting export-led growth in China.

Abstract
The role of education and research in social progress is vital. Since China was admitted into the World Trade Organization in 2001, its economic, financial and trade assistance with Africa has intensified, reflecting certain aspects of the claims associated with the Bandung Conference in 1955. And Japanese relations with Africa, which were at their peak from the end of 1980s through the beginning of the 1990s, have steadily been declining. Furthermore, as China has become the second largest economy in the World since 2010, it has begun projecting its influential power in Africa. Despite the newfound emergence of Chinese power in Africa, it is Japan that has created the strongest institutional support of its activities in the name of new Japan International Cooperation Agency ( JICA), which redefines Japan relationship with Africa through the TICAD initiative.
The competition between these two powers can benefit Africa if she can build her political leverage in her own capacity to identify her priorities with confidence and determination. Using comparative and historical perspectives, this article focuses on the examination of the new trends regarding Chinese and Japanese assistance to Africa with a particular focus on education and research.