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This book analyzes how the Second International reacted to international diplomatic crises and what was the attitude of French, German and Italian socialists between 1889 and 1915, the year in which Italy entered the World War. This book shows that the Second International became over the years more and more involved in the fight against war and learnt to respond to situations of diplomatic crisis. An example of this is the fact that its last congress before the outbreak of the First World War, the Basel Congress of 1912, was nothing less than a great international socialist demonstration of opposition to war. However, the fact that France, Germany or Italy were involved in a diplomatic crisis hindered the International's ability to respond effectively to it. For all these factors, the attitude of the International is very different from one crisis to another. Elisa Marcobelli is a Postdoctoral Fellow at the University of Picardie-Jules Verne, France. She defended her thesis in 2015 at EHESS Paris and FU Berlin. She is also a member of the EuroSoc research team at the University of Rouen-Normandie, France.

How should one understand the construction of a state's identity in the international system—its international identity? In this article, I attempt to provide richer answers. Drawing insights from social psychology, specifically Social Identity Theory and Identity Theory, I provide a micro-account of identity construction to better specify the mechanisms and logics through which international identity is constructed. This framework proposes the following general arguments about international identity formation. First, the construction of international identity is interpreted as a process of role negotiation between the state Self and relevant Other, animated by the mechanisms of self-categorization, alter's casting, and role appraisal. Second, the collective motivations of self-esteem, self-efficacy, and self-consistency drive state identity change or continuity. As a plausibility probe, I apply the framework to a current analysis of China's construction of an international identity as a "responsible" power in recent years, with a corresponding focus on the United States as the primary Other.

International audience ; One group of discourses often neglected within the study of international environmental politics are those of business actors. Comparing two key events in international environmental politics, the 1992 Rio Earth Summit and the 2002 Johannesburg Earth Summit, provides an excellent opportunity to examine the changing character of business discourse over time. This article systematically analyses and compares the business–environment discourses of two books written for the summits respectively, representing the view of the international business community: (1992) and (2002). The comparison of both texts reveals some continuity but also major changes. One area of continuity is that business discourses on the environment attempt to mask a traditionally antagonistic view of environmental issues. Major changes include an increasing willingness to reach accommodation with environmental non-governmental organizations and a desire to overcome business's traditionally defensive, reactive role. Characterizing this is the adoption of a proactive approach to shaping the international environmental agenda. The article also discusses the significance of these findings for our understanding of the environmental role of business in a globalized society.

This original study aims to provide a contribution to international relations and British political history. Its analysis of the birth of the British peace movement includes a historiography of British politics and many theories about international relations.

Given the world's recent attention on the Middle East because of the Arab Spring, it is important to examine the role played by the International Organisations of the region in its governance. This book aims to be the key introductory volume for understanding the regional IOs of the Middle East. It assesses the reasons why IOs in the Middle East are so ill developed, explores their history, evolution and the successes and failures of each IO. It also analyses the reasons for the specific difficulties faced by each organisation through the context of intra-regional relations, before examining the impact of external factors such as: globalisation, moves towards global governance which have impacts in the Middle East and external influences from the great powers. Finally, it explores the likely impact of the Arab Spring upon the prospects for the further development of these regional International Organisations. This work will be of great interest to students and scholars of Middle East studies, international organizations and global governance.

Focusing on the work of Josef A. Mestenhauser (1925-2015) and the depth and breadth of his contribution to the area of internationalization of higher education, this book addresses the theoretical foundations of the field of international education and the implications for practice and strategy. It considers key concepts and poses questions for discussion that make Mestenhauser's work accessible to new readers. Through a series of provocative essays, contributors to this volume examine Mestenhauser's influence on their understanding and practice of international education, the relevance of his work today, the transferability of his ideas across contexts, and current interpretations of the field. They consider areas of agreement and disagreement that illuminate pathways for inquiry and future practice, affirming the importance of his work in a new global landscape. Mestenhauser and the Possibilities of International Education is suitable reading for all those interested in the internationalization of higher education, including higher education faculty, students, researchers, and international education and higher education policy makers.

The shift in warfare & in geopolitics since the cold war has made it difficult for Americans to identify the "good guys" & the "bad guys" in international affairs. The "Evil Empire" is no longer reflexively the Soviet Union or its proxies, for example. Without a clear sense of who needs protection, the media & other political actors have tried to identify who is innocent. In many cases, children have been portrayed as the only "pure" victims. For many conflicts & crises, children, seen generically, have filled up the American empathy vacuum -- that void that used to be taken up by the Natan Sharanskys, the Alexander Solzhenitsens, the Jacobo Timmermans, the Nelson Mandelas: men, typically, who stood for the values of democracy, equality, & freedom. Now, often, conflicts are depicted in the media less as political confrontations than as brutal & ideologically senseless battles, & how better to communicate that than to show a damaged child? 22 References. [Copyright 2002 Sage Publications, Inc.]