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Since its establishment at the turn of the century, a central preoccupation of the International Criminal Court (ICC) has been to catalyse the pursuit of criminal accountability at the domestic level. Drawing on ten years of research, this book theorizes the ICC's principle of complementarity as a transnational site and adaptive strategy for realizing an array of ambitious governance goals. Through a grounded, inter-disciplinary approach, it illustrates how complementarity came to be framed as a 'catalyst for compliance' and its unexpected effects on the legal frameworks and institutions of three different ICC 'situation countries' in Africa: Uganda, Kenya, and the Democratic Republic of Congo. Linking complementarity's law and practice to contemporary debates in international law and relations, the book unsettles international law's dominant progressive narrative. It urges a critical rethinking of the ICC's politics and a reorientation towards international criminal justice as a project of global legal pluralism.

"Serial no. 107-37." ; Shipping list no.: 2002-0042-P. ; Distributed to some depository libraries in microfiche. ; Microfiche. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Preliminary Material -- Introduction -- 1 Perspective Shifts during the Development of Chinese Diplomacy: From Revolution and Nationalism to Development and Globalization /Baijia Zhang -- 2 China's Contemporary Foreign Strategy: Ideology, Basic Platform, Current Challenges, and Chinese Characteristics /Yinhong Shi -- 3 China's Dual-Identity Dilemma and Its Countermeasures /Shaojun Li -- 4 Traditional Chinese Culture and East Asian Security Cooperation /Fan Wang -- 5 Repositioning China in 2020 /China 2020 Research Team -- 6 "Marching Westwards": The Rebalancing of China's Geostrategy /Jisi Wang -- 7 Power Shift and Change in the International System /Xuetong Yan -- 8 China's Rise, the Transformation of East Asian Regional Structure, and Development Direction of the East Asian Order /Fangyin Zhou -- 9 Terrestrial and Maritime Territorial Disputes and Their Resolution in the Process of China's Rise /Xiangyang Li -- 10 The Strategy of China's Opening-Up under New Circumstances /Haizhou Huang and Chengjun Zhou -- 11 Revisiting the Internationalization of the Yuan /Yongding Yu -- 12 Challenges Facing the Global Governance Mechanism and China's Counter-Measures /Fan He , Weijiang Feng and Jin Xu -- 13 Building Mutual Trust between China and the u.s. /Yingyi Qian , Qingguo Jia , Chong'en Bai and Jisi Wang -- 14 Sino-u.s. Relations: Ideological Clashes and Competitions /Xinchun Niu -- Index.

Areas of limited statehood, in which the territorial State lacks effective control, either completely or in part, challenge International Humanitarian Law in various ways. This volume explores if and how the law adapts to these challenges on the basis of mainly two legal issues: detention and investment protection in (non-)international armed conflict. Does a sufficient legal basis exist for the former? Is it International Humanitarian Law that determines what the investor is owed under a 'full protection and security' standard?

More fundamentally, the contributions strive to shed light on these practical legal issues in a manner that is also historically and theoretically informed. How can international law be effective in areas of limited statehood, in particular as regards non-State actors? Can the law provide incentives for compliance? Is it in need of being developed? If so, who enjoys the legitimacy to do so?

This article revisits certain aspects of the foundational idea of international cooperation within the framework of the United Nations. By providing an empirically grounded analysis of the use of international law by the Security Council, the article aims at redesigning the breadth, scope, and limits of the United Nations utopian mission of creating a world without war. An argument is made that despite significant legal and political limitations, the United Nations is delivering an increasingly humanised type of international cooperation. Hence, after seven decades it is still on track eventually to deliver a pragmatic utopia.

Abstract Purpose: This study investigates an under-researched yet fundamental question of how a developed country multinational enterprises (DMNE) perceives and manages political risks when undertaking infrastructure projects in the emerging markets (EMs). Design/methodology/approach: The authors use an abduction-based qualitative research approach to analyze six international project operations of a multinational enterprise originating from Finland in five EMs. Findings: The findings suggest that the overall nature of political risks in EMs is not the same, except few political risk factors that are visible in most EMs. Consequently, the applied risk management mechanisms vary between EMs, except with few common mechanisms. The authors develop an integrative analytical framework of political risk management based on the findings. Originality/value: This paper is one of the first studies to identify political risk factors for western MNEs while undertaking international project operations and link them to reduction mechanisms used by them. The authors go beyond the notion of risk being conceptualized at a general level and evaluate 20 specific political risk factors referred to in extant literature. The authors further link these political risk factors with both social exchange and transaction cost theories conceptually as well as empirically. Finally, the authors develop a relatively comprehensive analytical framework of political risk management based on the case projects' findings that combine several strands of literature, including the social exchange theory, transaction cost theory, international market entry, project management and finance literature streams.

Peter Piot, founding executive director of the Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS), reports on the influence of civil society in international relations and traditional partisan divides. AIDS thrust health into national and international politics where, he argues, it rightly belongs. The global reaction to AIDS over the past decade is the positive result of this partnership, showing what can be acheved when science, politics, and policy converge on the ground. Piot describes funding mechanisms for AIDS, the first international declarations, the response of the UN system, the es

We examine a phenomenon which includes people who have had transformative experiences while abroad and traveling, and who have returned home to the United States and become philanthropic entrepreneurs: they start their own international nonprofit organizations. We set out to examine the motivations for giving to international causes through these nonprofits, called grassroots, international non-governmental organizations (GINGOs), which allow individuals to actualize their calling to serve distant places and causes. As an exploratory, qualitative inquiry, we build on recent survey and experiment data about motivations to international giving and donor choice. In particular, GINGO leaders as philanthropic entrepreneurs challenge two main deterrents related to international giving: trust and its influence on willingness to donate to international causes and the adage that "charity begins at home." Our findings support suggestions in the literature that personal networks and word of mouth are important in donor choice and incentivizing giving to international causes.

An ever-growing body of scholarship on Russian foreign policy focuses attention to redefining concepts such as sovereignty and power. Aggressive and successful Russian foreign policy initiatives in the last decade give urgency and relevancy to such initiatives, from invading Georgia to deploying an aircraft carrier to support ground operations in Syria. While these proactive Russian foreign policies may characterize a reclamation of Russia's great power status in the international community, I argue that the goal of Russia's foreign policy is to create a new system, not beholden to the u.s.-led Western world. By undermining the legitimacy of Western style democracy and pushing the boundaries of existing norms in the international community, Russian President Vladimir Putin offers a new construct for international relations: the polycentric world order. Using Role Theory, I discuss the domestic and international pressures on the Russian state to create its identity and the evolution of Russian roles in previous international systems. Formal leader statements and official policy documents provide evidence of the changing roles Russia plays in the international arena, while role theory provides an explanatory context for the purpose of new Russian foreign policy.

Until more or less recently, few students of international affairs have been preoccupied with the theoretical aspects of their field. To the extent that theory is distinguished from history, law and science, this is especially true. Historians have sought to uncover the facts and recite them with the most fastidious regard for the circumstances of time and place. Lawyers have tried to detect in the case law of international agreements and treaties the normative structure of international society. Political scientists have increasingly turned to new scientific methods and statistical techniques designed to measure public opinion and its influence on foreign policy. Few scholars have concerned themselves with the fundamental characteristics of international society or of good or bad foreign policy. In this intellectual environment any explicit, systematic theory of international relations has had to await a threefold development. It has required a broader conception of the proper methods for studying international affairs, a clearer identification of basic concepts and "laws," and a more serious discussion of fundamental theoretical problems like the relation of theory to concrete problems.