Suchergebnisse

The author argues that the People's Republic of China, considering its geopolitical situation, its extensive control over the water resources of south & southeast Asia, & relatively high intelligence & educability of its population, will emerge as the dominant world power by the middle of the 2lst century. An important dimension of its international influence will derive from the fact that as a nation with a population estimated to approach possibly 1.8 billion, its highly educable & hardworking people will be able to out-produce the rest of the world at salaries unacceptable to the West. The author suggests that its power will create a new Asian hegemonic association of states, possibly including even Korea & Japan. Only internal instability can prevent it from attaining world dominance by the late 21st century. Adapted from the source document.

The article reviews pragmatic, conservative, radical, idealistic, neutral, critical, and vulgar-managerial worldview approaches to the interpretation of public relations' social role in a society wide-familiar within the theory and practice of Western countries. Sharing the American scholar James Grunig's and his colleagues' point of view on the normative theory of ethical PR, the author shows that only in case of the practical application of symmetrical (ideal) model of communication between organizations and publics, the social institute of public relations may overcome an utilitarian approach to ethics and become more effective and socially responsible. The author comes to the conclusion that application of such a symmetrical model of public relations in Ukraine will promote the democratic development and creation of a civil society in this country.

The author used a random sample of 57 cities with populations between 25,000 and 1,000,000 to predict the impact of the form of government on voter turnout in city elections, controlling for socioeconomic variables and the timing of elections. Results show that voter turnout is dependent on the form of government. Political cities have the highest voter turnout, while administrative cities have the lowest voter turnout. By comparing structural differences between cities with different forms of government, the author determined that the direct election of the mayor, the expansion of mayoral executive authority, the separation of political power between the mayor and council, and/or the full-time status of the mayor and council are likely contributors to higher voter turnout in city elections.

Parties participate in national politics that do not pretend to national presence. The author asks whether such parties affect policy outcomes and concludes that they do, albeit in unexpected ways. Basically, nonnational parties influence policy making under certain conditions by trading policy for authority. They help national parties get the policies they want in return for transfers of policy-making authority to regional governments. This willingness to support national policies with minimal amendment makes regional parties attractive partners for national parties in government. The author examines this argument in light of detailed evidence from Spain's minority Socialist and Popular Party governments in the 1990s, along with discussions of the role of regionalism in Belgian politics and of the relationship between the Scottish Nationalist Party and the Labour Party in the United Kingdom.

In this article, the author first argues that Habermas's distinction between the two modes of language use that, he alleges, are central to the two starkly different modes of human cognitive activities, that is, analytical-empirical sciences and hermeneutics, is untenable and should be eventually abandoned. For, contrary to Habermas's argument, the analytical-empirical sciences, if they are to be properly understood, must also be conceptualized as involving the performative mode of language use that Habermas thinks is characteristic of hermeneutics only. Second, by using historical examples, the author proceeds to demonstrate why Habermas's hermeneutic objectivism that is based on the methodology of rational reconstruction is doomed to remain wedded to the epistemological foundationalism that he wants to displace by introducing his methodology of rational reconstruction.

The author points out that Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) insurgents actively are pursuing a strategy to mobilize the disaffected and disposed people of Colombia, and to control the entire national territory. At the same time, he argues that no one in the national political establishment has taken the initiative to conduct an appropriate effort to deny FARC its objective. As a result, the Colombian Army has been left alone to direct the fight, without a coordinated and integrated national campaign plan or other resources that would allow for success. The author concludes that the Army has bought time, and there is still an opportunity for the United States to help Colombia deal with its insurgent threat in new ways. ; https://press.armywarcollege.edu/monographs/1827/thumbnail.jpg

Game theory as a theory of interactive decision making formalizes the modeling of social processes by creating an analytical basis for analyzing decision making in circumstances of risks, & the actors' cooperation or noncooperation. The core concepts -- Nash & Stackelberg's equilibrium, stochastic & differential games, transferable utility, cooperative & noncooperative games -- illustrate the scope of issues in the international economy that are applicable to the game theory. The author analyzes several instances of game theory in the international economy: various national tariff policies & the creation of tariff unions; international cartels; extraction of the resources of joint property; coalitions; & international negotiations. The author presupposes a smattering of knowledge of the game theory technique; as far as possible, the analysis is carried out nontechnically. 30 References. Adapted from the source document.

SummaryThe author considers whether humanitarian intervention can be justified even without express Security Council authorization. Starting with the statement of former Canadian Minister of Foreign Affairs Lloyd Axworthy that Canada intervened in Kosovo knowing that it did not have full legal justification, but feeling that such intervention was nevertheless morally justified, the author explores whether there is an evolving acceptance that explicit Security Council authorization is not necessary. He argues that an evolving reinterpretation of the Charter is appropriate such that, while Security Council authorization remains necessary for humanitarian intervention, there has to be flexibility in determining what constitutes authorization. In this respect, it would be important for a General Assembly declaration on legitimate humanitarian intervention to be in place in order to provide a baseline for interpreting a given Security Council resolution.

Implementation today often takes place indirectly; public service is now delivered through intricate administrative links among public, private, & nonprofit organizations, resulting in complex organizational networks. In this article, the author will draw on the literature of policy tools & implementation networks to empirically study the structure of the new collaborative public-service delivery systems. The policy area that has been selected for research is economic development. State governments, local governments, private business enterprises, & nonprofit organizations frequently collaborate in this policy area. This study will examine enterprise zones, specifically looking at the nature of public-private linkages, one of the more critical components in the management of policy implementation network structures. The author will also discuss the implications to public administration & the management of networks. 6 Exhibits, 57 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author first outlines the case for schools evaluating themselves and present the underlying philosophy and origins of a democratic case study approach to school self-evaluation. Secondly she explores purposes and process and suggests how schools might undertake this task, simply and efficiently taking into account the teaching load and responsibilities they carry. Thirdly she outlines the philosophy of a training programme designed to support schools in this process. Finally, the author examines how the process may be strengthened to include other citizens and to justify the integrity of school self-evaluation to the public, yet maintaining the emphasis on the school evaluating itself. She starts by locating the place of school self-evaluation in the governance of a democratic education system. (DIPF/Orig./Ba.).

Исследована деятельность судебных приставов органов юстиции субъектов Российской Федерации. Проанализирован закон Российской Федерации «Об исполнительном производстве». Раскрыты профессиональные качества, которыми должны обладать лица, назначаемые на должность судебного пристава. Проанализированы полномочия судебного пристава в Российской Федерации. Выявлены недостатки, имеющиеся в правовом статусе пристава-исполнителя. Сформулированы предложения по совершенствованию российского законодательства. ; The author researches the work of offices of the court in the organs of justice of the Russian Federation, analyzes the Law of the Russian Federation «On Executory Process», describes professional qualities that prospective candidates for the position of the officer of court should have. The author also analyzes the authority of the officer of the court and identifies the drawbacks in the officer's legal status. The paper contains suggestions on improving Russian legislation.

Contrary to repeated statements that Israel is a 'democratic state,' the author argues that it is an ethnocratic state. From its inception it has established a system of legal, political, residential and economic segregation of its Palestinian citizens. Since Israel has occupied the West Bank, Jerusalem and the Gaza Strip in 1967, these were subjected to a systematic Jewish colonization and Judaization, which were met with Palestinian resistance. Both created a spiral of political violence. Israel's 'industrial' state terror is now confronted with 'artisan's'' terror of frustrated Palestinian groups. The author is of the opinion that a highly defective 'peace' deal offered by the Israeli government of Ariel Sharon would have transformed the Palestinian state entity in a Bantustan-like cluster of would-be 'autonomous areas'.