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This article analyzes policing political protest in post-independent Lithuania. It argues that since the early 2000s, policing of political protest as an issue has increased in importance as Lithuania has experienced political mobilization and radicalization among groups disadvantaged by post-communist reforms. It is suggested that police responses reveal precursor tendencies towards growing authoritarianism which has become more visible in the most recent period. In 2008, the onset of deep economic crisis across the region has generated rising social unrest (including outbreaks of street riot) as a result of government adoption of severe austerity measures. The article examines the growing centralization and militarization of policing and the increasing criminalization of public protest, as well as the restriction and litigation of organized dissent by authorities. At the same time, it also points to the internal contradictions of austerity programs which lack popular legitimacy both at the level of the state and society, including more vocal and militant labor unions; increasing challenges by the courts to the drift towards a new authoritarianism; and, paradoxically, the emergence of growing labor unrest within police force itself, with the potential to undermine authoritarian tendencies in policing 'from within.' The wider implications of (re)turn to post-communist authoritarianism in public order policing are discussed.

Abstract
The international, regional and subregional conventions that Tanzania has ratified call for State Parties to regulate the functioning of political parties to, inter alia, promote the full participation of women in political leadership and in decision-making processes. The reintroduction of multiparty democracy in 1992 witnessed the enactment of the 1992 Political Parties Act to govern the registration and management of political parties. The Political Parties Act scarcely contained any specific provisions for advancement of women's political leadership in political parties. The Act was amended in 2019 through the Political Parties Amendment Act (PPAA). While the PPAA requires political parties to adhere to the principles of gender and social inclusion in the nomination of its candidates, elections of its leaders and in the design of its policy documents, the provision is vague, non-binding, and hard to enforce. This article analyses the Political Parties Act of 1992, and its 2019 Amendment. It depicts legal gaps that negatively affect how women become party leaders, candidates, and benefit from parties' resources and capacity building opportunities. The article makes recommendations to improve legal protection for the advancement of women's access to political leadership.

BY FAILING TO TAKE INTO ACCOUNT THE ESSENTIAL FEATURES OF THE POLITICAL CONTEXT, ALL THREE MAJOR COMPETING APPROACHES TO DECISION-MAKING, ANALYTICAL, COGNITIVE, AND MOTIVATED, EXHIBIT SERIOUS DEFICIENCES IN EXPLAINING DECISIONMAKING BEHAVIOR IN THE POLITICAL ARENA. IN PARTICULAR, FAILURE TO UNDERSTAND THE DECISION-MAKER'S PERCEPTION OF THE CONSTRAINTS OF THE POLITICAL CONTEXT MAY RESULT IN LABELLING AS ERROR OR DISTORTION BEHAVIOR WHICH IS QUITE REASONABLE WHEN VIEWED FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF THAT CONTEXT. IN ORDER TO REMEDY THESE DEFICIENCIES, PSYCHOLOGICAL THEORIES ABOUT DECISION-MAKING PROCESSES MUST BE COMBINED WITH THE INSIGHTS OF POLITICAL SCIENTISTS INTO THE NATURE OF THE POLITICAL PROCESS TO DEVELOP A SPECIFICALLY POLITICAL THEORY OF DECISION-MAKING. SUCH A GENUINELY INTERDISCIPLINARY COLLABORATION BETWEEN POLITICAL SCIENCE AND PSYCHOLOGY COULD RESULT IN A THEORY OF POLITICAL DECISIONMAKING WHICH TRULY BELONGS IN THE REALM OF POLITICAL COGNITION.

Discussions about how public policies can promote more effectively the active engagement and participation of immigrants and their children1 in the political and civic life of the countries where they live are at the core of current scholarly and public debates. In advanced democracies, there are recurrent disputes about the appropriateness and potential benefits or shortcomings of introducing legal reforms that would guarantee that large immigrant populations — and especially their native-born children — are not excluded from the political process and from political representation. As Jones-Correa (1998: 35 and 46ff.) notes, migrants' political marginalization has several potential negative implications for democratic politics: it undermines the process of democratic representation and accountability, it undervalues the role of active participation in the polity for the construction of the political community, and it perpetuates the view of immigrants and their descendants as outsiders to that community. Furthermore, the negative consequences related to migrants' political exclusion are likely to spill over to their social and economic integration, as the policy process will fail to address adequately their needs in these domains. Yet there are widely divergent views on what are the most effective ways to promote migrants' political inclusion, and on when and under what conditions should first-generation immigrants be granted full political rights.

In recent years, we have witnessed a drastic wave of totalitarian regimes, as noted by Levitsky and Ziblatt (2018) in the book entitled How Democracies Die. The authors provide historical examples of democratic rupture in the last one hundred years: from Hitler and Mussolini in the 1930s to the current populist wave of right-wing extremism in Europe, preceded by the military dictatorships of Latin America in the1970s. The dizzying growth of Brazil's new right wing, particularly the democratic far right, which is spearheaded by current president Jair Bolsonaro as the "honest politician" who stands in opposition to the corrupt political class. Regarding the present context of abuse of power, denial, and fake news, I decided to reflect upon the issue of ethics, more specifically of ethical critique in political discourse.

Arguing that a complete understanding of the functioning of modern liberal democracies entails analysis of the challenges facing political parties, key findings from empirical political science are reviewed & directions for future theory & research are outlined. Focus is on recent changes within & between Western European polities -- particularly those related to European integration -- & the challenges these pose for political party functioning as purposive organizations, including shifts in political values, national political cultures, socioeconomic transformations, the structures of political communication, & political issues & policy agendas. The mobilization & linkage functions of political parties in relation to the wider society are explored, along with parties' internal structure, organization, & behavior. Figures. K. Hyatt Stewart

The exceptional relevance of the state in party finance in contemporary European democracies is not only of particular importance for the way in which parties organize, but also has a bearing on the normative connotations associated with the place of political parties in modern democracy. The contention of this article is that the increasingly prominent role of the state in the funding of parties should be understood in the context of, and has been legitimized by, an ideational transformation by which parties have gradually come to be seen as necessary and desirable institutions for democracy. Moreover, the direct involvement of the state in internal party affairs has contributed to a transformation of parties from the traditionally voluntary private associations towards parties as public utilities. A comparison of the practice of public funding and public control on party finance in the older liberal democracies with more recent cases of democratization shows that the newer European democracies in particular provide unequivocal testimony of such a new conception of parties and democracy.

French anthropologists gave Michel Foucault's works a very different, rather cool reception, from that of their North American counterparts, who turned Foucault into an essential reference. This difference deserves to be analysed because it is symptomatic of the differences in perspective between US and French anthropology. At a deeper level, it posits the question of the relations between philosophy and anthropology. In the case of US anthropology, Foucault's reflection on the relationships between power and knowledge influenced the critical thinking that developed at the end of the twentieth century. This article shows what impact Foucault's writings on power have had on recent developments in political anthropology: today, his concepts of governmentality and bio-politics are having a remarkable impact and we find them applied in many empirical studies. Adapted from the source document.