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Uzi Leibner aims to provide the most accurate picture possible of the nature and history of the rural settlement in the Lower Galilee during Hellenistic, Roman and Byzantine periods when this region played an important role in the development of both Judaism and Christianity. In an attempt to draw a historical reconstruction based on systematic data, a test case area in the »heart« of ancient Galilee was chosen for this research. Uzi Leibner used two distinct disciplines: the study of the relevant historical sources and the advanced archaeological field survey. Greek, Latin, Hebrew and Aramaic sources concerning settlements in the region were translated and discussed. Some fifty archaeological sites from the periods under discussion were identified and surveyed. The analysis of the finds enabled the author to draw a detailed portrait of settlement - including periods of construction, abandonment, prosperity and decline in each site and in the region as a whole. This book sheds new light on major historical issues such as the origins of the Galilean Jewry in the Second Temple Period, the First Jewish Revolt and its outcomes, the Jews of Galilee under Christian regime, demography, economy, continuity and decline

En el presente artículo la autora intenta demostrar que la educación mixta igualitaria en los centros públicos y concertados es uno de/os elementos claves que integran el Estado social y democrático de Derecho. Para ello comienza haciendo referencia a la Ilustración y al concepto de Igualdad que se manejaba, después analiza cómo es una exigencia acorde con nuestra Constitución y la normativa internacional y comunitaria a la que ella se remite. Por último, hace una reflexión sobre la necesidad de la educación en la Igualdad para crear y mantener una ciudadanía democrática._______________________________ In the present article the author tries to show that the mixed education in the public and privatepublic participated centres is one of the key elements that integrate the democratic and social State of Right. It does reference to the Illustration and to the concept of Equality that was handled, later analyzes that it is a demand agree with our Constitution and the international and European laws and. Finally, it does a reflection upon the need of the education in the Equality to create and to maintain a democratic citizenship.

While previous states of the EU-15 could decide if they would accept the common European currency or not, newly entering states are committed to accepting the EUR. The first country that accepted the EUR (apart from the EU-15, of which 12 countries have the common currency) was Slovenia (2007), and afterwards Cyprus and Malta (2008), and from 1.1.2009 the EU was joined by Slovakia. Countries have to fulfill defined criteria to enter the EU, so it can be assumed that there are indirect but doubtless interconnections: taxes 􀄺 state budget revenues 􀄺 state budget balances 􀄺 Maastricht criteria accomplishment (before the country enters the euro zone), or fulfilling the Stability and Growth Pact. The aim of this paper is to evaluate the possible influence of EUR implementation on tax systems in the selected countries. The author deals with the evaluation of EUR implementation consequences in the first 12 countries by means of a macro-economic characteristic analysis in the first part of the paper, and in the second part offers more detailed analyses of Slovenia, Cyprus, and Malta.

This article takes a look at the nature and main features of the world financial crisis, the reasons for it, and why it became aggravated. It analyzes the influence of the world crisis on the financial, real, and social sectors of Azerbaijan's economy. It puts forward possible development scenarios of the situation in Azerbaijan in the context of the world financial crisis. It examines the anti-crisis measures adopted by the government and the Central Bank of Azerbaijan, discusses ways to overcome the crisis, and offers several solutions aimed at reducing the risks of the crisis for Azerbaijan's economy. The author believes that world oil prices, the duration of the financial crisis, and any extreme fluctuations in the national currency—the manat—will have the most profound effect on the scope of Azerbaijan's economic problems. The government's anti-crisis program should be implemented as soon as possible in order to minimize the influence of the world crisis on Azerbaijan's economy and a transfer be made to the next stage in economic transformation, with the emphasis on institutional and structural reforms, in order to maintain the economy's accelerated development.

Раздел "Международные отношения" ; Статья посвящена анализу эволюции взаимоотношений Европейского союза с государствами Южного Средиземноморья в 2000-е годы, выявлению новых подходов к политике сотрудничества со странами региона в рамках ЕС. Автор исследует особенности каждого этапа политики ЕС в отношении этой категории стран, последовательно раскрывает основные принципы и проблемы сотрудничества ЕС со странами Южного Средиземноморья в рамках Барселонского процесса, Европейской политики соседства, Союза за Средиземноморье. В статье проанализирована договорно-правовая база, определяющая политику ЕС в отношении указанной группы стран. = The article is devoted to the analysis of the relations between the European Union and the Southern Mediterranean states in the 2000s, revealing new approaches to the policy of cooperation with the countries of the region within the EU. The author investigates the peculiarities of each period of EU policy towards this group of countries, consistently reveals main principles and problems of EU cooperation with the countries of the Southern Mediterranean within the frameworks of the Barcelona Process, European Neighborhood policy and the Union for the Mediterranean. The legal and contractual basis which defines the EU policy towards the above-mentioned countries is analyzed in the article.

Straipsnyje analizuojama tarpvalstybinė konkurencija tiesioginiais mokesčiais, tipinės jos formos ir vals­tybių taikomi būdai riboti neigiamus konkurencijos mokesčiais padarinius nacionalinėms mokestinėms pajamoms, siekiant atskleisti, jog konkurencijos mokesčiais fenomenas, nepaisant itin aiškaus politi­zuotumo, gali ir turi būti ir teisės mokslo interesų sritis. Suvokiant, kad išsami teisinė šio itin sudėtingo ir daugialypio reiškinio ar jį identifikuojančių elementų analizė tokios apimties darbe neįmanoma, čia bandoma iš teisinių perspektyvų įvertinti aktualiausius ir reikšmingiausius nacionalinėms mokesčių sis­temoms tiesiogiai darančius įtaką valstybių konkurencijai mokesčiais aspektus, bandant prisidėti prie kryptingos tolesnės teisinės diskusijos. In this article phenomenon of international tax competition, typical its forms and measures to counter its harmful effects on national tax revenues are analyzed, trying to reveal, that, despite deep political nature, international tax competition might and should be in the scope of interests of tax lawyers. Real­izing, that in such article it is not possible to provide comprehensive legal analysis, author seeks in legal light to introduce relevant and most important aspects of tax competition phenomenon that directly influences national tax systems, trying to encourage further legal discussion.

The Seattle debacle has spawned questions about reforming the World Trade Organization (WTO). While the WTO may be experiencing a crisis of legitimacy, the author contends that pushing for its reform is the wrong agenda. Perhaps the superbody is simply beyond reform because it is fundamentally flawed. The WTO was conceived to protect the interests of the United States and is in no way helping the less industrialized countries to develop. The anti-development character of the WTO is manifested in the Agreement on Trade-Related Investment Measures (TRIMS) and Agreement on Trade-Related Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS), among others. In making decisions that are of global effect the WTO takes the vote of only the United States, Japan, the European Union and Canada. An organization that is meant to institutionalize and legitimize inequality cannot be reformed. Instead of seeking changes that may inevitably strengthen the WTO, developing countries and international civil society must strive to radically reduce the power of the WTO and make it simply another international institution that can play by the rules.

The author upholds the idea of the feudalisation of the kingdom of León being before its time, particularly if we compare it with the feudalisation of the county of Barcelona. But this feudal reality does not prevent us from recognising at the same time the continuation and development of another reality: the concept of royal power which the Visigothic legislation had inherited from Rome. This concept survived in a latent state through the 10th century and began to be revived at the beginning of the 11th century with the decreta of 1017 issued by Alfonso V. ; El autor sostiene la precocidad de la feudalización del reino de León, sobre todo si la comparamos con la del condado de Barcelona. Pero esta realidad feudal no impide reconocer al mismo tiempo la pervivencia y desarrollo de otra realidad: la concepción del poder real que la legislación visigoda había heredado de Roma; concepción que sobrevive en estado de latencia en el siglo X, e inicia su reactivación a comienzos del siglo XI con los decreta de 1017 dados por Alfonso V.

The critical reconstruction of classical perspectives and world history as contemporary civilisational analysis brings a fresh and alternative approach to twenty-first-century social science. It has been a robust basis for the critique of existing conservative scholarship of civilisations of the Samuel Huntington variety. A contentious notion of civilisation remains at its conceptual core, however, despite the uses and abuses of the term 'civilisation' in current-day political discourse. This paper aims to explore how far the critical reconsideration of civilisation goes in achieving intercultural goals. It pays particular attention to the versions of the civilisational paradigm developed by Johann Arnason and Shmuel Eisenstadt and evaluates these against the historical experiences of American civilisations. It is argued that Arnason's approach opens up great potential for intercultural analysis through its hermeneutics of encountering social formations, while Eisenstadt's is still burdened by an 'objectivistic' conceptualisation of civilisations associated with traditional civilisational thinking. The paper concludes that there are pressing reasons, and great potential, for further conceptual clarification in this field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Courses preparing early childhood professionals through institutes of technical and further education utilise competency standards to guide the assessment of students during professional experience. Some universities offering early childhood teacher education courses use the term 'competencies' in practicum assessment forms and draw on teacher competency standards. This article explores how discourses of competence produced within positivist and liberal humanist discourses shape, guide and direct (govern) tertiary supervisors' beliefs about and understandings of the legitimacy of their professional judgement. Tertiary supervisors take up these discourses and use them as the basis upon which they govern themselves. The author argues that one of the effects of governmentality in this instance is that tertiary supervisors regulate and silence their professional judgement and defer to discourses of scientific rationality when assessing students on practicum placements. They produce assessment strategies that enable them to hide their subjective judgement within what appears to be a logical, rational and objective assessment process and position themselves as the rational, objective assessor, and, at the same time, the fair, responsible tertiary supervisor.

The comment first provides a brief discussion of genetics and genetic testing. Section II provides a basic introduction to genetics, genetic testing, and genetic discrimination. Additionally, Section II provides a brief overview of current federal laws that address genetic discrimination in the workplace. Finally, Section II also examines the major employment provisions of the Genetic Information Nondiscrimination Act of 2008 ("GINA"). Section III of the comment examines whether there was a need for GINA, and argues that GINA will not have the full effect intended by Congress. The major sources of litigation under GINA are then reviewed based on the articulated issues. With these potential sources of litigation in mind, Section III suggests to employers necessary steps that should be taken to ensure that the employer is in compliance with the provisions of GINA. Finally, Section III examines some of the public-policy concerns legislators should keep in mind when they revisit and amend GINA in the future. Section IV provides a brief conclusion. Author Footnote: Erin Murphy-Hillstrom is a 2010 graduate of The John Marshall Law School.

In the first decade of independence of interwar Lithuania, propaganda as purposeful and ideologically coherent spread of own ideas was used mostly by political movements of that time. Political propaganda became a prerogative of political regime just after the state's takeover on December 17, 1926, when the power was usurped by the authoritarian regime of Antanas Smetona. This regime implemented two successful propaganda campaigns: The Move of Vilnius Repossession and The Campaign of Vytautas Magnus Anniversary. The political regime was not the ideological author of those campaigns, but successfully adopted the ideas grown in the Lithuanian nationalism discourse, which echoed the objectives of nationalistic political regime. By the Move of Vilnius Repossession it was tried to instil to the Lithuanian society that Vilnius is the Lithuanian town and the true capital of Lithuania in defiance of political realities (the town was under the Poland power in 1920-1939) and The Campaign of Vytautas Magnus Anniversary (1930) helped to create the Lithuanian Grand Duke Vytautas (1350-1430) cult that was used to legitimize the authoritarian regime of that time. The last-mentioned campaign also served for predication of Lithuania's rights to Vilnius.

In the first decade of independence of interwar Lithuania, propaganda as purposeful and ideologically coherent spread of own ideas was used mostly by political movements of that time. Political propaganda became a prerogative of political regime just after the state's takeover on December 17, 1926, when the power was usurped by the authoritarian regime of Antanas Smetona. This regime implemented two successful propaganda campaigns: The Move of Vilnius Repossession and The Campaign of Vytautas Magnus Anniversary. The political regime was not the ideological author of those campaigns, but successfully adopted the ideas grown in the Lithuanian nationalism discourse, which echoed the objectives of nationalistic political regime. By the Move of Vilnius Repossession it was tried to instil to the Lithuanian society that Vilnius is the Lithuanian town and the true capital of Lithuania in defiance of political realities (the town was under the Poland power in 1920-1939) and The Campaign of Vytautas Magnus Anniversary (1930) helped to create the Lithuanian Grand Duke Vytautas (1350-1430) cult that was used to legitimize the authoritarian regime of that time. The last-mentioned campaign also served for predication of Lithuania's rights to Vilnius.

The successive stages of development of constitutional democracy in the USA, in particular the experience of "judicial supervision paradox," show us that the U.S. Supreme Court performed at least two different functions: (1) norm enforcement, & (2) policy-making through re-examination & interpretation of the Constitution & the laws in cases brought before the Court. Dissent among American legal experts related to this & other matters prove that debates on judicial activism are not a thing of the past. Still, both advocates & critics of judicial activism share the view that judges have been an important part of the American constitutional process since its inception. The Marbury v. Madison case (1803) affirmed the institution of judicial supervision & denoted a gradual shift of judicial power into the field of public law. Thus further expansion & transformation of judicial power was made possible. In this article, the author establishes a connection between judicial activism & judicial supervision, & adheres to the standpoint that the "judicializing aspect of modern liberalism" deserves as much attention as any other aspect of democratization. Adapted from the source document.

Шабала Я. М. - кандидат історичних наук, доцент кафедри археології, давньої та середньовічної історії України Східноєвропейського національного університету імені Лесі Українки ; У статті аналізуються наукові дослідження вітчизняних істориків, присвячені проблемам аграрного розвитку Волині у ХХ ст. Основна увага зосереджена на працях, у яких висвітлюються питання, пов'язані з реформуванням волинського села під час столипінської аграрної реформи (1906 – 1914 рр.), з аграрною реформою польського уряду та її реалізацією у 1921 – 1939 рр., проблеми становлення та функціонування колгоспно-радгоспної системи на Волині у 1939 – 1991 рр. та її реформування у період незалежності України. The article analyzes scientific investigations of the historians dealing with the problems of agrarial development of Volyn in the 20-th century. The author focuses on the works devoted to the problems of reforming the village in the period of Stolypin agrarian reforms (1906 - 1914), Polish government reforms and their realization in 1921 – 1939. The article considers the problems of establishing and functioning of collective farm-radgosp system in Volyn in 1939 – 1991 as well as the reforming it in the years of Ukrainian independence.