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There exists a persistent disagreement in the literature over the effect of business cycles on economic growth. This paper offers a solution to this disagreement, suggesting that volatility carries not only a positive direct effect, but also a negative indirect effect, operating through the insurance mechanism of government size. Theoretically, the net growth effect of volatility is then ambiguous. The paper reveals the underlying endogeneity of government size in a balanced panel of 90 countries from 1961 to 2010. In practice, the negative indirect channel dominates in democracies, but with less power to choose public services in autocratic regimes the positive direct effect takes over. Consequently, volatile growth rates are detrimental to growth in democracies, but beneficial to growth in autocracies. The empirical results suggest that a one standard deviation increase of volatility lowers growth by up to 0.52 percentage points in a democracy, but raises growth by 1.66 percentage points in a total autocracy. These findings point to a crucial intermediating role of governments in the relationship between volatility and growth. Both the size of the public sector and the regime form assume key roles. [Copyright Elsevier B.V.]

The index shows how, within a relatively short time frame, the promise of nascent democracies can quickly unravel. The hope for groundbreaking change in Libya was quashed, as the embattled central government struggled to bring armed militias to heel. And despite optimism from its economic and political benefactors in the West, South Sudan -- the world's newest country -- took a dive in stability as it descended into civil war. But there is good news too. Iran, having initiated tentative nuclear negotiations with the West, has the most improved scorn on the index. And several emerging economic powerhouses weathered internal strife -- an unprecedented corruption crackdown in China and anti-government protests in Turkey, for instance -- to see improvement in their scores. More unexpected, perhaps, is that North Korea is less fragile than one might think, as the index's 'Human Right' indicator shows. Adapted from the source document.

В статье рассмотрены важнейшие аспекты демократизации в управлении городской средой и в повышении качества принятия управленческих решений. На примере города Ангарска показана необходимость разработки принципов демократизации управления развитием города путем совершенствования деятельности городской администрации и органов архитектуры.

International audience ; This article seeks to sketch out alternatives to neoliberal penality by seeking to undermine the four institutional logics of neoliberalism as identified by Loïc Wacquant (2009). It begins by critically analysing the potential value of public criminology as an exit strategy, suggesting that whilst this approach has much value, popular versions of it are in fact rather limited on account of their exclusion of offenders themselves from the debate and their optimism about the capacity of existing institutions to challenge the current punitive consensus. It suggests that a genuinely 'public' criminology should be informed by an abolitionist stance to both current penal policies and the neoliberal system as a whole. This may be the best means of truly democratizing penal politics.

anemon ; Localization discourses coming to the fore after the eighties gained power with the demands of international organization and had coverage in the legal basis with European Charter of Local Self Government in the nineties. The agreement in which our country made reservation for some of its articles due to our unitary structure seems quite far away from realizing its objectives under the adopted form. Although it was attempted to make arrangements specific to autonomy with various local government reforms in 2000s, it resulted in cancellation by the judiciary. Special Provincial Administration Law No 5302 released in 2005; comprises similar localization cores in respect of followed judicial process and directions of changes made. Some changes in the relationship between provincial general council and governor body draw attention; the head of provincial general council, centralized control method that can be made against the decisions of the head, duration and frequency of assembly etc. evolving situation of provincial general council which is a body established after election will outline the scope of the study. As the origin of decision is based on a body elected its position in historical process of localization will be analyzed. ; Seksenli yıllardan sonra gündeme gelen yerelleşme söylemleri, uluslararası örgütlerin talepleriyle güç kazanmış, doksanlı yıllarda Avrupa Yerel Yönetimler Özerklik Şartı ile yasal zeminde yer bulmuştur. Ülkemizin üniter yapısı itibariyle çeşitli maddelerine çekince koyduğu anlaşma, kabul edilen haliyle maksadını gerçekleştirmekten hayli uzak görülmektedir. İkibinli yıllarda ise çeşitli yerel yönetim reformlarıyla özerkliğe özgü düzenlemeler yapılmaya çalışılsada yargı tarafından iptaliyle sonuçlanmıştır. 2005 yılında çıkan 5302 Sayılı İl Özel İdaresi Kanunu; izlenilen yargı süreci ve yapılan değişikliklerin yönü itibariyle benzer yerelleşme nüveleri içermektedir. İl genel meclisi ile valilik organı arasındaki ilişkide bazı değişiklikler dikkat çekmektedir; il genel meclisi başkanının kim olduğu, kararlarına karşı yapılabilecek merkezi denetim şekli, toplanma süresi ve sıklığı gibi. Seçimle gelen bir organ olan il genel meclisinin evrilen durumu çalışmanın kapsamını çizecektir. Kararın menşeinin seçimle gelen bir organa dayanması itibariyle, yerelleşmenin tarihsel sürecindeki yeri analiz edilmeye çalışılacaktır. ; 22321

The author of the paper analyzes the parliamentary democracy in the Republic of Bulgaria and considers it to be the important factor of community development. The parliamentary system of Bulgaria depicts the idea of rational parliamentarianism, when the constitutional system has judicial techniques to keep stability and power of the government when there is no parliamentary majority. The relationship between the government and parliament is revealed in their cooperation in carrying out the functions of each other and controlling each other's work. The Bulgarian parliament controls the government's activity by means of classical techniques of requests and inquiries.

Integracija Zapadnog Balkana u Evropsku uniju u osnovi je uslovljena ispunjavanjem skupa kriterijuma čiji je cilj sveobuhvatna društvena promena. Ipak, politika proširenja Unije sadrži i izvestan broj dopunskih kriterijuma za zemlje Zapadnog Balkana, a posebno za Srbiju. Taj proces smo ranije označili kao 'kulturalizaciju' pristutih kriterijuma. On obuhvata izmenu inicijalnih, identitetski-neutralnih kriterijuma i tehničkih pitanja uključivanjem suočavanja s nasleđem identitetskih konflikata na Balkanu. Tako izmenjeni kriterijumi predstavljaju značajan izazov za političke institucije u još nekonsolidovanoj demokratiji. U članku se analizira način na koji je pridruživanje Uniji, kao rezultat dopunskog uslovljavanja, umesto da uživa društveni konsenzus ponovo otvorilo identitetske probleme, podelilo društvo i osnažilo diskurs o 'suverenitetu ', 'duplim standardima međunarodne zajednice' i 'nepravde učinjene Srbiji u vreme raspada Jugoslavije'. Srbija se nalazi u paradoksalnoj situaciji 'demokratskog zastoja' - potrebna joj je konsolidacija demokratije kako bi dostigla političku stabilnost vladavine neophodne za sprovođenje evropskih reformi, ali je nestabilnost u kojoj se nalazi rezultat samog pristupanja tj. dopunskih kriterijuma i reakcija na njih. U pitanju je teorijski relevantan slučaj u kojem dopunski kriterijumi preveniraju ispunjavanje osnovnih kriterijuma. Dalje se u članku analizira kako je ovaj trend moguće preokrenuti delimičnom promenom beneficijara evropskih podsticaja namenjenih kulturnoj promeni. Kako bi održivo uneo promene u neku političku zajednicu, proces eksterne podrške treba da bude otvoren u najvećoj mogućoj meri. Zaključuje se da eksterna podrška ne treba da pokriva samo glavne političke, ekonomske i pravne aktere, već treba da uključi i kulturne aktere, a posebno kulturno legitimne elite. ; European Union integration of Western Balkan countries in conditioned on the fulfilment on the set of criteria aimed at profound societal change. However, there is a number of additional criteria within the EU enlargement policy for the Western Balkans and Serbia in particular. We have already designated this process as 'culturalization' of accession criteria. It comprises of alterations of criteria from initial, identity-neutral and technical issues to coming to terms with the legacy of identity conflicts in the Balkan region. These conditions pose a significant challenge to political institutions in a not yet consolidated democracy. In this article we analyze how, as a result of additional conditioning, the EU accession, instead of enjoying social consensus, has reopened identity issues, divided the society and boosted discourses on 'sovereignty', 'double standards of international community' and 'injustice' perpetrated to Serbia at the time of disintegration of Yugoslavia. Serbia is in a paradoxical situation we refer to as democratic deadlock - it is in need of consolidated democracy in order to achieve political stability and stable government capable to implement EU reforms, while the instability itself is a result of additional criteria for EU accession (and reactions to it). It is a theoretically intriguing case of additional criteria preventing fulfilment of the basic accession requirements. It is further analyzed how this observed tendency can be redirected through slight alteration of beneficiaries of EU incentives aimed at facilitating cultural change. In order to viably change the political community, external assistance process needs to be as inclusive as possible. It is argued that external assistance should not only cover main political, economic and legal actors, but also include cultural actors, especially culturally legitimate elites.

International audience ; This study on organizational change begins with the idea that globalization and the development of the new information and communication technologies (ICTs) have favoured the structural convergence of organizations, resulting in the hegemonic dominance of business values and practices in virtually all types of organizations, notably political parties and public or semi-public organizations. So far, very few scholars have tried to make this convergence between business organization paradigms and those present in other types of organizations, notably political parties, semi-public bodies and non-governmental organizations (NGOs), explicit, with the notable exception of Max Weber, who pointed out in his 1925 book Economy and Society the continuities of structure and practice deriving from the bureaucratic form present within all large-scale organizations (Weber, 1978), and Robert Michels, who highlighted in 1911, through his theory of the 'Iron law of oligarchy', the process of bureaucratization of political parties (Michels, 1915).

International audience ; This study on organizational change begins with the idea that globalization and the development of the new information and communication technologies (ICTs) have favoured the structural convergence of organizations, resulting in the hegemonic dominance of business values and practices in virtually all types of organizations, notably political parties and public or semi-public organizations. So far, very few scholars have tried to make this convergence between business organization paradigms and those present in other types of organizations, notably political parties, semi-public bodies and non-governmental organizations (NGOs), explicit, with the notable exception of Max Weber, who pointed out in his 1925 book Economy and Society the continuities of structure and practice deriving from the bureaucratic form present within all large-scale organizations (Weber, 1978), and Robert Michels, who highlighted in 1911, through his theory of the 'Iron law of oligarchy', the process of bureaucratization of political parties (Michels, 1915).

This article deals with issues of transitional justice in selected Central European countries. The relationship between the mode of democratic transition and the mechanisms and pace of transitional justice processes is discussed. The main focus is on the analysis and comparison of transitional justice issues in three Central European countries -- the Czech Republic, Poland and Slovakia. The authors conclude that the mode of democratic transition is not as important as other political factors, such as the presence or absence of leftist parties in the government. Adapted from the source document.