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AbstractIn January 1997 the author embarked on a study within a three-year research project, supported by the Swedish Research Council on the Humanities and Social Sciences. The title of the project is "Russian Self-Images and Foreign-Policy Orientations in a Time of Change." Its aim is to identify views of Russian politicians, mainly at intermediate levels, regarding Russia's role and mission in the international context and also regarding key issues related to internal developments. Within the project, interviews are undertaken with parliamentarians in Moscow, as well as with regional parliamentarians in St. Petersburg, Volgograd and Khabarovsk. This will provide for insights as regards similarities and differences between central and regional levels of political life. In order to calibrate the working tools and to test theoretical key assumptions, a pilot study was undertaken in the city of Perm in September 1997. In this article, a comparison is made between the results of the pilot study and the findings emerging from the regular rounds of interviews conducted in St. Petersburg in November 1997 and January 1998, in Volgograd in May 1998 and in Khabarovsk in November 1998. All in all, the article builds upon seventy-six in-depth interviews with regional politicians.

El Ministro Consejero de la Embajada de la República de Italia en Argentina, lleva a cabo un análisis de la Unión Europea frente a la incorporación futura de Estados, y cómo abordar este ingreso dentro de la conferencia intergubernamental que tendrá lugar bajo la presidencia italiana, durante el segundo semestre de 1996. Aspectos políticos y económicos son los dos ejes sobre los que trabaja el autor donde destaca cual es el pensamiento de la República de Italia sobre temas tales como la moneda única, y los órganos, instituciones y estrategias que considera necesarios para consolidar la institución regional. ; The Couselling minister of the Italian Embassy in Argentina analyses the European Union as it faces the future incorporation of states, and how this organism will deal with this situation within the international conference, which will take place under the Italian Presidency in 1996. The author centres his analysis on two axes: the political and economic aspects. In this frame, he points out the Italian position as regards issues such as: the unique currency, organs, institutions and strategies neccessary to consolidate the regional organism. ; Instituto de Relaciones Internacionales

[ES] Determinados rasgos históricos de las instituciones políticas brasileñas -forma de gobierno y sistema electoral principalmente-inciden en la dinámica interna del Congreso. El autor analiza como se desarrollan las diversas actividades vinculadas a la producción legislativa y pone en evidencia una dinámica individualista que anula la posibilidad de desarrollar estrategias cooperativas. No obstante, el estudio de las votaciones sobre determinadas cuestiones niega la hipótesis de que esta dinámica elimine la existencia de un posicionamiento ideológico dentro del Congreso sobre el eje izquierda-derecha. ; [EN] It is analyzed how specific historical features of brazilean political institutions -specially, type of government and electoral system- influence in the internal dynamic of Congress. The author analyzes the process of legislative production and underlines an individualistic dynamic which cancel the possibility to develop cooperative strategies. However, the study possibility to develop cooperative strategies. However, the study of votings about specific questions denyes the hypothesis which sets up that this kind of dynamic eliminates the existence of an ideological position inside the Congress in the axis left-right.

Professor Hansen reviews the development of copyright from its traditional domestic orientation to the modern emphasis on globalization and harmonization. His commentary analogizes modem trends in International copyright to religious equivalents. He notes that the current players include a "secular priesthood" (the traditional copyright bar and academics), "agnostics and atheists" (newer academics and lawyers, particularly those concerned with technology and the culture of the public domain) and "missionaries" (whose task it is to increase copyright protection around the world and who are primarily driven by trade considerations). The copyright "crusade" has been driven by this last group. The author compares the task of increasing copyright protection in newly industrialized and developing countries to the conversion of any group to a new religion. The missionaries, primarily from the United States and the European Union, have the choice of seeking voluntary or involuntary conversions. He augurs that the prospects for voluntary conversion are slim and that coercion will continue to be used against newly industrialized and developing nations when copyright protection is at stake.

Early access to the papers of the Fulton Committee on the Home Civil Service of 1966-68 which was officially granted to the author enables the programme of work pursued by the Committee's Management Consultancy Group to be examined in detail for the first time. More than a quarter of a century later, the work of the Fulton Committee on the Civil Service has long since receded into history. Indeed, the present observer has had the opportunity to write the history of the Fulton Committee itself from the original documents. One important part of the published work that resulted was concerned with the Committee's management Consultancy Group (Fry, 1991, pp.423-39; Fry, 1993, pp.57-71), the body that added a form of manageri alism to the Fulton Committee's essentially Fabian agenda. The basis for the Management Consultancy Group's analysis was to be found in the 23 blocks of Civil Service work which it examined. These blocks were listed in Appendix II to the Group's report. What was never published was the Group's original plan of work, and this gap in knowledge is closed by the information in the tables which follow.

The continuing debate on production and operations management (POM)
research has led to a new emphasis on empirical methods. Claims that,
while surveys and case research are increasingly recommended to POM
researchers, action research has been relatively neglected. The distinct
characteristic of action research is the intervention by the researcher
in the situation under study. The nature of the intervention, and of
action research outputs, differs however from consulting or from the
applications reported by APICS. Explains these differences and offers a
simple model of action research. Action research is particularly
valuable for theory building, as has been seen in the fields of
organization behaviour (OB) and management information systems (MIS),
where qualitative methods have often been employed rather than
traditional scientific methods. POM researchers can learn from the
experience of other disciplines and use action research to create new
theory. Since many POM researchers will be unfamiliar with action
research, explores some practical aspects of conducting such
investigations with illustrations from the author′s own research
experience. Concludes by showing that a properly conducted action
research project can be as rigorous as other methods.

This article examines privatization and privatization ministries in Poland, Czechoslovakia/the Czech Republic, and Hungary, stressing the comparability of these organizations and the context in which they originated. The author focuses on the activities and agendas of foreign experts employed or retained by ministries of privatization and the programs they supported. She assesses the degree to which outcomes to date approximated a neoliberal economic agenda of rapid privatization. She distinguishes between (a) opposition to rapid privatization agendas that can be identified with "Leninist legacies" or distributional coalitions attached to the satae industrial sector and (b) promoters of privatization who may work at cross-purposes with supporters of rapid privatization agendas, in particular investment banking firms assisting ministries of privatization. The purpose of the analysis is to suggest the range of capitalist activities surrounding privatization that are emerging in Eastern Europe, adding a further dimension to the dichotomy of Leninist legacies versus "liberal imperatives." Whether or not enterprise insiders or neoliberal agendas have the upper hand, it most certainly is capitalism that is emerging.

The contentious debate about how the U.S.‐Vietnam War ended is mired in partisan politics. The debate centers on two major issues: whether the antiwar movement or the diplomacy/strategy of Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger helped to end the war or prolong it. The author tries to clarify the debate by examining the events leading to the 1973 Paris cease‐fire agreement within the context of historical generalizations concerning "war termination"—concluding that the accord conformed to standard patterns of war endings. By mid‐1972, the conditions required for bringing an end to the Vietnam War finally appeared. Neither American nor Vietnamese policymakers judged the military situation to be favorable; both sides considered their overall prospects to be better with a cease‐fire than without one; and the political and economic costs of the war to both sides were now seen as intolerable. In the United States, the antiwar movement had at last influenced public and official opinion to accept the termination of this tragic war. Commentaries follow by Melvin Small, Dee Garrison, Robert J. McMahon, and Robert D. Schulzinger.

In dem Aufsatz wird die Umsetzung des australischen politischen Multikulturalismus-Konzepts in Erziehung und Bildung kritisch analysiert. Dazu wird die Entwicklung von Assimilations- und Integrationskonzepten zu multikulturellen Konzepten in ihrer australischen Variante dargestellt, nach Gründen gefragt, die zur staatlichen Akzeptanz und Durchsetzung des Multikulturalismus-Konzepts geführt haben und einige Widerstände problematisiert. Obwohl Multikulturalismus in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland zwar pädagogisch, weniger aber politisch eine Rolle spielt, lassen sich aus dem australischen Beispiel Überlegungen für die Entwicklung in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland ableiten, die verhindern helfen könnten, Fehler wie Folklorismus oder fehlende Chancengleichheit zu wiederholen. (DIPF/Orig.) ; The development of Australian multiculturalism is analyzed with regard to its influence on education. In Australia, it was only in the seventies that the concept of multiculturalism replaced those of assimilation and integration. Reasons for this development are discussed. The analysis also deals with controversial aspects such as cultural pluralism and equal opportunity. In a second, comparative approach, the author discusses the role of the Australian experience for the development in Germany, where - in contrast to Australia - multiculturalism is important within educational research but not in state policies. Still, the Australian example could help avoid misleading concepts such as folklorism or the neglect of equal opportunity. Furthermore, it may well offer didactic impulses regarding language education in a multilingual and multicultural society. (DIPF/Orig.)

[ES] El artículo trata de explicar los procesos a través de los cuales un gobierno llega a suceder a otro en situaciones revolucionarias, haciendo especial hincapié en los movimientos guerrilleros en América Latina desde la Revolución cubana hasta finales de la década del sesenta, y que están experimentando un resurgimiento en la actualidad. El autor sugiere cinco proposiciones que vinculan a gobernantes y gobernados en un contrato social, ya sea implícito o explícito, que elabora basándose en estudios de este período más temprano y que es posible encontrar también en los movimientos revolucionarios/gobiernos guerrilleros de los años setenta y ochenta. ; [EN] The article tries to explain the processes of how one government comes to succeed another in revolutionaly situations, emphasizing the guerrilla movements in Latin America from the Cuban revolution until the late 1960's and which are currently experiencing a revival. The author suggests five propositions linking governors and governed in a social contract, implicit or explicit, which he ellaborates based upon studies of the earlier period and that is also possible to find them in the revolutionary movements/guerrilla governments in the 1970's and 1980's.

The world is waiting for peace in the Middle East. At present the possibility of a settlement is delayed by differences between Israel and Syria. The two are far apart on how to solve one of the thornier problems of the negotiations--the eventual status of the Golan Heights. That Syria's President Assad and Israel's Prime Minister Rabin should find themselves in disagreement is not unusual--Israel and Syria have been enemies for years. But that Assad should be able to hold out against Israeli power is quite extraordinary. Assad has played an extremely astute game of diplomatic intrigue against the Israelis, with successes far beyond anything one might have imagined. This study shows how the Syrian was able to improve his originally weak position in the peace talks by exploiting crisis conditions in Lebanon. Assad's major weapon against the Israelis has been the guerrilla group Hizbollah. The author claims that the fact that a small group of guerrillas could have such an enormous impact in this international drama reveals changed power relations in the strategic Middle East. ; https://press.armywarcollege.edu/monographs/1245/thumbnail.jpg

On November 19, 1990, the Conventional Armed Forces in Europe (CFE) Treaty was signed in Paris following the successful completion of 20 months of negotiations between the members of NATO and the Warsaw Pact Treaty Organization. At its completion President Bush hailed the agreement as ending the" . . . military confrontation that has cursed Europe for decades." Despite the dramatic nature of this document, the large scale reduction required of all signatories, and the complex inspection regime it established; the completion of the treaty was overshadowed by the ongoing deterioration of the Warsaw Pact, end of the Berlin Wall, and impending conflict in the Persian Gulf between Iraq and the coalition headed by the United States. Even these events paled to insignificance in comparison to the dissolution of the Soviet Union roughly 1 year later. In this study, the author examines the viability of this agreement in the post-Cold War era. He describes the scope of the treaty, how it was adapted to meet many of the changes that have occurred, and how it has moved towards final implementation in November 1995. ; https://press.armywarcollege.edu/monographs/1246/thumbnail.jpg

The Gulf War demonstrated that theater missile defense (TMD) will be an important mission for the U.S. Army and its Patriot defense system in the years ahead. The author suggests that Army planners should view TMD not just as a simple tactical problem, but as an exercise that has important political and strategic ramifications that cut to the core of U.S. efforts to create and maintain international coalitions. A factor that will shape the political and military effectiveness of TMD is the resolution of the strategic problem of integrating counterforce options, active defenses and passive defenses. He argues that instead of developing strategy on an ad hoc basis, the philosophy that influences the U.S. Navy s approach to anti-submarine warfare (ASW) might serve as a guide to counterforce operations against mobile missiles. Counterforce attacks would reduce the tactical problem faced by Patriot crews, improving the overall performance of TMD. He also notes that an ASW approach to counterforce should help the United States achieve its political objectives of alliance formation and deterrence in the face of regional aggression. ; https://press.armywarcollege.edu/monographs/1884/thumbnail.jpg