Suchergebnisse

Vor normativen Aussagen über den Geschichtsunterricht der Gymnasialen Oberstufe wird eine möglichst genaue Beschreibung des Ist-Standes aus Sicht von Lernenden und Lehrenden gegeben. Dazu sind Ergebnisse eigener empirischer Studien (insbesondere einer repräsentativen Befragung 1992) herangezogen. Motivationale Zugänge, praktizierte Unterrichtsformen, kognitive Leistungen, konventionelle Einstellungen usw. werden einzeln dargestellt. Danach sind einige umstrittene Grundfragen wie methodische Fertigkeiten und/oder kanonische Kenntnisse, Pflichtfach oder Integrationsaspekt, Individualisierung oder Zentralisierung der Prüfungen knapp erörtert. Die politischen und fachdidaktischen Entscheidungen bleiben gleichwohl notwendig kontroverser als die Tatsachenbefunde. (DIPF/Orig.) ; Before making normative statements concerning history courses in upper secondary school, a rather detailed description of the present state-of-the-art from the perspective of both teachers and students is given. This is done on the basis of results from empirical studies (in particular, a representative poll carried out by the author in 1992). Motivational approaches, forms of teaching actually practiced, cognitive performance, conventional attitudes, etc. are sketched in turn. Then, some of the controversial basic issues such as methodic skills and/or canonical knowledge, compulsory subject or integrational function, individualization or centralization of examinations are briefly discussed. The political and subject-related didactical decisions, however, necessarily remain more controversial than the factual results. (DIPF/Orig.)

The author's assumption is that a regular rotation of the Left & the Right in power has been a long-standing feature of stable European democracies. In most East European countries, the collapse of communism was followed by the electoral defeat of leftist parties. However, in the last two years, these regions have witnessed a return to power of more or less transformed leftist parties & leaders. This does not mark the return of communism, which has definitely become a thing of the past, though some of the leftist parties nurture certain revisionist traits. In less developed countries, former communist elites are being transformed into national political elites, while in more developed countries of Eastern Europe, the transformation of leftist parties into social-democratic parties has been completed. The author underlines the prominence of the national element in the political programs of leftist parties. He goes on to conclude that the main reason for the resurgence of the Left in East European countries lies in the social repercussions of the transition & the fact that the Right has been turning a blind eye to these problems. 1 Table. Adapted from the source document.

This report reviews current literature on sustainable development and proposes a framework for applying this concept to city and regional planning. It begins by exploring interpretations of the concept of sustainability itself, next looks at some urban planning traditions toward an urban planning framework that can incorporate this concept. The following definition of sustainable urban development is proposed: Sustainable urban development seeks to create cities and towns that improve the long-term health of the planet's human and ecological systems. Means to achieve this objective include protecting and restoring natural ecosystems in urban areas, creating community environments that nurture human potential, using land and resources wisely, and facilitating human lifestyles that contribute to global sustainability. The author argues that sustainable urban development is indeed possible if 1) some degree of consensus is reached on values that can underlie it, 2) methods are developed to evaluate progress towards or away from sustainability, 3) specific policies, designs and programs are developed to implement sustainable urban development based on these values and yardsticks, and 4) the necessary political organizing, leadership development, and public education can be carried out.

In Canada, the Criminal Code and the Copyright Act explicitly protect computer software programs while existing patent, trademark/trade secret and fiduciary duty laws also extent their protection to computer software. In this article, the author gives an overview of computer software protection under Canadian laws and analyzes courts' applications of these laws to software by examining several caselaws. Computer software may be protected as trade secrets and thus may be part of a contractual agreement between parties. In the absence of an explicit agreement, Canadian laws imposes an implied non-disclosure duty on employees concerning trade secrets acquired in the scope of employment. In terms of trade skills acquired in the course of employment, courts evaluate cases by looking at several factors to determine the breach of the parties' rights. In Canadian Patent Act, Copyright Act and Criminal Code, the legislature gives explicit definitions in protection of computer software and violations thereof. In addition, the Canadian government announced the need to amend its Copyright Act in December 1994. An Information Highway Advisory Council is established to make recommendations to legislation to consider appropriate changes in this ever-developing world of computer and software advancement.

In accordance with the trend of globalization, especially following the collapse of the socialist regimes of Eastern Europe, democracy is today becoming an important factor of international relations as well as a subject of intense debates in the Third World and in Muslim countries. Almost all governments in the world, even authoritarian governments, use the attribute "democratic" to characterize their regimes and their aspirations. Yet not all governments in Muslim countries as well as not all Muslim intellectuals support democracy. Unlike the Islamic international debate on democracy, all Muslim intellectuals in Indonesia, as far as I am able to ascertain, accept democracy and even support it as a system which must be implemented in a Muslim society. They also understand democracy as covering certain universal values, especially equality, freedom and pluralism. In the light of this theological perspective, Muslim intellectuals also respond to the basic concept of Pancasila Democracy and to the process of democratization in Indonesia. In this process they have a strategic role, because they are leaders of the Muslim community which is one of the most influential sectors of civil society in Indonesia. (Author)

In terms of population and area Indonesia is the biggest member of ASEAN and therefore an important partner for Germany. The article focuses on the foreign politics of Indonesia towards the USA, Japan and the People's Republic of China. Furthermore the economic developments and some economic problems like equal and fair distribution of wealth to avoid a "social gap", the need for reduction of the foreign debts and the creating of new jobs, the finding of a balance of investment between hightech and "basic needs" and the need of increasing the quality of the human resources are topics which are coped with. Finally the role of the Indonesian Armed Forces ABRI in their classical "dwi fungsi" (double function) is also covered. The author sees today's Indonesia as "a giant awake" and according to him the archipelago-state will find a suitable place in the "concert of the great powers in the world" and will be a major factor of Southeast Asian stability, if the economic problems are not underestimated by the responsible organisations and persons. (Autor/DÜI)

In April 1996, the Army War College's Strategic Studies Institute held its Seventh Annual Strategy Conference. This year's theme was, "China into the 21st Century: Strategic Partner and…or Peer Competitor." The author of the following monograph, Dr. Robert S. Ross, of Harvard University's Fairbank Center for East Asian Research, argues that Japan's relationship with China is a key element in the evolving East Asian security structure. From Beijing's perspective, China's Japan policy rivals its relationship with the United States in relative strategic importance. Japan's economic strength and its potential military power make it a major factor in Chinese security calculations. Many of the same factors that affect Sino-American relations and Sino-Russian relations are integral to the relationship between Beijing and Tokyo. Among these are Chinese treatment of dissidents, the Taiwan issue, economic investment, and Japanese military policy and strategy. Today Japanese and Chinese interests compete in many areas, requiring tolerance, patience and diplomatic sophistication to keep competition from evolving into conflict. In the future, these challenges are likely to grow in complexity. ; https://press.armywarcollege.edu/monographs/1873/thumbnail.jpg

The author describes the history of the Fonds de la recherche en santé du Québec, from after World War II to the present day. The Conseil de la recherche médicale du Québec (Quebec Medical Research Council) was created in 1964 to bring Quebec up to speed in biomedical research through programs that complemented those of the Medical Research Council of Canada. The council progressively evolved, becoming the Conseil de la recherche en santé du Québec (Quebec Health Research Council) in 1974 and the Fonds de la recherche en santé du Québec (FRSQ) in 1982. The FRSQ covers all aspects of medical research, in its broadest sense. Quebec's progress in biomedical research has been spectacular and has had direct and considerable influence on the quality of medical education and patient care. From 1982 to 1996, various Quebec governments have devoted more than +500 million to the FRSQ, a testimony to their comprehension of the importance of this area and to their farsightedness. The FRSQ and its predecessor organizations have been a major force in improving and maintaining the quality of medical teaching and care in Quebec during the last three decades.

The author's assumption is that a regular rotation of the left and the right in power has been a long-standing feature of stable European democracies. In most East European countries the collapse of communism was followed by the electoral defeat of leftist parties. However, in the last two years these regions have witnessed a return to power of more or less transformed leftist parties and leaders. This does not mark the return of communism, which has definitely become a thing of the past, though some of these leftist parties nurture certain revisionist traits. In less developed countries, former communist elites are being transformed into national political elites, while in more developed countries of Eastern Europe the transformation of leftist parties into social-democratic parties has been completed. The author underlines the prominence of the national element in the political programmes of leftist parties. He goes on to conclude that the main reason for the resurgence of the left in East European countries lies in the social repercussions of the transition and the fact that the right has been turning a blind eye to these problems. (SOI : PM: S 41)

This note discusses the changes made to the Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA) by the Lobbying Disclosure Act of 1995 (LDA) and evaluates the impact of those changes. FARA's regulatory regime has long been criticized for its loopholes. FARA's historical focus on foreign propagandists has also been condemned as out of step with the modern political environment in the United States, where foreign" lobbyists" are seen as a serious threat to government integrity. In response to such criticisms, the LDA endeavored to reform FARA so as to increase compliance levels among foreign lobbyists seeking to influence the U.S. political process. The changes made to FARA in this reform effort include: important "definitional" changes, the elimination of the lawyer exemption to FARA, and needed improvements in the registration process itself. The author concludes that, while the reforms are laudable and have the potential for bringing more foreign lobbyists under FARA's regulatory imperative, until the further steps of bolstering the ranks and enforcement powers of the FARA administrators are taken, the ideal of a comprehensively-enforced FARA will remain elusive.

The author analyzes the position of Croatia following the Dayton accord. These accords have secured the integrity of Bosnia and Herzegovina, based on the consociational principle as stipulated by Arend Lijphart. However, fierce integrational nationalisms still rage in B&H, they spill over into the neighbouring states where they create military and political instability. In Croatia, the populist and vindictive nationalism is on the wane, but not so th original democratic nationalism. The latter is manifested in its twin task: on to join the prestigious union of European states while the other is to go on w the unification of the entire Croatian ethnic corpus. The first brand of nationalism has been trying by hook or by crook to ensure a place for Croatia the Council of Europe in order to escape the trap of a community of Balkan states as envisaged by Eurostrategists and their latest "globally regional European" policy. Thus, the post-Dayton Croatia will be marked by fault-lines and conflicts between these two types of nationalisms; one, pro-European and the other integrational (aimed at bringing together the entire Croatian ethnos). (SOI : PM: S. 149)

AbstractIn January 1997 the author embarked on a study within a three-year research project, supported by the Swedish Research Council on the Humanities and Social Sciences. The title of the project is "Russian Self-Images and Foreign-Policy Orientations in a Time of Change." Its aim is to identify views of Russian politicians, mainly at intermediate levels, regarding Russia's role and mission in the international context and also regarding key issues related to internal developments. Within the project, interviews are undertaken with parliamentarians in Moscow, as well as with regional parliamentarians in St. Petersburg, Volgograd and Khabarovsk. This will provide for insights as regards similarities and differences between central and regional levels of political life. In order to calibrate the working tools and to test theoretical key assumptions, a pilot study was undertaken in the city of Perm in September 1997. In this article, a comparison is made between the results of the pilot study and the findings emerging from the regular rounds of interviews conducted in St. Petersburg in November 1997 and January 1998, in Volgograd in May 1998 and in Khabarovsk in November 1998. All in all, the article builds upon seventy-six in-depth interviews with regional politicians.

El Ministro Consejero de la Embajada de la República de Italia en Argentina, lleva a cabo un análisis de la Unión Europea frente a la incorporación futura de Estados, y cómo abordar este ingreso dentro de la conferencia intergubernamental que tendrá lugar bajo la presidencia italiana, durante el segundo semestre de 1996. Aspectos políticos y económicos son los dos ejes sobre los que trabaja el autor donde destaca cual es el pensamiento de la República de Italia sobre temas tales como la moneda única, y los órganos, instituciones y estrategias que considera necesarios para consolidar la institución regional. ; The Couselling minister of the Italian Embassy in Argentina analyses the European Union as it faces the future incorporation of states, and how this organism will deal with this situation within the international conference, which will take place under the Italian Presidency in 1996. The author centres his analysis on two axes: the political and economic aspects. In this frame, he points out the Italian position as regards issues such as: the unique currency, organs, institutions and strategies neccessary to consolidate the regional organism. ; Instituto de Relaciones Internacionales

[ES] Determinados rasgos históricos de las instituciones políticas brasileñas -forma de gobierno y sistema electoral principalmente-inciden en la dinámica interna del Congreso. El autor analiza como se desarrollan las diversas actividades vinculadas a la producción legislativa y pone en evidencia una dinámica individualista que anula la posibilidad de desarrollar estrategias cooperativas. No obstante, el estudio de las votaciones sobre determinadas cuestiones niega la hipótesis de que esta dinámica elimine la existencia de un posicionamiento ideológico dentro del Congreso sobre el eje izquierda-derecha. ; [EN] It is analyzed how specific historical features of brazilean political institutions -specially, type of government and electoral system- influence in the internal dynamic of Congress. The author analyzes the process of legislative production and underlines an individualistic dynamic which cancel the possibility to develop cooperative strategies. However, the study possibility to develop cooperative strategies. However, the study of votings about specific questions denyes the hypothesis which sets up that this kind of dynamic eliminates the existence of an ideological position inside the Congress in the axis left-right.