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This article examines the (re)emergence of large-scale civil disobedience and the accompanying debates about violence and non-violence in the contemporary anti-globalization movement. Rooted in the Canadian movement but in conversation with wider debates, the article tracks movement practices and debates from the Battle of Seattle through to the Quebec Summit. The debate took a new turn in Genoa, with massive police brutality and the killing of a protester, and again following the events of September 11, 2001. The central argument of the article is that the new forms of civil resistance embody a critique of prevailing forms of organization, participation, representation, and action in Canadian social movements. Respect for diversity of tactics emerged as a non-negotiable basis of unity in this context. The author goes on to argue that, by June 2002, this stance had hardened into an ideology that functioned to restrict genuine diversity and threatened democracy and pluralism in the movement. The article ends with reflections on how the threat of war and the emergence of a global anti-war movement has again transformed the landscape of the anti-globalization movement.

Using interviews conducted with beneficiaries of social assistance in a deprived neighbourhood of Bordeaux, the author analyses their relationship with assistance. He argues that it is both individualized and strategic. Individualized, because assistance benefits are attributed after a long series of interviews with the social worker and after adoption of an attitude that matches the expectations the parties have internalized regarding discourse, outlook and behaviour. Strategic, because some beneficiaries develop a tactical attitude, taking advantage of the different assistance measures and the compartmentalization of the services and institutions that administer them. But this relationship also produces a double sense of injustice, caused by the lack of transparency in the criteria for granting assistance– making them hard to understand and creating an impression of arbitrariness– and of humiliation, caused by a powerful sense of intrusion into the private sphere. From this study Cyprien Avenel concludes for a qualified vision of social work, situated in theoretical terms, between those authors who see it as pure control of individuals who are placed in an inferior position by assistance, and those who by contrast take a strategic and utilitarian view of beneficiaries.

The object of this paper is to demonstrate the importance of state intervention on the national level in the development of world economy, and of the increasing extent to which the politics of the nation state are determined by the international division of labor. The author develops his analysis of the relationships between political power and world economy in three stages. After an update of the main transformations of world economy since the Second World War,and a rapid overview of the literature on the relationships of the state to world economy, he proposes his own reformulation of the problem around two main axes : on the one hand, political internalization, by which he means that state policies result from the coming together of internal factors (configurations of class struggles of the society in question) and external ones (contradiction of the international division of labor) ; and, on the other hand, the necessity of a theory of differentiation which can account for the place which each social formation and each state occupies in the world economy.

Little research exists on how the conception of world order in terms of globalization defines security policy. The way the terrorist attacks on New York and Washington, DC, on 11 September 2001 were understood highlights how globalization defines threats, and the policies adopted to deal with them, in the post-Cold War international order. This article utilizes three elements of the globalization discourse (globality, globalization and globalism) identified by Ulrich Beck in analysing the Western reaction to the events of 11 September 2001. It is argued that the attacks reflected a new `strategic globality' in which the new civilian infrastructure of globalization enabled Third World groups to intervene in the West. In terms of globalization, the events of 11 September were seen as the realization of scenarios for post-Cold War insecurity that dominated the late 1990s. The terrorist attacks actualized the `ontological insecurity' which followed from the notion that globalization enabled threats to proliferate with the same force as trade. Focusing on `globalism', the article analyses the strategies for creating safety in a globalized world that presented themselves immediately after the events. The author presents three globalisms: particularism, imperialism and cosmopolitanism.

Body/Politics is a well-researched book that brings together a significant range of topics to explicate the connections between changes occurring with the biological body and within body politics. The theoretical structure of the book is Marxist/feminist with heavy reliance on critical theory for Thomas Shevory's legal analysis in some of the chapters. According to the author, the central thesis of the book is that "the process of technological change will be creatively destructive, opening new avenues for equality, diversity, self-expression, resistance to hierarchy and control, while also offering new means for domination, exploitation, oppression, and dehumanization" (p. 3). He thus rejects the more extreme stances of the "technoprogressives" who see nothing but good and the "technophobes" who see nothing but bad coming from these developments. He argues quite convincingly that the historical processes we face through these technological changes are dialectical and thus subject to human political intervention. In other words, if we so choose, we do have the capacity to shape technologies, though it is far from clear that we now actually have the will to do so.

Cet article examine les différentes politiques économiques susceptibles d'avoir des répercussions sur l'économie sociale en tant que secteur institutionnel.En premier lieu il présente un cadre d'analyse permettant d'appréhender les contenus des politiques et en offre trois typologies.A la lumière de ce cadre dans unpremier temps il fait unbilan global des politiques mises en oeuvre en Europe pour se centrer dans un deuxième temps sur l'Espagne l'un des pays de l'Union où le niveau de développement de ces politiques est le plus avancé .Pour terminer, l'auteur évalue l'efficacité des principales mesures de politique économique mises en oeuvre dans ce pays.The article considers different economic policies likely to affect the social economy sector as an institutional sector. In a first time it sets up an analytical framework which allows to apprehend the policies contents and offers three typologies. In the light of this framework it first makes a global evaluation of policies implemented in Europe and then focuses on Spain, one of the Union countries with the highest level of development of these policies. Finally, the author evaluates the efficiency of the main measures of economic policy applied in this country.

The article shows that Greece has, until now, applied in effect a refugee responsibility-shifting policy that has resulted in the resettlement of refugees from Greece in industrialized states. The responsibility for refugee welfare has rested with Greek and international NGOs since the mid-1990s. The backwardness of the Greek state welfare mechanism is a side effect of the poor general welfare regime of this South European country. It is, however, also closely linked to the small numbers of asylum seekers (as distinct from illegal immigrants) arriving in Greece's territory, as well as to the low profile that NGOs, including UNHCR, have kept. This situation has not contributed to a rise in public awareness or to the exercise of effective pressure upon the state mechanism so that the latter lives up to its responsibilities vis-à-vis forced migrants in need of effective protection. The author emphasizes the need for the Greek refugee welfare regime to be radically revamped and to be based on a clear, long-term policy in accordance with contemporary international and European standards and the relevant responsibilities of the Greek state.

This paper looks at the place of items long associated with the bodies of South Asian women in mainstream fashion. First, there will be a profiling of some of the scenes where bindhies, mendhies and related scents and sounds are donned and adored by white bodies. By participating in conversations with South Asian women in Britain in the second part of the article, the author is able to discuss some of the stirrings raised by the recent legitimization of these items by multicultural capitalism, leading towards an exploration of a different sense of aesthetics, memory and desire. The ambivalent attraction of limited recognition offered by the anthropological urge to 'know' the ethnic 'other' is noted. A consideration of the rage induced by the power of whiteness to play with 'ethnic' items which had not so long ago been reviled when they were worn by South Asian women points to the historical amnesia that underlies much multicultural celebration. The allure of images packaged as oriental for South Asian women themselves, although often from a different set of sensibilities and memories, stresses the importance of historical reconstruction.

Outpatient commitment laws have been proposed as one way to increase service utilization among adults with psychiatric disabilities. While these laws vary from state to state, they are linked by a common set of assumptions about mental health consumers and services. Due to special circumstances surrounding its passage, New York's Assisted Outpatient Treatment Act (AOT) provides an excellent opportunity to examine these assumptions. It is argued that AOT is founded on the following assumptions: Mental health consumers are by definition not competent to direct their recovery; the decision not to use formal mental health services is a symptom of the disability and evidence of poor insight; the best intervention for psychiatric disability is a primarily medical one; and mental health services are universally and consistently helpful. Based on a critique of these assumptions, the author recommends that future research on this and other outpatient commitment policies focus on the consumer experience. In addition, future policies should be designed around a consideration of mental health consumers as a resilient, rather than vulnerable, population. Social workers are urged to apply these arguments to their practice and advocacy.

In the debate on the alleged erosion of social cohesion in Western societies, some authors have stressed the negative role of television. Others have argued that some programs like news and current affairs programs could strengthen civic engagement and political participation. In this article, the author uses cross-sectional survey data in an effort to disentangle the possible causal mechanisms between television and political behavior and attitudes. No evidence is found for a time-replacement effect on the individual level, but robust relations are found between television and attitudinal components of social capital. While news programs are positively related with some of these attitudes, consistent negative relations are found with the time spent on television and a preference for entertainment programs and commercial stations. This could imply that commercial stations, especially, cultivate a less civic-minded value pattern among their viewers. The analysis demonstrates that television effects are dependent not only on the time people spend but also on the kind of programs they watch and (at least in countries with a public broadcasting system) on the station they tune in to.

The nonprofit sector exists because it can solve better than for‐profit firms problems associated with the provision of products with publicness (nonrivalry or nonexcludability) attributes, or those affected by asymmetric information between providers and customers. This advantage is likely to be eroded in the future by various technological advances, particularly in the area of information transmission, analysis, storage and retrieval, and by the increase in the effective size of markets. Consequently, the demand for nonprofit organizations will possibly decline in the future. On the other hand, the operational efficiency of nonprofit organizations is likely to improve due to possibilities of stricter audit of and control over management made possible by enhanced access by nonprofit stakeholders to budgetary and operational information. This will help nonprofit organizations respond better to various failures of for‐profit firms and to the insufficiency of government correctives. It is difficult to forecast the net effect of the myriad factors that work in opposite directions on the demand for and supply of nonprofit organizations, although it appears to this author that the economic weight of nonprofit organizations and their distinctive features will wane.

Part III of the Public Order Ordinance is now the main source of prior restraints applicable to public assemblies in Hong Kong. It is also an important source of 'at the scene' control and dispersal powers. Non-compliance with the prior restraints or disobedience of 'at the scene' orders is punishable according to the criminal provisions contained in Part III. However, since the reunification of Hong Kong and China in 1997, some of the prior restraint provisions have been widely disregarded. Their consistency with the fundamental freedom of peaceful assembly demanded by the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region has also been questioned. In this article, the author first sets out the fundamental freedom approach by which it is suggested that the consistency of Part III with the ICCPR can best be tested. Then the substance of fundamental freedom of peaceful assembly and its significance in a democratic society is explained. Finally, using afundamental freedom approach, the ICCPR standard for the fundamental freedom of assembly is applied to the terms of Part III. ; published_or_final_version

ABSTRACT
The author of this essay argues that the success or failure of development depends on the availability of technology. The invention and development of new technologies are instrumental in changing the way people live, the way people communicate and the way people respond to their environment. However, despite the advantages of new technologies, the problem of access remains an enduring one. In South Africa, access to new communications and information technologies is limited to a few people owing to the high costs of these technologies. Therefore, the mere acquisition of new technology may not help that much to end the underdevelopment of many parts of the world, including South Africa. Mjwacu claims that the imbalance or gap that the use of new technology and the failure to development the social infrastructure needed to use this technology can lead directly to an infringement of people's right of access to the media. She argues that the emphasis needs to be placed on establishing community-based communication systems in countries such as South Africa to advance both their technological and social development.

This exciting book provides an illuminating account of contemporary globalization that is grounded in actual transformations in the areas of production and the workplace. It reveals the social and political contests that give 'global' its meaning, by examining the contested nature of globalization as it is expressed in the restructuring of work. Rejecting conventional explanations of globalization as a process that automatically leads to transformations in working lives, or as a project that is strategically designed to bring about lean and flexible forms of production, this book advances an understanding of the social practices that constitute global change. Through case studies that span from the labour flexibility debates in Britain and Germany, to the strategies and tactics of corporations and workers, the author examines how globalization is interpreted and experienced in everyday life. Contestation, she argues, is about more than just direct protests and resistances. It has become a central feature of the practices that enable or confound global restructuring. This book offers students and scholars of international political economy, sociology and industrial relations an innovative framework for the analysis of globalisation and the restructuring of work.