Suchergebnisse

ALTHOUGH ROBERTO UNGER IS SOMETIMES DESCRIBED AS A COMMUNITARIAN CRITIC OF LIBERALISM, HIS RECENT THREE-VOLUME WORK ON POLITICS DISAVOWS THE MAJOR TENETS OF CONTEMPORARY COMMUNITARIANISM - FOR EXAMPLE, THE 'EMBEDDED SELF,' THE CRITIQUE OF RIGHTS, THE REJECTION OF UNIVERSALIZING THEORY. INSTEAD, UNGER'S AIM IS TO CRITICIZE LIBERALISM FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF A 'SUPERLIBERALISM' - A PERSPECTIVE WHICH TAKES THE ORIGINAL LIBERAL DESIRE TO EMANCIPATE INDIVIDUALS FROM THE CHAINS OF SOCIAL CUSTOM AND HIERARCHY AND RIDS IT OF THE STULTIFYING ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS WITHIN WHICH LIBERALS HAVE SOUGHT TO CONTAIN IT. THREE MAIN COMPONENTS OF UNGER'S THEORY ARE ANALYZED: THE IDEA OF 'NEGATIVE CAPABILITY,' OR THE POWER OF INDIVIDUALS TO REVISE AND TRANSCEND THEIR SOCIAL CONTEXTS; THE IDEA OF AN 'EMPOWERED DEMOCRACY,' WHICH SEEKS TO OPEN UP ALL ASPECTS OS SOCIETY TO THE COLLECTIVE EXERCISE OF NEGATIVE CAPABILITY; AND THE IDEA OF 'IMMUNITY RIGHTS,' WHICH SEEK TO PROTECT INDIVIDUALS FROM THE POTENTIAL RISKS OF RADICAL DEMOCRACY. THE AUTHOR ARGUES THAT ALL THREE UNDERESTIMATE THE RISKS TO INDIVIDUAL LIBERTY OF THE OVER-POLITICIZATION OF SOCIAL LIFE.

Agrarian Reform in post-Soviet Russia : the Point of View of an Historian, Victor Danilov
Contrary to all expectations, Russian farmers did not receive favourably the agrarian reform which was supposed to free them at last. Far from taking advantage of the right given to them of leaving the Kolkhoz and Sovkhoz, they chose to adopt an attitude of open resistance to decollectivization. According to the author, the failure of the agrarian reform is explained in a large part by the «bureaucratic extremism» with which it was accomplished during the winter 1992-1993, and also by the extreme subdivision of the process of production and by the lack of support given to cooperative and individual formulas. The end of price controls and the deregulation of services increased the inequality between urban and rural areas. From Stolypin to Gorbachev, the transformation of the countryside has always been forced upon it from above. With no autonomy of management and no real freedom of choice, farmers remain victims of the Nomenklatura. The crisis in agriculture which is reflected in the general decrease of production opens a new era of uncertainty.

Women's employment in the European semiperipheral countries : analysis of the Portuguese case.
Comparison of some labour and employment statistics demonstrates smaller diparities between the male and female employment in Portugal than those registred in more developed countries. This is especially supported by three types of data : those that express the levels of economic activity of all age and marital status groupe, those that disclose the women's professional status, and those that measure the degrees of sectoral and occupational gendered segregation of the employment structure.
In the paper, the author shows that the high activity rates of women and the lower levels of gendered segregation of the employement structure in Portugal are the result as much of phenomena of a statistical nature as of the specificities of Portuguese society, in which are considered a strongly interventionist (though economically weak) State, an incipient technological and economic development, a great flexibility evidenced by families in the familial geographical mobility. All these features conjoin in such a way that the effects of gendered segregation originated by economic growth in "first comer" (early developing) countries are softened.

Buultjens examines the utility of history as a paradigm on which to build a prognosis of the future. With examples from the past, the discussion centers around two fundamentals. First, historical patterns may prove to be faulty models as they tend to focus on clusters of events and, usually, on the leaders/victors of that era, hence not representing the entire picture. These leaders, says Buultjens, are typically MCGA-egoists who influence international politics through their personal motives. Second, these historic clusters seldom contain elements yielding enduring or transferable conclusions upon which to build valid prognoses for the future. From historical patterns, several trends emerge: (1) the phaseout of conflict after the Cold War; (2) modern government and media culture prevent the emergence of "political supermen" and minimize disruption; (3) democracy, in its familiar form, curtails its rate of expansion; and (4) the spirit of separatism permeates as a result of collapse of yet another empire. The author is not in favor of disregarding historical analyses, but rather in questioning messages it provides so as not to extract erroneous lessons.

Vor dem Hintergrund des europäischen Einigungsprozesses und seiner homogenisierenden Auswirkungen auf die nationalen Bildungssysteme werden Untersuchungsergebnisse zu historisch bedeutsamen Ausprägungsformen von Erwachsenenbildung in Deutschland, Frankreich und Spanien dargelegt. Ihre Genese und nationalspezifische Verfestigung werden als Resultat unterschiedlicher Differenzierungsverläufe im Spannungsfeld privater volksbildnerischer Vereinstätigkeit und staatlich-öffentlicher Beschulung rekonstruiert. Aufgrund ihrer flexiblen Anpassungsstrategien sind diese erwachsenenbildnerischen Traditionen auch gegenwärtig in der Lage, sich gegenüber dem verstärkten Konkurrenzdruck marktwirtschaftlich orientierter Träger mit betont berufsqualifikatorischen Angeboten zu behaupten. Gliederung: 1. Erwachsenenbildung als akademische Bildungspflege (Deutschland), 2. Erwachsenenbildung als Freizeitkultur (Frankreich), 3. Erwachsenenbildung als kompensatorischer Unterricht (Spanien), 4. Europäisierung nationaler Erwachsenenbildungsstrukturen? (DIPF/Text übernommen) ; The author analyzes historically important forms of adult education in Germany, France, and Spain against the background of the European process of unification and its homogenizing impact on the national systems of education. Their origins and specific institutionalization are reconstructed as the result of differentiation under the impact of activities of private associations in the field of popular education, on the one hand, and state-maintained schools, on the other. Due to their flexible strategies of adjustment, these traditions of adult education can, even today, stand their ground despite the growing competitive pressure exerted by market-oriented institutions offering vocational education. (DIPF/Orig.)

Schulpolitisch stand das Jahr 1960 in der DDR ganz im Zeichen der Kampagne um die Tagesschule. Nachdem 1958 für alle Schüler der polytechnische Unterricht und 1959 die zehnklassige polytechnische Oberschule als Regelschule eingeführt worden waren, sollte 1960 - sozusagen als dritter Schritt bei der sozialistischen Reorganisation des Bildungswesens - in allen Schulen zur Ganztagserziehung übergegangen werden. Anhand bisher noch unerschlossener Archivalien und Dokumente wird untersucht, welche Intentionen die SED-Führung mit der Propagierung der Tagesschule verfolgte und weshalb dieses Projekt bereits Ende 1960 wieder aufgegeben wurde. (DIPF/Text übernommen) ; From the school-political point of view the year 1960, in the GDR was marked by the campaign for a whole-day school. After the introduction of polytechnic instruction for all students, in 1958, and the implementation of the ten-year general and polytechnical school as the standard type, in 1959, all schools were to be turned into whole-day schools, in 1960, as a third step in the socialist reorganisation of the educational system. On the basis of files and documents as yet unexplored, the author inquires into the intentions the SED-leadership pursued with the propagation of the whole-day school and deals with the question why this project had already been given up by the end of the year 1960. (DIPF/Orig.)

The formulation of the new political parties' programs & statutes in Croatia is considered to be a less important normative aspect of political activity. Yet a comparative analysis of the content of the statutes articulated by the political parties in Croatia at the time when they were formed reveals the prevailing tendencies of political practice in that period as well as the level concomitant of experience in political organizing. Some of the findings point to significant differences among the emerging political parties in matters such as the treatment of members' rights & duties, attitudes toward internal party discipline, the procedure related to affiliation, the authority pertaining to the parties' presidents, the inclusion of youth in making party policy, models of decision making, & attitudes toward earlier parties in Croatian political history. The author stresses that his analysis does not refer to the time of writing but to the situation at the very beginning of the institutionalization of party pluralism. He believes that his results may offer important insights for some future classification of the Croatian party system. Adapted from the source document.

This article follows the shift in federal housing policy from a production emphasis during the decade after the Kerner Commission Report to a policy of limited support that enables a few low-income people to choose their own housing. It details specific legislation enacted over this period and highlights the continuing debate about the most effective use of federal housing funds. Also, discussed is the growth of state and local housing support programs, as well as the non-profit community housing development movement. The author points out that the legislative framework is in place for an effective national housing policy designed to reach those without access to decent housing. He argues for a reaffirmation of the national housing goal of a decent home for every American and a redirection of policy so that more of the funds reach those who need them most. Specific recommendations include capping the mortgage interest tax deduction, endorsing a low-income housing investment trust fund, decentralizing housing spending decisions to the states, establishing "permanently affordable" housing, and revitalizing public housing.

Para el autor el desarrollo de las negociaciones por Malvinas es el mejor ejemplo de políticas contradictorias. Desde las negociaciones para la reanudación de relaciones con el Reino Unido hasta la propuesta de convertir a las islas en un Estado Asociado prácticamente no ha habido una estrategia coherente hacia Malvinas. Se resumen una serie de opciones jurídicos-políticas tendientes a lograr la recuperación de la soberanía sobre las islas. Para este fin se utilizó diversos modelos aplicados en la solución de otros conflictos territoriales similares al de las Islas Malvinas. ; For the author the development of the negotiations concerning the Malvinas Islands is the best example of contradictory policies. Since the negotiations for the renewal of relations with the United Kingdom untill the proposal of converting the islands in an Associated State there has not been a coherent strategy to Malvinas Islands. Some political and juridical options are summarized in order to recover the sovereignty on the Islands. For this purpose some models which had been applied on the solution of other similar territorial conflicts were used. ; Instituto de Relaciones Internacionales

El artículo expone las nuevas condiciones políticas creadas en el mundo a partir de la caída del Muro de Brelín y la disolución de la Unión Soviética. Desde allí, el autor intenta reflexionar sobre las líneas de acción que emergen en el planeta como consecuencia de ello y de la ausencia de referencias globales que se observaron durante décadas. En particular, el ascenso de los nacionalismos que no sólo es un fenómeno que afecta a los países en desarrollo, sino también a las potencias industrializadas. ; This article describes the new political situation created by the fall of the Berlin Wall, and the dissolution of the USSR. The author reflects upon the political actions which have arisen on the planet as a consequence of these events. He also comments on the absence of those global references followed for decades. One particular example of a political action which has been influence by these events is the rise of nationalism. This is a phenomenon affecting not only developing countries, but also industrialized countries. ; Instituto de Relaciones Internacionales (IRI)

ASK ABOUT "THE MEDIA" and people think first of television, then newspapers. Sometimes, though not always, they acknowledge the existence of radio. But it is not uncommon for media critics to ignore radio altogether in their treatment of the larger modern media mix. Although the average American owns multiple radios and lives with this most portable medium in every room in the house, in the office, the car and even in parks, mountain retreats and at the beach, radio is rarely the topic of public discussion, giving it the dubious identity of "the forgotten medium." This, the oldest of the broadcast media and once the king of electronic media, has moved farther and farther back in the media family photo. Occasionally there are references in the press to a radio station sale, a new radio network or a controversy first ignited on radio, but such sightings of radio in the public discourse are cameo appearances, like those of a once-famous leading actor reduced to walk-on or character roles. Radio, however, is much more than a bit player or an aging "maiden aunt," as more than one author in this Journal suggest.

En este artículo, la autora estudia el proceso de reforma educativa llevado adelante en los ochentas en Chile, y evalúa sus logros y deficiencias en la calidad educativa. La mencionada reforma se apoyó en dos instrumentos: la descentralización administrativa (las municipalidades asumen la administración de las escuelas) y la inserción de mecanismos de mercado al financiamiento escolar. El gobierno democrático chileno incorporó algunos aspectos a la reforma que se encontraban pendientes, como asignar mayores recursos al sector y mejorar la calidad de la educación en escuelas subvencionadas. Sin embargo, los éxitos alcanzados por dicho proceso son todavía inciertos. ; The author studies Chile's educational reforms in the eighties, and assesses their successes and failures in terms of quality of teaching. The reforms rested principally on two aspects: decentralized administration (municipal authorities assuming responsibility) and the application of market economic mechanisms for financing schools. Chile's democratic government subsequently added a number of measures that the reforms lacked, such as increasing outlay to the sector and improving educational quality in subsidized schools. However, the success of these reforms is still uncertain.

The author demonstrates how the individual is implied in the very idea & concept of democracy as being free in principle & equal to other individuals. The emancipation & subjectivization of man in the new era appears to be the fundamental presupposition of every democracy, including, of course, the pluralistic one. In a political community in which the free individual does not happen to be the starting point & the purpose of the political system, there is no democracy. Neither is there any demos, as this entity is only possible if a full & unalienable political subjectivity of the individual is presupposed. Without the philosophy & the historical experience of liberalism, there would be no possibility for a modern pluralist democracy either. Pluralism suits human nature & relationships among people more than all other political forms. Man himself is "structured pluralistically" because of the complex mental structure & the different interests that activate him. No social order or political system based on the principle of collectivity (regardless of its social, national, religious, or philosophical origin) has any chance either to promote social progress or to survive. Adapted from the source document.

The author studies Chile's educational reforms in the eighties, and assesses their successes and failures in terms of quality of teaching. The reforms rested principally on two aspects: decentralized administration (municipal authorities assuming responsibility) and the application of market economic mechanisms for financing schools. Chile's democratic government subsequently added a number of measures that the reforms lacked, such as increasing outlay to the sector and improving educational quality in subsidized schools. However, the success of these reforms is still uncertain. ; En este artículo, la autora estudia el proceso de reforma educativa llevado adelante en los ochentas en Chile, y evalúa sus logros y deficiencias en la calidad educativa. La mencionada reforma se apoyó en dos instrumentos: la descentralización administrativa (las municipalidades asumen la administración de las escuelas) y la inserción de mecanismos de mercado al financiamiento escolar. El gobierno democrático chileno incorporó algunos aspectos a la reforma que se encontraban pendientes, como asignar mayores recursos al sector y mejorar la calidad de la educación en escuelas subvencionadas. Sin embargo, los éxitos alcanzados por dicho proceso son todavía inciertos.