Suchergebnisse

Entering an uncharted world. Americans in a new century : the 1900 generation -- Making a life; 1910-1930. California, here we come! ; Men on their way; Becoming women; Together and apart in marriage -- Part 3. The Depression years : the worst and best of times. Misfortune and privilege -- Hard times turned bad -- Having children in troubled times -- In the midst of kin -- War on the home front. War's impact at home; Women at work; From generation to generation -- Transforming times and lives. The past in later life.

What types of refugees do Americans prefer for admission into the United States? Scholars have explored the immigrant characteristics that appeal to Americans and the characteristics that Europeans prioritize in asylum-seekers, but we currently do not know which refugee characteristics Americans prefer. We conduct a conjoint experiment on a representative sample of 1800 US adults, manipulating refugee attributes in pairs of Syrian refugee profiles, and ask respondents to rate each refugee's appeal. Our focus on Syrian refugees in a 2016 survey experiment allows us to speak to the concurrent refugee crisis on the eve of a polarizing election, while also identifying religious discrimination, holding constant the refugee's national origin. We find that Americans prefer Syrian refugees who are female, high-skilled, English-speaking, and Christian, suggesting they prioritize refugee integration into the U.S. labor and cultural markets. We find that the preference for female refugees is not driven by the desire to exclude Muslim male refugees, casting doubt that American preferences at the time were motivated by security concerns. Finally, we find that anti-Muslim bias in refugee preferences varies in magnitude across key subgroups, though it prevails across all sample demographics.

This dissertation analyzes the impact of dynasticism on contemporary political violence. Through a combination of quantitative and qualitative methods, I seek to demonstrate that high levels of dynasticism and kinship-centered politics increase a state's vulnerability to large-scale outbreaks of civil war violence. In my first chapter, I briefly review two current strands of political science research: analyses of the causes and contributors of civil wars, and the much smaller literature on the influence of dynasticism on contemporary politics. I then synthesize these research agendas to argue that political systems heavily shaped by kinship and dynasticism may be particularly prone to feuding and vendettas between political elites. I further hypothesize that this feuding culture can in turn increase a heavily dynastic state's vulnerability to broader civil war conflicts. In my second chapter, I elaborate on the theoretical mechanisms underlying this hypothesis. I combine insights from research into ethnic violence with a widespread review of kinship literature drawn from other social science fields such as anthropology, sociology, economics, and psychology. I show that the three main theoretical approaches emphasized in the ethnic conflict literature (essentialism, instrumentalism, and constructivism) can also be applied to the smaller scale of kinship-based conflict and explore the potential implications of each theoretical approach. In my third chapter, I rely on the detailed genealogical and conflict records surrounding the dynastic relations of early modern European monarchies to test the effectiveness of each theoretical lens. Based on a statistical analysis of the correlation between relatedness and the likelihood of wars between monarchs, I argue that wars between monarchs were primarily shaped by social expectations regarding which kin merited loyalty and which constituted untrustworthy inheritance threats. From this, I conclude that a constructivist approach focusing on cultural norms and kin identities is likely to most effectively capture the causes of kinship-based conflict. In my fourth chapter, I extend my analysis into the present day through a case study of dynastic politics in the Philippines and its relationship with that country's ongoing civil war conflicts. I statistically analyze the correlation between the prevalence of dynasticism among each Philippine province's elected officials, on the one hand, with sub-state variation in civil war conflict onsets, on the other. I find a significant positive relationship between increased conflict and the polarization of political offices between competing dynasties in a province. I conclude that this evidence is consistent with the theory that provinces split between competing dynastic elites tend to see this conflict spill over into civil war incidents through competing dynasties' destabilizing political feuds. In my fifth chapter, I test whether the relationship between kinship and political conflict can be generalized beyond the Philippines. I use consanguineous marriage, the practice of endogamously marrying cousins or other close relatives, as a proxy for the type of strong kinship-focused traditions associated with dynasticism. Using country-level estimates of consanguineous marriage rates and civil war onset data, I find a positive correlation between higher rates of consanguinity and civil war. After eliminating possible alternative explanations, I conclude that there is evidence supporting the theory that particular kinship practices are associated with heightened civil war in a wide variety of countries today. In my final chapter, I address the salience and importance of this insight for future research and policy planning. I begin with a qualitative case study of the ongoing Yemeni Crisis. Through this case, I show how kinship politics at the heart of the Saleh regime has exacerbated and promoted the country's ongoing civil war. Through this case, I demonstrate that the politics of dynasticism can play a central role in provoking a modern civil war. I conclude with a discussion regarding how academics and policymakers might better understand and address the importance of kinship and its complex relationship with political violence today.

Man Is by Nature a Political Animal: Evolution, Biology, and Politics.Edited by Peter K. Hatemi and Rose McDermott. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2011. 352p. $80.00 cloth, $27.50 paper.Peter K. Hatemi and Rose McDermott'sMan Is by Nature a Political Animalbrings together some of the most important social scientists working at the intersection of political science, psychology, biology, and cognitive neuroscience. Given recent advances in cognitive neuroscience and given the proliferation of work in political science that draws on these advances, we have decided to invite a range of political scientists to comment on the promise and the limits of this line of inquiry. What can scientific developments in psychology, biology, and neuroscience tell us about "human nature"? Can these discourses reckon with the variation in time and space that has traditionally been at the heart of political science, perhaps even going back to the classic text from which Hatemi and McDermott derive their title, Aristotle'sPolitics?—Jeffrey C. Isaac, Editor

Man Is by Nature a Political Animal: Evolution, Biology, and Politics.Edited by Peter K. Hatemi and Rose McDermott. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2011. 352p. $80.00 cloth, $27.50 paper.Peter K. Hatemi and Rose McDermott'sMan Is by Nature a Political Animalbrings together some of the most important social scientists working at the intersection of political science, psychology, biology, and cognitive neuroscience. Given recent advances in cognitive neuroscience and given the proliferation of work in political science that draws on these advances, we have decided to invite a range of political scientists to comment on the promise and the limits of this line of inquiry. What can scientific developments in psychology, biology, and neuroscience tell us about "human nature"? Can these discourses reckon with the variation in time and space that has traditionally been at the heart of political science, perhaps even going back to the classic text from which Hatemi and McDermott derive their title, Aristotle'sPolitics?—Jeffrey C. Isaac, Editor

Applying systems analysis in political science research is still one of the important dimensions of political science methodology. Reconstruction of the functional model of the social system seems to be an attractive proposition for policy researchers. Signed by the name of Jeffrey Charles Alexander, the American version of neofunctionalism is one of the responses to the crisis of traditional forms of structural functionalism. The main purpose of the reconstruction of T. Parsons's theory was its revitalization consisting in restoring the possibility of its application in contemporary social research. The reinterpretation of the classical approach was to a large extent "forced" by harsh criticism of the current approach and focused especially on attempts to overcome the limitations contained therein, which manifested in the impossibility of correlation of functional theorems with newly developing research currents Jeffrey Alexander restored relevance and emphasizes suitability for interpreting and explaining political processes and phenomena. Understanding the concept of functions and functional relations in the political environment allows for effective application in the analysis of contemporary political systems. Therefore, changing the method of functional analysis is a useful methodological tool in developing a political theory.

This article explores issues of citizenship and belonging associated with post-Soviet Kazakhstan's repatriation programme. Beginning in 1991, Kazakhstan financed the resettlement of over 944,000 diasporic Kazakhs from nearly a dozen countries, including Mongolia, and encouraged repatriates to become naturalized citizens. Using the concept of "privileged exclusion," this article argues that repatriated Kazakhs from Mongolia belong due to their knowledge of Kazakh language and traditions yet, at the same time, do not belong due to their lack of linguistic fluency in Russian, the absence of a shared Soviet experience, and limited comfort with the "cosmopolitan" lifestyle that characterises the new elite in this post-Soviet context. ; National Science Foundation Research Grant, Division of Behavioral and Cognitive Sciences [Geography and Spatial Sciences grant number BCS-0752411/Cultural Anthropology grant number BCS-0752471] Association of American Geographers (Research Grant) Texas A&M University Office of International Programs (International Research and Travel Grant) Texas A&M University Melbern G. Glasscock Center for Humanities Research (Stipendiary Fellowship) Texas A&M University Women's and Gender Studies Program (Women's Interdisciplinary Seed Grant Research Award) Macalester College (Wallace Travel and Research Grant

Si l'Australie et la Nouvelle-Zélande ont été les principaux opposants à la réalisation des essais nucléaires français dans le Pacifique, les protestations sont également venues des pays latino-américains, en particulier du Pérou. Le gouvernement du général Juan Velasco Alvarado prend la tête de la campagne anti-nucléaire en Amérique du Sud et rompt ses relations avec la France en juillet 1973. Mais cette rupture (jusqu'en 1975) a surtout une portée politique et diplomatique, Lima maintenant ses relations économiques et commerciales avec Paris et ne parvenant pas à entraîner dans son sillage d'autres nations latino-américaines. L'opposition péruvienne aux essais français a contribué à renforcer la dimension anticolonialiste et tiers-mondiste de la contestation nucléaire. Enfin, cette crise illustre les difficultés pour la France de mener sa politique nucléaire dans le Pacifique tout en préservant son influence auprès des pays d'Amérique latine.

This forum traces the emergence of international negotiations as study sites in the field of global environmental politics, from its early days until the present. It sets the scene for the research articles in this special section, outlining why their contributions are timely, and takes advantage of advances in methods and conceptual analysis. The articles in this special section suggest the value of direct observation and ethnography in driving conceptual innovation and understanding how power and influence are exercised in such settings (including by the traditionally powerless). In doing so, they encourage debate over and offer new insights into processes the GEP field has been studying for close to fifty years.

'Armies of Arabia' comprehensively analyzes the armed forces of the Gulf monarchies. Zoltan Barany explains the conspicuous ineffectiveness of Gulf militaries with a combination of political-structural and sociocultural factors. Following a brief exposition on their historical evolution, he explores the region's six armies of the region comparatively, through the lenses of military politics, sociology, economics, and diplomacy. The book's themes come together in the last chapter that critically evaluates the Saudi and Emirati armed forces' record in the on-going war in Yemen.

Civil society as an analytical concept is increasingly treated with suspicion in the study of politics in postcolonial societies. While engaging with Dalit struggles for civility, this book offers a critique of normative liberal assumptions of civil society and also counters the scholarship that rejects the idea and possibility of civil society in postcolonial societies.Based on an ethnography of Dalit movements in Maharashtra, this book highlights the centrality of caste in constructing localized forms and processes of civil society. The study marks a shift from perspectives that either empha

Race, religion, and reds -- Making history : the passage of ESEA -- Putting down roots, 1965-1968 -- How much? budget battles, 1969-1977 -- Ending massive resistance : the federal government and southern school desegregation, 1964-1970 -- Education reform in the Nixon administration : the case of bilingual education -- Transforming special education : the genesis of the Education For All Handicapped Children Act -- Compensatory education through the courts : the politics of school finance -- Teacher power : Carter, NEA, and the creation of the Department of Education -- Education and the Reagan revolution

In this book, David L Imbroscio urges that urban political economy must move forward beyond the question of `what is?' to a consideration of `what might be'. He systematically poses the possibilities for reconstructing the nature of contemporary city politics, while integrating a wealth of innovative urban analysis. The author explores three alternative urban economic development strategies: entrepreneurial mercantilism, community-based economic development and municipal enterprise. He considers whether these strategies are likely to be effective for bringing about urban economic vitality and

This paper considers how the Eurovision Song Contest (ESC) sits at a crossroads of political denial and political intent, seemingly distanced from, but essentially instrumental in, political change. It will consider how this popular media event has used music and the performance of identity as a conduit through which a sense of European identity and belonging has been established and challenged. Furthermore, it asks "how has Eurovision impacted on the social, cultural and political landscape of Europe via a merging of music and politics?"