The intrinsic importance and value of geographical indications and their special characteristics, which, if protected, would have far-reaching economic, cultural and even political benefits, would justify the need to protect them. The present study descriptively-analytically examined the legal protection of geographical indications nationally and internationally and identified gaps in the protection of signs in Iranian law. The results showed that recognizing a geographical indication, whether through registration, court, administrative decision or other means, is not sufficient to realize the potential benefits of protecting a geographical indication. Also, although protecting a geographical indication is essential, it is not the only condition for its success. Also, although there are several ways to protect a geographical indication in theory, even ancillary laws such as the "Fight against Unfair Competition" and the "Consumer Protection Act" and other similar rules and regulations are among these valuable intellectual assets. They protect. However, there are limitations to their protection in practice, largely due to the wide variety of protection systems associated with these symptoms. It was also observed that despite special rules in some countries and territories with geographical indications, including Iran, there is still no global consensus and a single legal authority to support these indications at the international level fully. Therefore, it is necessary to create a comprehensive geographical indication design for a geographical indication to effectively create brand equity for a product or positively impact rural development or the preservation of traditional knowledge, traditional cultural expressions, or biodiversity.
Globalizing International Theory adds to the literature on non-Western international relations (IR) theory by probing the question of what it means to globalize international theory. The book starts with the premise that international theory is unfinished, incomplete, and homogenous because it provides a limited conception of the international which, in turn, derives from its partiality that reflects its narrow Western-centric bias. The contributors argue that the IR vision of the world is projected through a polarizing Western-filtered lens. Rather than utilizing an objective set of explanatory tools for explaining world politics, the reality is that orthodox IR theory only tells us why 'the West is best' and why 'the Rest should become like the West'. This means that international theory is not truly international. In provincializing Western international theory, this volume navigates beyond the Eurocentric and imperial frontier of the prevailing limited conception of the international to explore the hidden contributions to international theory which can be found in the non-Western world. Bringing in excluded, non-Western conceptions of international theory highlights a broader conception of the international. The book provides a framework for theorizing globally, exploring the fundamental problems with Western IR theory, and how to overcome them. This book will be used by advanced undergraduate and postgraduate students, scholars, researchers, and IR theorists worldwide who are interested in non-Western IR theory. It will help navigate the problem of internationalness in the face of the grand theoretical problem of our time: the use and misuse of international theory in making sense of, and responding to, the complex global realities of the twenty-first century.
This book discusses legislative approaches to the criminalization of aggression at the national level. Analyzes current international legal regulation of the use of force and the Rome Statute´s substantive and procedural provisions after 1 January 2017.
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The book offers insights on whether international law can shape the politics of the Security Council and conversely, the extent to which the latter contribute to the development of international law. By providing a systematic analysis of the quantity and quality of international legal instruments referred to in the text of resolutions, the book reconstructs patterns of the Security Council's behavioural regularities and assesses them against the provisions of the United Nations Charter, which establishes its mandate. The analysis is divided into three periods - the origins and Cold War period, post-Cold War period and the twenty-first century - and assesses the resolutions passed in each period by thematic category. The book argues that while international law plays an important role in shaping the politics of the Security Council, the Council's resolutions do not contribute significantly to the development of international law.
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This article examines the relationship between the geopolitical rise of new powers in international relations and knowledge production in International Relations. It draws on the science studies literature on the 'co-production' of science and politics to conceptualise and analyse this relationship between the 'state of emergence' and 'state of knowledge'. I argue that the 'state of emergence' should be conceptualised not only as a real-world condition external to science that imposes itself on an otherwise pure internal 'state of knowledge', but also as a scholarly sensibility, ethos and motivation that operates 'within' it. The article illustrates the argument ethnomethodologically by interviewing International Relations scholars in China and India on how they themselves make sense of the emerging condition and justify their own positions and actions within it. Based on the interviews, I identify four co-productive registers connecting the state of emergence to the state of knowledge (the constitutive, civic, infrastructural and psychological) but also find that scholars in China and India differ in their enactment of these registers.