Book Review: Britain and Ireland: The International Politics of the Persian Gulf
In: Political studies review, Band 11, Heft 3, S. 472-473
ISSN: 1478-9302
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In: Political studies review, Band 11, Heft 3, S. 472-473
ISSN: 1478-9302
In: Monthly review: an independent socialist magazine, Band 59, Heft 7, S. 42-50
ISSN: 0027-0520
Rejects John Bellamy Foster's (2007) assertion, in the midst of assessing Paul Baran's Political Economy of Growth (1957), that the Third International (Communist International or Comintern) adhered to a "crude theory of linear stages of development" with respect to the imperialist world-system. In this light, the Third International's pioneering theory of imperialism is discussed. The roots of anti-imperialism are traced to the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution, & it is argued that the theory of imperialism developed alongside the anti-imperialist struggle. The views of the Comintern are outlined, highlighting significant points from its "These on the Revolutionary Movement in the Colonies and Semi-Colonies" (1928). Mao Zedong's (1926) class analysis of China is examined, noting that he found the bourgeoisie against or otherwise incapable of leading the bourgeois democratic revolution; it is claimed that Baran's characterization of classes has much in common with that of Mao. From the Bolshevik's & Mao's thinking emerged the idea of a bourgeois democratic revolution led by the proletariat, with the principal task being agrarian revolution; Baran's take on this is presented. D. Edelman
In: Studies in political development. no. 5
The incorporation of new techniques into traditional teaching, and most notably the use of digital tools brings changes. MOOCs have been be considered by some editors as the most recent powerful opportunity to improve learning. The Catholic University of Louvain (UCL) was the first Belgian university to deliver MOOCs, and one of the leaders in Western Europe. In early 2013, four UCL faculty members decided to experiment MOOC as a new way of teaching and mediating knowledge in political science. The MOOC delivered on the edX plateform is entitled "Discovering political science" and known by the acronym Louv3x. As an introduction to political science, it mainly rests upon the course that the professors use to teach in auditorium since a few years now. The puzzling issue is to know how a translation operates from a traditional lecture to an online open and massive course. More specifically, this paper aims to observe what are the MOOCs impacts on faculty members' course writing and development process. Furthermore and concretely, what are the challenges raised by MOOC development for faculty members?
BASE
The incorporation of new techniques into traditional teaching, and most notably the use of digital tools brings changes. MOOCs have been be considered by some editors as the most recent powerful opportunity to improve learning. The Catholic University of Louvain (UCL) was the first Belgian university to deliver MOOCs, and one of the leaders in Western Europe. In early 2013, four UCL faculty members decided to experiment MOOC as a new way of teaching and mediating knowledge in political science. The MOOC delivered on the edX plateform is entitled "Discovering political science" and known by the acronym Louv3x. As an introduction to political science, it mainly rests upon the course that the professors use to teach in auditorium since a few years now. The puzzling issue is to know how a translation operates from a traditional lecture to an online open and massive course. More specifically, this paper aims to observe what are the MOOCs impacts on faculty members' course writing and development process. Furthermore and concretely, what are the challenges raised by MOOC development for faculty members?
BASE
In: Scandinavian economic history review, Band 24, Heft 1, S. 66-69
ISSN: 1750-2837
In: Science in history
"This major new study highlights the role of population sciences in turning Japan into a modern sovereign nation. Based on a range of local and state archives in Japan and in the United States, Aya Homei unpacks assumptions about the links between population, sovereignty, and science"--
In: Political science quarterly: a nonpartisan journal devoted to the study and analysis of government, politics and international affairs ; PSQ, Band 16, Heft 2, S. 328-335
ISSN: 1538-165X
In: The annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Band 327, Heft 1, S. 50-58
ISSN: 1552-3349
Historically men have sought knowledge in a variety of ways both for its own sake and in order to increase their control over the environment. Science has increasingly made its impact on society through technical applications of scientific findings. Science has thus helped to alter social struc ture. At the same time increases in population, in social dif ferentiation, and heterogeneity have made necessary large-scale organization. The effect has been felt in the structure of science and the role and status of the scientist; for example, the individual scholar has been replaced to a considerable ex tent by the scientific organization man. Government encour agement of some areas of scientific research has expanded enormously in the United States, inevitably within a bureau cratic framework. In the process the scientist has come to be valued not for his scholarship but for his ability to provide solutions to specific problems and thus to increase national power. Bureaucracy has a price, but it is an organizational form which is understandably and functionally necessary and to which science must adapt.
In: The journal of military history, Band 72, Heft 4, S. 1033-1046
ISSN: 0899-3718
Ausgehend vom Slogan Wien ist anders werden Versuche der Identitäts- und Selbstbildung Österreichs thematisiert und durch die Geschichte hindurch von der römischen Provinz Pannonien über die Herrschaft der Babenberger und Habsburger bis in die Zweite Republik verfolgt. Dabei wird deutlich, dass jedes Selbst – sei es ein Individuum, eine Nation, eine Kultur etc. keine geschlossene Totalität, sondern eine Selbst-Differenz darstellt. Es zeigt sich, dass alle Versuche, Vielfalt und Fülle unter eine hegemoniale Ideologie (Gründungsmythos) stellen zu wollen, scheitern, weil letztlich wieder eine Differenz geschaffen wird. Das belegt der Mitteleuropa-Mythos – Österreich ist Mittler zwischen der lateinisch-germanischen und der slawischen Kultur – ebenso eindrucksvoll, wie aktuelle Versuche, Österreich als Avantgarde Mitteleuropas auszurufen oder den Multikulturalismus als aktuelle politische Leitidee zu etablieren. Alle Versuche, eine derartige exklusive Selbststruktur zu schaffen, generieren Figuren des Ausschlusses wie den Juden, den Migranten, den Moslem oder den anders denkenden Bürger. Sie verleugnen die Selbst-Differenz in der eigenen Selbstbildung und projizieren diese auf den bedrohlichen anderen. Anstatt partikulare Konzepte wie nationale Identität, kulturelle Essenz usw. zu universalisieren, empfiehlt es sich daher, die nie schließbare Differenz der eigenen Selbstbildung zu realisieren, um Integration, Toleranz, Partizipation, Solidarität und Demokratisierung einen neue Grundlage zu bieten. ; Based on the slogan Vienna is different Austria shall be identified in the sense of process perspectives of self-image creation and identity finding and therefore guided through – from the Roman province Pannonia, along the rule of the Babenberger and Habsburgs up to the present Second Republic. Thereby it becomes clear that every self – as an individual, a nation, a culture, etc. – presents no closed totality but a self-difference. It turns out that all attempts to place diversity under a homogeneous predominant ideology (founding myth) fail, because ultimately again a difference is produced. The Central Europe Myth (Austria as a mediator between the Latin-Germanic and Slavic culture) proves that as well as topical attempts to establish Austria as vanguard of central Europe (Centrope) or multiculturalism as today's political leading idea. All efforts to create such a self-structure produce outsider figures (shadows) such as the Jew, the migrant, the Muslim or also the dissenting citizen. They deny the self-difference in their own identity and project it on to the threatening or dissenting other. Instead of universalizing separatist concepts like national identity, cultural essence, etc., it is advisable to realise the never closing self-difference of one's own self-finding process, to offer new possibilities for integration, tolerance, participation, solidarity, and democratizing.
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In: PS: political science & politics, Band 47, Heft 1, S. 165-172
ISSN: 1537-5935
AbstractThe social sciences are undergoing a dramatic transformation from studying problems to solving them; from making do with a small number of sparse data sets to analyzing increasing quantities of diverse, highly informative data; from isolated scholars toiling away on their own to larger scale, collaborative, interdisciplinary, lab-style research teams; and from a purely academic pursuit focused inward to having a major impact on public policy, commerce and industry, other academic fields, and some of the major problems that affect individuals and societies. In the midst of all this productive chaos, we have been building the Institute for Quantitative Social Science at Harvard, a new type of center intended to help foster and respond to these broader developments. We offer here some suggestions from our experiences for the increasing number of other universities that have begun to build similar institutions and for how we might work together to advance social science more generally.
In: European journal of political theory: EJPT, Band 9, Heft 2, S. 218-226
ISSN: 1474-8851
In: PS: political science & politics, Band 41, Heft 4, S. 819-829
In an essay entitled "Variations on Negations and the Heresy of Black Feminist Creativity," Black feminist Michele Wallace explores the difficulties of producing and presenting a "black female cultural perspective, which for the most part is not allowed to become written in a society in which writing is the primary currency of knowledge" (Wallace 1990, 54). Although she anticipates that some might find a defense of Black female cultural and political criticism "elitist," she nevertheless remains, "convinced that the major battle for the 'other' of the 'other' [i.e., Black women] will be to achieve a voice, or voices, thus inevitably transforming the basic relations of dominant discourse. Only with these voices—written, published, televised, taped, filmed, staged, cross-indexed, and footnoted—will [Black women] approach control over [their] own lives" (66).