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In: Annual review of the sociology of religion volume 10
Interreligious Dialogue: From Religion to Geopolitics' discusses how interreligious dialogue takes place within, and is influenced by, important sociological categories and theories, such as modernity, secularization, deprivatization, social movements, and pluralism. Starting from the study of interreligious coexistence, sacred spaces, and multi-religious rituals, the book explores the patterns of interreligious governance and politics and forms of interreligious social action in European, North American, and West and South Asian contexts. The contributors to this volume apply broader theories of organizational change and planning, communication, urban neighborhood and community studies, functionalist perspectives, and symbolic interactionism, thus presenting a wide range of possibilities for sociological engagement with studies on interreligious dialogue
In: The Ukrainian quarterly: a journal of Ukrainian and international affairs, Band 25, S. 316-330
ISSN: 0041-6010
Since the publication of Susan Faludi's book in 1991, the terms "backlash" and "postfeminism" have come to be widely used in many feminist analyses to critique—and then usually dismiss—representations of both women and feminism throughout media and popular culture. This paper revisits both of these concepts, exploring some of the debates about the definition, meaning, and scope of feminism that both of these terms (often unwittingly) raise and then shut down. It argues that while seemingly useful ways to talk about popular representations, these concepts also replay many of the central (and often contentious) debates in feminist thinking, especially around what gets defined as 'feminism,' under what contexts, and for what purposes. Ultimately, it argues that these terms, as they are now most commonly used, deny the possibility of multiple meanings and layers of feminist theorizing and politics, refute the saturation of feminist ideas throughout the broader culture in ways and places in places not originally thought possible, and refuse the changes in feminism that are the locus of so much contemporary dispute. If women's studies and feminism is to successfully make the transition to other generations, other times, and indeed this other millennium, then the ubiquity of concepts such as these, and the exclusive thinking they ultimately point to, must be re-examined and challenged.
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In: American political science review, Band 101, Heft 3, S. 505-525
ISSN: 1537-5943
This essay takes on the broad question—what explains the political pursuits of religious actors?—by exploring two powerful influences on these pursuits. The first is differentiation, or the degree of autonomy between religious actors and states in their basic authority. The second is political theology, the set of ideas that religious actors hold about political authority and justice. Through global comparisons across religions, regions, and states, it seeks to establish the effect of both influences on two political pursuits in which religion's role is hotly debated today: support for democratization and political violence, including communal violence and terrorism. It concludes with lessons learned commonly from the analysis of both pursuits.
There is often more than meets the eye where politics, religion and money are concerned. This is certainly the case with the Faith-Based Initiative. Section 104, a small provision of the 1996 Welfare Reform bill called "Charitable Choice," was the beginning of what we now know as the Faith-Based Initiative. In its original form, the Initiative was intended to ensure that small religious groups were not discriminated against in the awarding of government funding to provide social services. While this was the beginning of the story for the initiative, it is not the end. Instead Charita
In: Sitzungsberichte der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historische Klasse 1976,2
In: Sparrow , R J 2014 , Ethics, eugenics and politics . in A Akabayashi (ed.) , The Future of Bioethics: International Dialogues . 1 edn , Oxford University Press , Oxford OX UK , pp. 139 - 153 . https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199682676.003.0016
This is the first book on bioethics to present a genuine engagement between scholars and practitioners from the East and West, and the first book in the discipline of bioethics for the globalised world of the future. The authors address emerging issues in bioethics, with the aim to set the agenda for the future and focus on new developments and their potential for change. Most studies in bioethics advocating East-West dialogue have either attempted crosscultural comparison, or proposed Eastern philosophical paradigms as a counter to Western ideas. The tacit premise of previous writing on East-West dialogue is therefore a strain of relativism. Simply maintaining a respectful distance from other cultures is no longer sufficient in this era of globalization. The time has come for active engagement with different cultural perspectives, and attentive listening, rather than just hearing them, is critical. The most prominent characteristic of this collection s development derives from how the book was developed. First, the contributors met to discuss and identify cutting edge issues in bioethics. Leading researchers offered primary topic articles (PTA), and then researchers from various countries wrote commentaries to which the PTA authors replied. Authors of the commentaries included leading researchers as well as promising, relatively young researchers. Thus, the book aims to establish not only a cross-cultural dialogue, but dialogue between researchers of different generations.
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La définition juridique de la religion dépend de conditions externes (les choix politiques de l'État) et internes (les conditions d'une argumentation juridique). La France n'a pas de définition légale de la religion. Le pouvoir de définition est reporté sur les autorités administratives sous le contrôle du juge. Le juge a fini par définir le culte mais il évite d'avoir à le faire pour la religion. Même en régime de séparation il est difficile d'y échapper.
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La définition juridique de la religion dépend de conditions externes (les choix politiques de l'État) et internes (les conditions d'une argumentation juridique). La France n'a pas de définition légale de la religion. Le pouvoir de définition est reporté sur les autorités administratives sous le contrôle du juge. Le juge a fini par définir le culte mais il évite d'avoir à le faire pour la religion. Même en régime de séparation il est difficile d'y échapper.
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In: Democracy and security, Band 14, Heft 3, S. 300-319
ISSN: 1555-5860
In: International social science journal: ISSJ, Band 37, Heft 4, S. 541-548
ISSN: 0020-8701
To investigate whether adolescents are politicized, questionnaires were given to 81 schoolchildren aged 13-18 in Paris & Nanterre, France. It appears that in spite of the efforts of parents & institutions, who do not wish to provide political education, the children do have political opinions, necessarily formed by watching TV & listening to the radio. It was found that the less the child knew about politics, the more he tended to express traditional ideas, while those who had a little more background were curious to know more & go farther. 2 Tables, 2 Photographs, 10 References. AA Tr & Modified by S. McAneny
In: Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics
"LGBTQ Politics in Media and Culture" published on by Oxford University Press.
In: Russian politics, Band 6, Heft 3, S. 301-329
ISSN: 2451-8921
Abstract
This article explores developments in center-region relations between the Russian federal government and the Republic of Tatarstan, a federal subject of the Russian Federation. I argue that instrumentalist accounts are unable to satisfactorily explain several key moments in Tatarstan's relations with the federal center, and that a focus on symbolic politics provides important analytical leverage. I examine three such episodes: aborted plans to introduce a Latin script for the Tatar language in 1999, the expiration of treaty-based relations and the assault on the region's Tatar-language education policy in 2017, and the institution of the presidency – which exists to this day. In all three cases, interest-based explanations alone fail to account for what actually happened, whereas ideational explanations can help explain and interpret regional leaders' actions. This has important implications for how we understand regional political dynamics in Russia amidst conditions of centralization.