Suchergebnisse

This article contends that the international is integral to populism. Thus, it calls for populism scholarship to embrace the interconnectivity between the domestic/internal and international/external. By borrowing from Global Historical Sociology, Global International Relations and Ernesto Laclau's notion of populist discourse, the article puts forward a new conceptual framework for the study of populism that bridges the gap between Comparative Politics and International Relations. It shows how populist discourse simultaneously constructs several aspects of the social world: the actor who is articulating it and its relationship with its own population, that actor's relationship with others in the international system, and global order. To illustrate its case, it examines populist discourses of Islamic Republic of Iran elites. Their discourses articulate the need to maintain the Islamic Republic's legitimacy and populist credentials inside and outside Iran, delegitimise Israel, and construct global order. These discourses are grounded in a historical trajectory: the 1979 Revolution.

A probability sample (N=6,594) of Kuwaiti school students aged 8–15 years responded to the Raven Standard Progressive Matrices (Raven, 1958). The test was administered, untimed, in group sessions. In this paper, the smoothed summary age norms for Kuwait (which will themselves
be of interest to many psychologists and others working in Kuwait and neighboring countries) are first compared with what have become the standard international reference data for such work, namely the 1979 British norms, and thereafter with data collected in a wide range of cultures. It emerges
that, at any point in time, the norms are remarkably stable across cultures, but have changed dramatically over time. These findings show that, while as yet unidentified features of the environment have a dramatic effect on scores, aspects of the environment that many would have expected to
have a significant effect (such as differences in calligraphy) are much less important than might have been thought.

This book explores the ill-defined and oft-underestimated relationship between the World Trade Organization (WTO) and taxation. By adopting a two-pronged approach, the relationship is examined in terms of the extent to which the WTO legal framework exerts influence upon domestic tax law and international tax policy, and whether it is appropriate for the WTO to play a regulatory role in the field of taxation. The book begins with an examination of the historical development of international trade law and international tax law, and demonstrates that these two separate areas of law are closely linked in terms of their underlying principles and historical evolution. The work then goes on to offer a doctrinal analysis of the tax content found in the WTO legal texts and highlights ambiguities therein

Heutzutage wurden die Wasserressourcen als ein wichtiges Element für die nachhaltige Entwicklung der Welt in verschiedenen akademischen Disziplinen diskutiert. Als Bestandteil der Wasserressourcen könnten die grenzüberschreitenden Wasserressourcen, die eng mit den internationalen Wasserläufen zusammenhängen, die internationalen Beziehungen, die Politik und auch die wirtschaftliche Entwicklung beeinflussen. Als wichtiges Instrument für die internationale Gemeinschaft bemerkt das Völkerrecht, insbesondere das internationale Wasserrecht, auch die Bedeutung dieses Phänomens. Die Autorin ist dar...

International audience ; Synthèse réalisée par Caroline Mothe, Professeur des Universités, IREGE, U. de Savoie L'importance du management international n'est aujourd'hui plus à démontrer tant l'activité internationale représente un aspect croissant de la vie des entreprises, mais aussi de tous les hommes. En effet, les pratiques du management international affectent les décisions d'investissement et de localisation des activités et, par voie de conséquence, la distribution des revenus au niveau mondial. Par ailleurs, les activités internationales entraînent le développement de nouveaux liens socioéconomiques entre les hommes, les entreprises et les territoires, liens qui sont souvent déséquilibrés à l'échelle internationale entre les nations. Les entreprises multinationales ne sont pas étrangères à la création de ces relations de pouvoir d'influence, de dépendance ou de subordination, rendant les décisions de leurs managers internationaux clés pour cet équilibre souvent précaire et source de conflits, notamment politiques. Le métier et le rôle du manager international, dans un tel contexte d'interdépendance des espaces à l'échelle planétaire, deviennent ainsi à la fois plus délicat, plus risqué, plus complexe, mais aussi plus stimulant. Cet ouvrage poursuit trois objectifs : 1. décrire et faire comprendre, le plus objectivement possible, la réalité des phénomènes internationaux, 2. susciter la réflexion critique du lecteur et 3. fournir au lecteur des concepts, schémas, outils et grilles de lecture pour faciliter la prise de décision. Il présente une analyse tant conceptuelle qu'opérationnelle des multiples sujets qui préoccupent les managers actifs dans le domaine international en tenant compte des évolutions profondes et rapides des échanges internationaux et d'une globalisation progressive. Véritable guide de management international, il intègre de nombreux schémas pertinents de réflexion et d'action, des repères et concepts utiles, de nombreux exemples d'entreprises et des cas illustratifs. Tous ces ...

The paper covers unlawful use of force in international law by states to explore the general concept and definition of aggression in the law of state responsibility and for criminal responsibility of individuals. The genesis of the concept of aggression in the XX century is analyzed. The paper describes problems that arose in defining the aggression that accompanied the efforts to ban any threat of force and the use of force by international law provisions, which was over with adopting the United Nations Charter in 1945. The responsibility of a State for the internationally wrongful act in question was accompanied by the criminal responsibility of individuals for the same international crime. The analysis of cases before the International Court of Justice in The Hague, and the analysis of the work of the United Nations Security Council, reveal their practice in terms of which of the above authorities has priority in finding State responsibility? Equally, we seek to identify the weaknesses concerning the definition of aggression adopted as an expression of political compromise in Annex to the 1974 UN General Assembly Resolution, and whether the 2010 Kampala definition contained in the amendments to the Rome Statute may be considered inadequate in trying of the International Criminal Court to fight impunity and to participate in the prevention of future crimes of aggression through its work and actions. Ultimately, is the aggression any threat or violation of international peace and security by the state? If aggression is a true-crime of a State, does that mean that only the state's highest officials will be criminally responsible for the crime in question?