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There has been substantial focus on China's influence in Africa in recent years. Some argue that China's growing economic ties with African states have increased its political influence across the continent. This article examines whether trade with China leads African states to adopt more similar foreign policy preferences to China in the United Nations. We examine foreign policy similarity using voting patterns in the United Nations General Assembly and country statements in the United Nations General Debate. The analysis demonstrates that more trade with China has paradoxical effects on foreign policy positions of African states—it leads them to align more closely with US foreign policy positions in the United Nations, except on human rights votes. Our findings suggest that African states are engaged in balancing behavior with external powers whereby African elites seek to play off rival powers against one another in order to strengthen their own autonomy and maximize trade.

This paper aims at dissecting, using a purely legalistic approach, the jurisprudence of the African Court on Human and Peoples Rights (the Court) as it manifests in its decided cases. The aim is to show how the Court has dealt with the state's consent and validity of its seizure as a prerequisite for its jurisdiction. This is important in showing how the Court has fulfilled or failed to fulfil the objective of providing justice to individuals against actions of the state as the primary objective of its establishment.
The review considered those cases that are available online on the Court's website , and those reported in the African Court Law Reports. The paper concludes that African states, as history has it, have been reluctant to submit to supranational monitoring and scrutiny of their human rights records and behaviour. This state of affairs is worsened by the unchecked freedom of states to make and withdraw declarations entitling individuals to access the Court. It is therefore recommended that the aspects in the Protocol that establishes the Court, especially those relating to the competency of the Court to receive individual complaints be reassessed so as they are couched in a manner and terms that facilitate the achievement of the primary objective for the establishment of the Court.

ECOWAS, als wirtschaftlicher Zusammenschluß gedacht, wird heute weitgehend von geopolitischen Überlegungen geformt mit Nigeria als zentralem Machtfaktor. Gründung der CEAO durch sechs frankophone Staaten als Gegengewicht zum nigerianischen Einfluß in Westafrika. Inhaltliche Entwicklung der beiden Zusammenschlüsse und Beziehungen der beiden Organisationen zueinander

The African Union and African states' have committed to upholding gender equality and women's rights. A pivotal mechanism for advancing this commitment and human rights in general is the African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights, with its broad substantive jurisdiction. This article considers the legal basis for gender parity and the extent to which gender representation and women's rights has been advanced through or by the Court. It establishes that though the Court's jurisprudence on women's right is quite scant, the Court has illustrated its potential and willingness to protect women's rights through its advisory and contentious jurisdiction. Significant strides have also been made in attaining gender equality on the Court's bench, but with more to be done in terms of substantive representation in the Court's leadership positions.

This collection of essays encourages a critical evaluation of the concept of "Florida" as a cultural and geographical entity and the influences and effects of the numerous African and Africa American-influenced cultures

Address before the Conference of African heads of state, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, May 22, 1963.

ONE THEORY FOR EXPLAINING THE RATIONALE BEHIND ISRAELI-SOUTH AFRICAN RELATIONS IS THE EQUATION OF THE IDEOLOGIES THAT SERVE AS THE BASES FOR THE ISRAELI AND SOUTH AFRICAN STATES AND THE SIMILARITY OF THEIR STATE STRUCTURES. BUT REGARDLESS OF ECONOMIC, MILITARY, AND IDEOLOGICAL FACTORS AND THE INFLUENCE THEY EXERT ON THE ISRAELI-SOUTH AFRICAN RELATIONSHIP, THOSE TIES WOULD OPERATE ON A DIFFERENT LEVEL WITHOUT THE PRESENCE OF THE JEWISH COMMUNITY IN SOUTH AFRICA.

In the past two years there has been an upsurge in interest in African studies in the State, particularly through the activities of the faculties of the Universities of Colorado and Denver, and Colorado State University. Beginning in the 1967–68 academic year, the University of Colorado offered a Bachelor of Arts degree in African and Middle Eastern Studies, and is expanding its graduate courses with a multi-disciplinary approach. In the spring of 1969 the Center on International Race Relations at the Graduate School of International Studies of the University of Denver began operation with primary emphasis on Africa and Asia. Of equal importance, however, is the high level of co-operation in African studies among the institutions of higher learning throughout the State. This effort involves the maximisation of Africanist talent via the exchange of staff and students, and regional meetings and conferences.

Recent development cooperation with Guinea-Bissau, focussing on good governance, state-building and conflict prevention, did not contribute to democratization nor to the stabilization of volatile political, military and economic structures. Both the portrayal of Guinea-Bissau as failed 'narco state' as well as Western aid meant to stabilize this state by multi-party elections are based on doubtful concepts and assumptions. Certainly, the impact of drug trafficking could endanger democratization and state-building if continued unchecked. However, the most pressing need is not state-building, facilitated by external aid, yet poorly rooted in the social and political fabric of the country, but nation-building from below as a pre-condition for the creation of viable state institutions.

Preface -- About the contributors -- Abbreviations -- List of figures -- List of tables -- Chapter 1. Introduction: drastic rural changes in the age of land reform -- Chapter 2. Land administration, chiefs, and governance in Ghana -- Chapter 3. 'We owned this land before the state was established': The state, traditional authorities, and land policy in Africa -- Chapter 4. Renewed patronage and strengthened authority of chiefs under the scarcity of customary land in Zambia -- Chapter 5. Land tenure reform in three former settler colonies in Southern Africa -- Chapter 6. Politics of land resource management in Mozambique -- Chapter 7. Land law reform and complex state-building process in Rwanda -- Chapter 8. Post-Cold War Ethiopian land policy and state power in land commercialisation -- Chapter 9. Traversing state, agribusinesses, and farmers' land discourse in Kenyan commercial intensive agriculture.