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Taiwanese President Tsai adopted a least provocative China policy. Negatively impacted social groups in Taiwan organised large scale protests against Tsai administration's reforms. The main opposition party Kuomintang has been beset by an unpopular pro-China leader, open internal conflicts, lack of financial sources and low popularity. The Chinese government has frozen all official connections with Taiwan at the central level and blocked Taiwan's participation in some international conferences. The Tsai-Trump phone conversation signals unstable Taiwan-China-US triangle relations in 2017.

Ovarian cancer is known to have a poor prognosis, being the 7th most common cancer type in women with regard to incidence and mortality worldwide. The present study underlines the importance of early diagnosis and prevention management of ovarian cancer. This study is a hospital-based case-control study that was conducted at the same time in two similar hospitals from different countries, Romania and Germany, over three years. The results showed that significant differences were identified for the two groups with regards to the age factor (P<0.001). A risk analysis was performed to determine whether the patients from Romania were exposed to a risk factor. The risk of developing deadly diseases was deemed much higher owing to insufficient protocols or informative programs in Romania. The medical information, early diagnosis and standardized therapy with optimum treatment based on health policy and health care systems, play a key role concerning the management and prognosis of ovarian cancer which are different from country to country.

Frontmatter -- CONTENTS -- About the Series -- Acknowledgments -- Abbreviations -- Introduction -- 1. Dissident Guests -- 2. Third Worldism and Collaboration -- 3. The Rupture of Vietnam -- 4. The Missing Bodies of June 2 -- 5. Corpse Polemics -- 6. The Cultural Revolution in West Germany -- Conclusion -- Notes -- Works Cited -- Index

Canada and Germany are both pursuing major energy transitions and far-reaching climate programs but differ in terms of policies towards some energy sources and their preferred policy instruments. Both countries have committed to large scale emission reductions despite the challenge of regional divestment from fossil fuels: hard coal in North Rhine Westphalia and the Saarland; lignite in the Rhineland, on the German-Polish border in the Lusatsia (Lausitz) region, and in central Germany; coal in Alberta, Saskatchewan and Nova Scotia; and oil in Western Canada. We contrast the current Pan Canadian framework (PCF) on Clean Growth and Climate Change to the German Climate Law and the European Green Deal setting targets to become climate neutral by 2050. Germany has plans for a dual phase out of nuclear energy by 2022 and coal by 2038. In contrast, Canada differs by province in terms of policies on fossil fuels and nuclear energy. Both are leaders in renewable energies, but differ in the type of renewable energy which dominates. We further examine the international action components of the PCF and its implications for collaboration with Germany and the EU. We discuss potential partnerships and strategic alliances between Canada and Germany in the context of their mutual interest to enable an energy transition and to lead to the implementation of the Paris agreement for climate change action. We identify political challenges within each federation, and especially the approach to impacted coal regions in Germany and Poland as well as the Canadian oil sands. Barriers to progress for meeting identified targets and timelines are considered. We conclude with insights on the possibility and likelihood of linking policies and regulatory measures across the Atlantic, and the political threats of advancing towards decarbonization and an energy transition away from fossil fuels in each jurisdiction.

In the post-Bretton Woods era, the advent of ever-expanding capital markets beyond national borders led to a series of financial reforms in many industrial economies. In comparing reform cases across different time periods in the United States, Japan, and Germany, Sara Konoe stresses the role of dynamic interactions between institutions and political contexts in determining reform paths. In non-crisis periods, regulatory fragmentation is utilized by financial sectors to pursue their demands for liberalization, though those in self-regulating or monopolized markets resist the agenda of liberalization. A time of crisis empowers reformers to restructure the financial regulatory structure and markets and enables the tightening of regulation. By drawing out key implications for global politics, Konoe sheds light on what types of reform dynamics come into play in the formation of global financial governance while considering the impact of regional-level institutionalization in the EU and EMU.