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Karsten Lehmann's contribution to the interdependence between religion & politics for an interdisciplinary discourse addresses important issues from the perspective of religious studies. When looking deeper into the political science debate, one can, however, observe that in the constructivist writings -- only briefly mentioned by Lehmann -- a far more differentiated understanding of religion exists than the one Lehmann postulates for International Relations in general. Therefore, by focusing on these contributions, the first two sections of my response are trying to put the interdisciplinary debate within IR on a more solid foundation. On this basis, & by drawing on Eirgen Habermas, the third section points towards an alternative approach for interdisciplinary discourse. Motivated by analytical & normative interests alike, the remaining sections of my reply attempt to correct secularist shortcomings in the Habermasian sense into the direction of post-secular International Relations. Adapted from the source document.

Contends that postmodernism favors the expansion of popular religion as an ideology of mobilization & opposition in certain Third World settings. Theories on the relationship between religion & politics are discussed as background, & theses that the late 20th century has been characterized either by a resurgence of religion or by secularization are weighed against each other. It is argued that, although religion may have declined in importance in the industrialized world, various postmodern conditions (eg, socioeconomic displacement, globalization of communication, relativization of meaning) favor the replacement of secular oppositional ideologies (eg, socialism, liberal democracy) with politicized religion in many poor & developing countries. Its forms vary, but can generally be classified as either antimodern fundamentalism (eg, Christian, Islamic, Jewish, Hindu, & Buddhist) or cultural/ethnic religiosity, found in difference variants in East Timor (Indonesia), Sudan, the former Yugoslavia, & Tibet. 1 Figure. E. Blackwell

A global analysis of the resurgence of religion as a sociopolitical force in the crisis of modernism. Eastern & Western societies are compared in terms of their sociocultural responses to the historical movement from premodern, to modern, to postmodern social structure. In this process, organized religion has languished as a moral force in public affairs & policy, creating the current dilemma: technological problems cannot be resolved solely by more technology, but require political & moral solutions. Recent years, however, have seen a worldwide revival of the relevance of religion in political decision making. Liberation theology in Latin America is studied as an example. It is concluded that as science & technology lose their credibility as solvers of human problems, there will be a political renewal based in religious concerns. M. Crowdes

The theme of nihilism offers fertile avenues for exploring the antinomies of classical liberalism. In its instantiation as violence, nihilism challenges classical liberalism and its recognised political settlement, notably received arrangements harnessed to cultivate uncontrolled passions or religious fervour. In its affinity to Islam, nihilism defies the secular settlement through its appeals to transcendence. By seeking legitimacy in the sacred, nihilism disrupts established boundaries between the religious and the secular. Nihilism exposes the difficulty of forging worlds of transcendence on the modern register of immanence. Transcendence affords the possibility of escape, immanence closure. The two can be reversed in politics, as the experience in several Islamic Cultural Zones (ICZs) suggests. Appeals to transcendence seek to reorganise the social world in the name of escaping it. Immanence, on the other hand, can rework notions of redemption and salvation into secular stories of progress. This paper explores how the presumed nihilistic tendency appearing in the ICZs destabilises the liberal settlement, not in the conventional sense of presenting a religious counterpoint, but in reworking religious themes into secularity. Nihilism illustrates both the contradictory character of modernity and modernity's potential to generate varied societal projects, including those informed by the sacred. The recognition that modernity can spawn discordant impulses in reconciling religion and politics helps rethink post-secular lives under the long shadow of disenchantment. Adapted from the source document.

An examination of the secularist vs pro-Islamist conflict in Turkey highlights popular bases of support for secular principles reflected in public policies & recent debates over the civil code vs shariah rule (seriat in Turkish). An analysis of the nature of popular support for both an Islamist state & the Turkish civil code (the pillar of secularism in Turkey) is based on information obtained from interviews conducted in Feb 1999 with a random sample of 3,053 Turkish citizens over age 18 living in 16 provinces. Although a significant portion of the respondents did not totally reject seriat, only a small marginal group supported its implications. However, approval of post-1997 policies instituted when tension between secularist republic forces & the pro-Islamist Welfare Party were at their height was much lower than the overall support for long-standing secularist principles contained in the civil code. It is noted that women are significantly more supportive of the civil code than men. The implications for religion & politics in Turkey are discussed. 9 Tables, 1 Figure, 1 Appendix. J. Lindroth

The author emphasizes the self-determination of local actors who must struggle on their own terms, and the internal dynamics of how rebellions may evolve into transformative revolutions over time. Regarding the outcomes of 2011 rebellions across the Arab world the author proposes engaging Islamists in open political contestation, within the same constitutional and democratic framework that apply to all citizens. The article focuses on the mediation of tensions in this relationship between Sharia (the normative system of Islam) and the post-colonial state through the separation of Islam and the state, while affirming and regulating the connectedness of Islam and politics. Adapted from the source document.

Although research typically has failed to establish a relationship between religious affiliation and correctional attitudes, recent assessments have revealed that fundamentalist Christians tend to be more punitive than are nonfundamentalists. These studies have advanced our understanding considerably, but their conceptualization of religion and correctional attitudes has been limited. Using a statewide survey, the present study demonstrates that compassionate as well as fundamentalist aspects of religious beliefs are related to public correctional preferences. Further, our results reveal that religion influences support for rehabilitation as well as punitiveness. These findings suggest the need for scholars to think more broadly about the role of religion in criminology.