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Part two of an interview with Julia Casey. Topics include: Food that was purchased and prepared when Julia was growing up. Formalities between the Italians in her neighborhood. How the children would play. The Roxbury neighborhood house that started a girls club and the types of activities they participated in. The nurses and doctors who would visit the neighborhood. Home remedies for sickness. How Julia and her husband met. How their marriage was received by their families. What it means to be Italian. Julia did not grow up in a religious community. What it was like to move to Fitchburg from Boston. The different expectations of boys and girls in Julia's family. Julia's children and their jobs. How speaking proper Italian has benefited Julia. ; 1 JULIA: In, in these little -- I mean, they still have the same candleholders. I've got them on my dining room table, but, but they didn't have -- I don't remember the candles. I remember these little wicks. I'm gonna ask my friend about that. And they would float on top, and you would think it would be kind of dangerous, wouldn't you? But I still remember these little candles they would keep bringing. Now, that was one of the customs, but they have special foods on the 19th of March. It was I think the Feast of St. Joseph, if I'm not mistaken. INTERVIEWER: Yeah, it is. Mm-hmm. JULIA: And the lady across the street would make that little Italian pasta they called orzo, and I think it was a type of barley. They would make the actual grain itself and the orzo pasta, O-R-Z-O—you can buy it in any market today—it was shaped like that. But they would make a dish from, I think, I think it might've been barley, and they made that on the Feast of St. Joseph. That was the custom where they came from. INTERVIEWER: Did they also make -- I don't remember what it's called -- but fried dough, little pizzas? JULIA: No, that was not, not common. I didn't know any -- no, and we didn't eat pizza, not like they do today. I know that my father, there was a barroom about a mile away from us, an Italian barroom in another Italian section, and that then made pizzas. And very, very seldom did I ever know of anyone who made pizza. You know, one of the ways that they did was they used to dip bread in tomato sauce, which is all pizza is, but I never actually knew families who made pizza. That didn't come into fashion until long after the war. INTERVIEWER: So living with all of these different people, no one really made pizzas? JULIA: No, no one made pizza that I knew of, you know.2 INTERVIEWER: Mm-hmm. JULIA: And nobody made lasagna. And raviolis, very seldom did anybody make raviolis. Why, I remember that in the [Piedmontese] family they would make these very fine Italian sausages with white wine, you know. Some of them made bread, but it was a problem because the bread man from the Italian, the big Italian bakeries in Boston, would come through the street. We -- they went out shopping but they went out mostly to buy different kinds of meat and specialties. But we had food then, clocks with fresh food, fish. The chicken man came, vegetable man came through the streets, and the women would just buy what they needed right on the street. On Saturdays they'd go shop; everybody went out with bags. They'd go into downtown Boston and buy special things that they, you know, couldn't get, but for the most part they went shopping once a week. They would go to their special stores to buy, you know, different kinds of spaghetti and pasta. They used to buy them in big boxes, some of the families, 10, 20-pound boxes of fine -- long, long spaghetti. And they didn't have the varieties that they have now, you know, but I mean, if they wanted salamis they'd have to go to the Italian delicatessens where they sold the different kinds of salami and everybody ate different kinds, you know. My father would go in and bring home these packages. The markets -- we went to the -- in the north, and with Petrini and Baldini, and they would slice the salami paper-thin and they'd weigh it out on gorgeous pieces of wax paper in beautiful, even rolls, every kind all rolled up. You know, he'd bring them home and we'd go crazy. Italian bread and salami, those are our idea of living, prosciutto, you know, salame crudo, salame cotto, [unintelligible - 00:05:11]. And they used to make -- my mother made lintels with a special, big liver sausage and other kinds of, 3 you know, pork sausage, and that was a dish that they had once in a while. So the food was very -- it was, whatever house you went into there was a different tradition. Every region had different… INTERVIEWER: Was there a lot of sharing? JULIA: No. I wouldn't say that, no. There was -- they maintained, really, a great deal of respect and formality. You know my mother lived with these families, 13, 18, 20 years, she would never think of going downstairs without, you know, knocking on the door and saying permesso when someone answered. You always said permesso before you entered. INTERVIEWER: Mm-hmm. JULIA: She -- and they referred to each other as signora. They didn't call each other by their first names for many, many, many years, you know. INTERVIEWER: Even with the… JULIA: Unless they were said, unless you were told, you know, "Call me Angelina," "Call me Celestina." They knew the first names, but they really observed quite a formality. INTERVIEWER: Is that among people even in the same region, from…? JULIA: No, if they were from the same region, you know, then they would call each other that, that way. But from another area, until they got to really know each other, quite a while, you know. They -- some of the southern Italians worked in stitching shops. We had a family who had a pants -- he was in manufactured pants, and various of his women relatives and men relatives were in downtown Boston, you know. Most of them did well; they were frugal people. Their children bought automobiles, very few of the originals, you know, immigrants, bought any. So we had a kind of a clear street for playing. That's why we were able to play jump rope and hoist the 4 green sail and red rover and hide and seek. We played all these games on the street. The girls who were a little bit older than we were, they'd come out of the laundries, and if we'd be playing double-dutch jump rope, they'd come and swing -- we're talking long clotheslines -- swinging long clotheslines in the street, double-dutch, you know. Now, I think only the black girls do it, very complicated. INTERVIEWER: Yeah, the cities. I think it's popular in the cities still. JULIA: Yeah. Well, now you have too many cars. You don't have any clear spaces to play things like that. The boys made -- what do they call them, I don't know, scooters out of roller skates of two by fours on orange crates [laughter] and go whizzing along the street with these homemade things, you know. INTERVIEWER: Did the girls ever do that? Do they ever borrow these scooters? JULIA: No, we were, we were not tomboys. As I said, our mothers kept an eye on us, and they would play stickball, the boys. We would play catch, among the girls. But -- and we belonged to a settlement house, a bunch of us did, and they took us to camp… INTERVIEWER: Was there any…? JULIA: In fact, I still have a picture of a group of us. INTERVIEWER: The settlement house, was there any…? JULIA: The Roxbury neighborhood house on Albany Street, which was there for, maybe, 50, 75 years. Its special work was to help the immigrants integrate into American ways of society, and they provided clubs. Somebody came to our street and started up a library, a girls' club, and as a result of that group -- and it was one of the Boston's Brahm-, a woman from the Boston Brahmin family who, you know, belonged to -- this was their way of doing social work, women that were brought up very well-educated in the Back Bay or Beacon Hill area of Boston, belonged to these old families 5 whose, many of whose ancestors had made their money on merchant ships, you know. And that was one of the works that they did. And they take to our street, and the street next to ours, and they started a girls' club. They would bring books, and we learned to do a little crafts, knitting, and then eventually, we joined the neighborhood house and they had a camp in Bennington, New Hampshire, to which we went, and they would take us to wealthy homes for once a year, say, for picnics out in the country. And then at the neighborhood house, we put on plays. I remember one time we went to Simmons College, and a group of us put on a play, Little Lord Fauntleroy. One of us had a green velvet costume, put it on for the students, and then we danced, and we talked about different things. And as I said, we did some crafts and they encouraged whatever they saw, for instance, they -- I liked classical music. I don't know why because, you know, I mean, in that generation very few people had pianos—but they did have phonographs, you know. We didn't. But somehow I was attracted to classical music and I was able to get tickets to the youth concerts at Symphony Hall through the neighborhood house. And it was wonderful, you know. In fact, the girls that grew up after us did the same thing. They belonged to the neighborhood house and had their own little group. INTERVIEWER: Now, is this a place that really catered to the Italians? JULIA: No, it catered to -- Roxbury was sort of in the area, there were a lot of Italians there, but it didn't cater to them especially. There were people, you know, from other groups and this -- the odd part was that our neighborhood was not connected to any other neighborhood. It was isolated; that's what made it so close. Many of the young people that grew up there married each other. That's one of the reasons that the families maintained contacts, you know. 6 A number of people that I knew married other people from the neighborhood, and so from one, you would hear the news of what's going on with others even though they lived in faraway suburbs through those family connections. INTERVIEWER: Mm-hmm. JULIA: But we didn't interact with other Italian neighborhoods at all. We had this industrial area that we had a big playground that the kids on my street didn't use very well, and it was right next to our elementary school. But our families would never let us go to these industrial areas in the afternoon or night; that's why we were confined to our streets. INTERVIEWER: And that's where you'd play. JULIA: Right. INTERVIEWER: So when you were part of the Roxbury neighborhood house, was that your first exposure, really, to other ethnic groups? JULIA: But we stayed together; the girls from my street stayed together in their own group, and we did not interact unless we were -- and we put on our own little plays. Oh, we put on a supper one night for the staff of the neighborhood house, the head of it. Dear God, what was her name? Her brother was a very, a world-famous Shakespearean actor. I can still see him now—tall and thin, with great refinement. These women were all college graduates. Some of them had gone to the Simmons School of Social Work. At that time that was a very important area of study. You know, at the house in Chicago, these women became -- well, it was called social workers but not the same way as they do in the Welfare Department. This was real social work. And the house was an offshoot of the settlement house movement that started with our house in Chicago. They had them all over the east, eastern part of the country, you know, so they'd seen all 7 different kinds of ethnic groups. But they were very refined women. They taught piano, they taught music, and they had a library. They got college girls to come in and help tutor students who wanted to be tutored. They provided many services. They went out into the neighborhoods. And they, along with our elementary school nurse, provided wonderful medical services for those neighborhoods. My sister, who was born two years after I was—I said she was my brother's twin—was very seriously brain-damaged, and the result of that was that, you know, my mother's life was pretty terrible for the -- until she died, she was a serious epileptic, at ten. INTERVIEWER: She was epileptic until she was ten? Is that it? JULIA: She died when she was eleven. INTERVIEWER: Old enough. JULIA: At the age of ten, when she was about ten or eleven, my mother found herself pregnant with my youngest sister. And the visiting nurses used to come to the street, whom I think, it might've been through the Metropolitan Insurance Company. They would come in their blue uniforms, and they would visit all these Italian women who had any need for any kind of medical service. If one of them was pregnant, she came and spoke to you and advised you how to take care of yourself. She did the prenatal work. You didn't go to the hospital or a doctor if she advised you, but she did notify the hospital of when the birth was expected. INTERVIEWER: Mm-hmm. JULIA: But she gave you, you know, information on good health and hygiene and what you needed to eat. Because the Italian women, they were naturals at this, except my mother, who had grown up in a family that was extremely reserved and she knew absolutely nothing when she came. You know, they didn't -- you grew up in Italian families in rural areas, then you, knew because they taught. 8 And, in fact, my mother even had a midwife, one of them had midwives who were… they were trained in folk medicine, you know. They weren't like the [unintelligible - 00:18:09]. That was why some of the births were pretty bad. INTERVIEWER: Oh. JULIA: But anyway, they would help each other by, you know, in that way, but they -- the visiting nurses and the school nurse. The school nurse, if she detected a problem with any student in the school, either from information by the teachers or -- we also had physical examinations, and doctors would come in once a year, and physically examine every child. She detected vision problems. If they detected anything, like they would catch phases of diabetes, they would catch all kinds of problems. The visiting nurse would immediately visit that child's family, and she would make the arrangements to have the child sent for examinations at Boston City Mass General, wherever there was specialists for whatever they saw, you went. Once a year you brought five cents, a bus would pull up to the school in relays, and everybody went to the dentist in Forsyth Clinic. For five cents, they did pulling and filling, and this is where the dentists were trained, so the student dentists would take care of you. INTERVIEWER: Do you feel that the settlement house then had changed your life in any way? JULIA: Oh, definitely. You know what? It performed wonderful services. In the first place it taught us, it taught -- besides the playing that we did on the street, it brought us into a little bit more of the American way, you know. It brought a little more cohesion, and we learned to do things that we couldn't have learned on our own. Although, on our street they used to put on, like, shows, so we'd dance in -- strictly amateur, and one of the mothers made crepe 9 paper costumes. She could run them up so rapidly, I could still remember this purple crepe dress that was [laughter] with ruffles and a [unintelligible - 00:20:43] here, a ruffles on the skirt, and I still keep in touch with her daughter. INTERVIEWER: Wow. JULIA: They were clever. This lady would go into the stores and see something in the window, a dress. And she'd fix it in her mind and come home and cut out a pattern out of newspapers from what she remembered, and she would produce dresses for her daughters. INTERVIEWER: So it exposed you more to an American way of life? JULIA: Yeah, it did. And you know, besides our old school teachers, they spoke beautiful English. INTERVIEWER: Were you going to school with mostly Italians? JULIA: Yeah. INTERVIEWER: Only Italians, or…? JULIA: Well, I would say a lot. The Irish had more or less moved away from that section of Roxbury, even though our parish church was St. Patrick, and the Irish had moved well up beyond Dudley Street because they were by that time much more affluent. INTERVIEWER: Mm-hmm. But it sounds like the neighborhood that you grew up in was so harmonious. JULIA: Yeah. INTERVIEWER: Did you ever feel any sense of conflict when you went to school or outside the confines of the neighborhood? JULIA: We did. We felt that, so there must've been a lot of what we used to refer to as American kids, who are probably mostly Irish descent. But we didn't have very -- we had hardly anything to do with them at all. There was one Irish family, the Kellys, and they went to parochial school, but actually they married into the Italian community. And that was the only Irish family I knew. INTERVIEWER: Mm-hmm.10 JULIA: My father had a few Irish tenants who we didn't think too much of. Going to the Depression they would never pay their rents, you know, but then… INTERVIEWER: In that six-family house that your father owned, were there other relatives living in the house? JULIA: No. INTERVIEWER: No? JULIA: No. There were, you know, strange people who came. And during the Depression men sold wine, you know. In fact, even during Prohibition some of them did. We would find taxis coming into the street, and I don't know how people got, you know, the names of people who would sell the wine but if you had no money, or very little money, you made money any way you could, you know. INTERVIEWER: Mm-hmm. JULIA: So. INTERVIEWER: So what about the other families from different regions? Would you call them by regions? JULIA: They were very -- they were, yeah. INTERVIEWER: I heard… JULIA: Calabrese, Baresi, Sicilian, yeah. INTERVIEWER: But when you referred to them I heard you just mentioned a little while ago that… JULIA: Yeah, Piedmontese. We had about four or five Piedmontese family. And of course, their dialect was even different. And that's next to Lombardi, but see, their dialect takes from the [unintelligible - 00:23:56]. INTERVIEWER: Oh, I see. JULIA: Right. INTERVIEWER: And where does yours? JULIA: More, you know, we -- down to the east of Lombardi is the Venetian province, and then you go up into the Tyrol, which today 11 is bordered by Austria. So the northern Italians, they don't put final vowels on their words. They chop it off, you know. INTERVIEWER: Yeah. So I was -- I've been noticing your pretty green eyes. Where did you get those? JULIA: All Italians have their, you know, you'll -- there's a brown-eyed type, but you can find green-eyed Italians in Sicily. INTERVIEWER: Really? JULIA: Oh, yes. Hazel, you know. INTERVIEWER: Mm-hmm. JULIA: Grey from my mother and father. They didn't have brown eyes. Nobody in my family had brown eyes. INTERVIEWER: Hmm. Wandering in your neighborhood, was there a woman that people would go to for advice, or…? JULIA: On the next street there was a lady who apparently had been, you know -- there were many ways to educate people, have always have been. And some people were very wise. She was in America a lot longer than the other women. She had a big family with grown, with grown-up sons, so she was -- and she came from a family where she was told a great many things and learned many things. So yes, there were some women who knew about things, but since they all came from different regions they all knew their own customs, and they had different ways of treating, you know, headaches, or -- I remember my grandmother used to slice potatoes and put them inside wrapped, fold them into a cloth, and when somebody had a headache, my aunt did that, too. They would put these sacks of potatoes in this cloth; they would just tie the cloth and bath with them. I don't know why. They used to string garlic if they thought a child had worms, and a child would wear this string of garlic around his neck. And if you had a boil, my mother would cook linseed flower. They'd buy them in the drugstore, only in the Italian drugstore, and you would 12 make poultice—that was very common. Some people used bread and water, and you would have this thing on whatever bump you had that you wanted to [unintelligible - 00:26:47]. They were really strep infections, but they didn't know strep infections, you know. There were boils, and if you have a little infection in your finger or thumb, you'd wrap it up in bread and water with a bandage or poultice of some kind. Even the American doctors would recommend them. They'd tell you, you got -- check moisture and heat would cause these things to mature. INTERVIEWER: Did you notice that different regions…? JULIA: They would bring chamomile -- yes, Mrs. Mucci downstairs kept herbs, dried herbs, chamomile and what they referred to in America as mallow [unintelligible - 00:27:41] and I -- if that [unintelligible - 00:27:44] grew here, I had a plant one time. And they would buy these dried herbs at the Italian drugstores, and they would make teas out of them. You would drink them. If you had indigestion, the northern Italians would buy it in liquor stores. It was called Fernet, F-e-r-n-e-t. It's actually an [unintelligible - 00:28:10] in medicine containing a great deal of -- bitter, bitter! But many times you'd go visiting in, after you wake, sometimes before, you would get a tiny glass of Fernet. Branca – that was the trademark. It came in a green bottle. And it was co-, it was a digestive. It was -- because it was so bitter, it was considered to be good for your stomach. INTERVIEWER: So no matter what your age, you would get that? JULIA: Then we -- everybody had Belowski. INTERVIEWER: What's that? JULIA: May I give you either some hot tea or coffee? You must be exhausted. INTERVIEWER: No, I'm fine. I'm fine. It's not much longer. Thank you. JULIA: And get you as hot as broth, or as a broth.13 INTERVIEWER: No, I'm fine. Do you need something? JULIA: I get like this once in a while. But yes, I don't wanna move this thing. INTERVIEWER: I can take it off if you'd like. JULIA: I find the only thing is -- part of the [unintelligible - 00:29:15]. Five months ago he's a co-host by the senior -- high-styled program on FA-TV, so we call him the Mike Wallace… INTERVIEWER: And you've been married [unintelligible - 00:29:32] years? JULIA: [Unintelligible - 00:29:32], Linda. Linda! [Unintelligible - 00:29:35] HUSBAND: Oh, pardon my cold hand. JULIA: That's my husband, Phil. INTERVIEWER: Nice to meet you. HUSBAND: My pleasure. JULIA: In his museum of … in New… museum about neckties that I paid a fortune for. HUSBAND: Well, I sure got TV exposure today. JULIA: Yeah. He get to… who did you interview today? HUSBAND: I interviewed a very interesting 91-year old woodcarver. JULIA: Oh, my heavens. HUSBAND: Louis [Charpentier]. And then that was followed up by a group of Irish step dancers. And I didn't do anything on that, so they just dragged me from dancing, so all I could do was say, hello and goodbye. INTERVIEWER: Oh. HUSBAND: It was frustrating. JULIA: You know, Edcel Johnson wants you to let him know when that program is on now. HUSBAND: Oh, I'd bet they… JULIA: Teddy, too.14 HUSBAND: I bet -- all right. I bet they did that thing so I -- in my notebook there. INTERVIEWER: Was it a cable TV show? JULIA: Yes. It's at ATV. You know, the informational video… HUSBAND: It started innocently enough. I'm on the board for an organization called The Resources for the Elderly, and their primary function is to sponsor the Meals, Meals on Wheels and the Elderly Nutrition Program. Like they some -- it goes back about three, four years ago. It's been quite a while. They started this program—these are all volunteers and all seniors—it's called Senior Lifestyles. And as a TV show material that is supposedly of interest to the seniors, and it, it's partly information and partly entertainment. And so, as I say, I'm on the board for the Resources, and we were having a board meeting, and it just so happened that the woman who was then serving as host for the program for some time decided that that was enough for her, so they're looking for somebody to fill in as a host for the TV show. And one of the board members [woke] up and said, "Mr. Casey would be a good replacement." And somebody else said, "Yes, indeed. He would be great." JULIA: Oh, he loves women. HUSBAND: And I couldn't think of any reason why I couldn't or wouldn't do it, so before I knew it I had been drafted and I was serving as host to it. Then that's what I do. It's on once a month, and they have two half-hour segments. Usually last -- monthly only has one half-hour, but today we have two half-hour segments, and the first one was this Louis Charpentier. And my god, he was -- you know that guy we saw in the coffee shop? JULIA: I thought he was gonna be easy… HUSBAND: No, no, no. This is… JULIA: … interviewing famous carpenter. Oh, Louis Charpentier.15 HUSBAND: … this Louis, he is -- he claims to be 91 years old. JULIA: Oh, my heavens. INTERVIEWER: He looks wonderful. He does. JULIA: Did you see any of his work? INTERVIEWER: No. HUSBAND: I used to… JULIA: I think they have it at the library? HUSBAND: He used to be head of the plastics industry. And the plastics industry was an organization, apparently, that did work for all of the plastic shops in and around… JULIA: When you came with your ham sandwich a little mustardy. INTERVIEWER: I thought… JULIA: I thought you'd have sandwich. You've got to listen to me talk for four hours and have nothing. HUSBAND: Yeah. I'll have a ham sandwich. INTERVIEWER: Well, you have to get those though, because you said you had to wait… HUSBAND: Oh, that's all right. JULIA: I'm gonna call the lady and tell them you're gonna be a little late. HUSBAND: But anywho, this Louis is something else, and he was -- he started his woodcarving when he was only about two years old, apparently, while he had a carving that sold his home up to the farm up in -- well, back and around or back there, and there was the oxen that was plowing, there was his father, there was the house he lived in and his school, the whole bit. INTERVIEWER: So do you interview these people? HUSBAND: I interview them. I try to make intelligent conversation with them. JULIA: I have made intelligent conversations with them. HUSBAND: The thing that makes this fascinating is that I usually don't know until I arrived at the studio who is going to be the guest for the day. INTERVIEWER: Oh, that's difficult.16 HUSBAND: I have to -- I know it was… INTERVIEWER: Oh, Julia was just telling me about the tapes that you found in the [unintelligible - 00:34:30]. HUSBAND: Yes. INTERVIEWER: That's remarkable, especially because here I am two days later. JULIA: I know. INTERVIEWER: All about Italian dinner. JULIA: And on the other tape, what I said -- think it's a, seems to be a little illogical, I was wanting to say the least. In the other tape, you would have to guess who the family Christmas but then I'd read, since I wrote it all out, it's more logical, you know. It's more -- or less of a timely sequence. But I do give you the information I've given you about the broth. INTERVIEWER: Okay. JULIA: And… INTERVIEWER: It'll be interesting to make a… JULIA: Oh, yeah. I'm gonna make myself a sandwich if I can figure out how to open this slice of cheese. INTERVIEWER: Do you want some help? JULIA: Oh, I -- oh, here it is. Heavens! I thought. What's the matter with this? INTERVIEWER: How does your husband feel marrying an Italian? JULIA: It was an adjustment; let us put it that way. INTERVIEWER: Was it? JULIA: I met him… thank you for this. INTERVIEWER: Yes. HUSBAND: Tried one this morning. INTERVIEWER: Oh. So who made these? HUSBAND: The man I interviewed, Louis Charpentier. INTERVIEWER: Oh.17 JULIA: Oh, he gives you -- oh, I've seen him do that at the Historical Society where he teaches you how he got started. HUSBAND: Right. JULIA: And he tries to teach everybody that they can do the same thing. INTERVIEWER: Oh, so he was -- his work is just so good. Oh, he's so… HUSBAND: No, he used to work in plastic. And as I say, he works for -- he works in an organization that designed methods for making just about anything you wanted, buttons or, how do you say, [unintelligible - 00:36:18] or whatever it was called for… JULIA: I know he's just working now. He's in the library and… HUSBAND: No, no. He's retired. JULIA: Yeah. But where is his work? I know he started, he started on display somewhere. HUSBAND: Yes. It's in a home. He has it at home, because I asked him if it was all insured and he said that it was. JULIA: I don't know how… INTERVIEWER: So Phil, let me ask you, how did you feel marrying an Italian? HUSBAND: Oh, wow, it… JULIA: You should ask his mother. HUSBAND: No, we -- and now seriously, we had a problem. It's not because I married an Italian, no. It's just that my mother didn't particularly like Julia, unfortunately. I'm not sure what the root of her prejudice was. It might have been because of her heritage, or it might have been just because my mother didn't want me to get married at that point, although I was not exactly a teenager. I had come home from the war, and I was a book. But whatever reason or reasons my mother had she didn't actually… didn't actually -- she didn't oppose the marriage, but she didn't support it, and she didn't even show up for it. My father and my sister came. JULIA: Though she was my [unintelligible - 00:37:48], she cooked. She was great to the children.18 HUSBAND: Oh, yeah. That's right. She loved the, she loved her grandchildren. She was very -- and they had a great time. JULIA: She was very generous to me in many ways. HUSBAND: My son approved of Grandma's cooking, and they had a good time visiting her. And we all, every holiday, we make sure that there was a delegation that went to Grandma, though we tried and made a compromise. INTERVIEWER: Mm-hmm. Now, did you -- where did you grow up? HUSBAND: I grew up in Roxbury prior to the days when Roxbury had the… with the ethnic… JULIA: Now it is. HUSBAND: It is now. When I was -- I was there prior to that. INTERVIEWER: Thank you. JULIA: Lemon juice? INTERVIEWER: Thank you. HUSBAND: And by one of those strange coincidences, Julia lived the one part of Roxbury, I was in another. We had never laid eyes on each other before the war. Did she tell you about how…? INTERVIEWER: No. I don't know how you met. No. HUSBAND: Well, we met -- it was like something out of one of those [unintelligible - 00:39:12] that tells -- she had that series of how people tell how they -- I was in the Navy during World War II in an organization called the [CVs], and I was stationed overseas in New Guinea. I met her brother, who was in the combat engineers, and there was this [unintelligible - 00:39:37]. So I got to know him, and his platoon was involved in the invasion of the Philippines. They were moving out agents. So he said to me, he said, "Phil," he said, "we're going to be cut off from correspondence for a while. Would you do me a big favor and write to my mother and tell her that if you don't hear from me, not to worry, I'm all right?" So I said, "Sure, all right." And I did 19 that, I wrote to his mother, and his mother who was living in Roxbury, I sent a letter to Washington where my girlfriend was thankfully employed as a government girl. And I -- with instructions for her to answer this letter. So she answered the letter, and Julia and I started corresponding, and that's how we get to know each… JULIA: Fifteen months. HUSBAND: And then after the war, when I came home, I… JULIA: It was all over. HUSBAND: And then there… INTERVIEWER: What? What was all over? JULIA: It was all over. He was hooked. INTERVIEWER: Oh, he was flirting as soon as he saw you. HUSBAND: Then there was some kind of a breakdown in the romance, and we had separated. [Unintelligible - 00:41:00] and we get back together again and we could get married in 19… INTERVIEWER: How did her parents feel about her marrying an Irishman? HUSBAND: Oh, as far as I know… JULIA: Horrible. HUSBAND: Yeah. INTERVIEWER: Oh, with him? JULIA: My father… HUSBAND: There was a point in time when her father didn't care who she marries and who would take her off his hands. INTERVIEWER: Oh. JULIA: I was going to [unintelligible - 00:41:24]. HUSBAND: Yeah. I was even supposed to get a bicycle, a motorcycle for marrying her. JULIA: "Philly, I give you motorcycle [unintelligible - 00:41:34]." HUSBAND: No, but she… JULIA: You better [unintelligible - 00:41:38]20 HUSBAND: Neither one of those gifts materialized so, anyhow. No, I liked her father and mother. And of course, I had -- I was very friendly with her brother and sister. And so, we had the wedding, and that was a [unintelligible - 00:41:57] together. INTERVIEWER: How was she different from the, let's say, Irish girls that you went to school with? HUSBAND: Oh, she was a different. -- I didn't actually – I didn't know that many girls when I was going to school because you have to remember that when I was going to school, this was in the days when the boys went to one school and the girls went to another. Boy's school was an English high school. JULIA: But in elementary school… HUSBAND: Elementary was all boys because of… JULIA: Oh, you did? HUSBAND: Yeah. That's -- I went to the all… JULIA: Oh, I didn't know that. HUSBAND: With the nuns [unintelligible - 00:42:34]. JULIA: Well, I was actually the first female person you ever met. HUSBAND: No, not exactly. I met… JULIA: You may have seen New Guinea. HUSBAND: You have to define, there, the word "met." Kind of -- you were the first female that I was—let's put it this way—that I little became involved with. JULIA: Well. No. That's enough. INTERVIEWER: Well, we're in all kinds of things today. JULIA: Are you gonna have a ham sandwich? HUSBAND: Yes. I'll have a ham sandwich. So what is this project here? INTERVIEWER: This is a project that's recording the experiences of -- by Italian-American family in the Fitchburg and Leominster area. HUSBAND: Oh, yes.21 INTERVIEWER: But we had seen Julia at a -- one of the Italian night, the films that Fitchburg State College had put on, and Julia started talking extensively after the movie, Big Night, I think it was called Big Night. HUSBAND: Yes. INTERVIEWER: And we realized it was someone that maybe we'd like to talk to because she seems to know so much about the culture. HUSBAND: Yeah. And she is the one member of her family that has -- that is interested in the [unintelligible - 00:43:57] of the family extensively. JULIA: I was also the first one born in this country of my family. INTERVIEWER: Your family. HUSBAND: She was born in this country, which makes her an Italian-American, but she maintained contact, through her mother, maintained contact with Italy. She knows how to speak Italian, including the dialects of northern Italy. And now she is in the process of learning how to speak… INTERVIEWER: Right. HUSBAND: She's starting again. Yeah. INTERVIEWER: Now, were there any surprises though when you married…? JULIA: Yeah. Seven. INTERVIEWER: That's -- wow. Seven children, right. But the Italian culture, I'm wondering… HUSBAND: No, I didn't have any problem with that. I was very fond of her family. Wherever her family gathered then there was a party. And her family had always been most cordial to me. INTERVIEWER: What do your children consider themselves? HUSBAND: They consider -- when they think about it, they… you probably have to ask them how much they consider themselves to be Italian. JULIA: More than half. HUSBAND: Well, I don't know whether they really think about it.22 JULIA: They went to the parochial school in Dorchester, and their last name was Casey. So they fit right in. Even though there were a lot of Italians. And by this time, Dad is gone. You know, we're not immigrants anymore. Your father was a professional man who's a graduate of Boston College, and so that they didn't have to go through that. They… HUSBAND: I came up here; this is the first place I've ever been to where they couldn't spell Casey. They would actually went, "Case-, how do you spell that?' And I thought at first they were kidding me, because down in the Boston area there was a very large population of Irish-Americans. There's still a lot of Irish down there, some of them from Ireland itself, and some of them are there illegally. INTERVIEWER: And what traditions do you try to carry on in your family? JULIA: Well, the traditions are that they know that I'm intensely interested in the Italian part of the family. I have furniture, for instance. I have, you know, [unintelligible - 00:46:38] for years and other pieces that my mother gave me when she was… HUSBAND: They have -- girls have a lot of respect for Italian culture, and one of them had been over to Italy. Take your time. JULIA: This was an -- how did you get involved with this? INTERVIEWER: I'll call you all out when it's all right because… JULIA: Are we going to meet again? INTERVIEWER: I don't think so, unless you… when I leave, feel the need to talk about something else. JULIA: Are you -- do you need -- I would like to, if possible, because I had -- now, I have four appointments this afternoon, and I would like -- I was trying to figure out how I could get copies of these tapes. INTERVIEWER: I could have that done for you at Fitchburg State College. So I'll call you… JULIA: And you have more than one? INTERVIEWER: Probably. I'll call you next week…23 JULIA: All right. INTERVIEWER: Okay? Okay. So what does it mean to be Italian to you? JULIA: It doesn't, it doesn't mean that I have been all my life aware of the great contributions that the Italians have made. But I became more aware of them as I grew older, and it made a strong attachment to family. And as I said, I still have -- my close friends are still the kids that grew up, that I grew up with, they're still the people that I grew up with, even though we all live in different places. It means certain types of food. It means, especially to me, it means this age of almost 80, I am determined foreigner, and I have -- it means that whenever I meet anybody that is Italian, that speaks Italian -- to me there's quite a big difference between the northern and southern Italian. I've always been made of… INTERVIEWER: Tell me what you just said, always been aware of… JULIA: I've always been aware of the vast differences among the people from this one peninsula that juts out into the Mediterranean, that there is such a difference in everything about them—the food and the way they speak—and it's made me very, very aware of the differences that a language can develop into, almost different languages within a cohesive place, you know. We have this boot that goes down into the ocean split down the middle by this range of mountains, and yet every section you go to, because it was at one time a collection of city states—and somebody brought that up the other day in class, it was a collection of city states—and yet my mother's experiences and the way she spoke and lived was so different from everyone else's on my street. So being an Italian, to me, meant that I had to adjust to -- when I went to school I felt very out of it, because I started school in Lexington. My father bought a house in Lexington for a few years, and I had -- I just felt a complete foreigner because I spoke hardly any English myself since we were isolated in Lexington.24 But I -- after I came back to Boston, then I had to adjust and get used to all of the different -- the girls who came from different Italian families, all of them, were. They spoke differently, their parents spoke differently; they had all these different ways of doing things. And that adjustment was a wonderful experience for me. And it means -- now, I don't think so much of modern Italy. I feel that in some ways they've grown excessively. I've heard other people made this comment, too. I've read a couple of books that said the same thing, that they've become excessively materialistic. Certainly, you know, religion -- we were not, I will say another thing, we were not a religious community. The women -- the praying that was done, the observation of religion was private. Everybody didn't lead the street and go to church on Sunday. The young kids that were making their first communion, they had to go to church. We went to church in a group, but mothers and fathers for the most part didn't go near the church. The church was run by Irish priests; nobody understood the Italians, and we hardly ever saw a priest. And so it's very different from this situation here in Fitchburg where the Italians set up their own church on top of an Irish community that moved out, you know, the Irish community and church was St. Bernard's. The Italians, back 75 years ago, decided that long ago, that they wanted their own church, and they set it up, they found an Italian priest. And we were not -- women prayed on Sunday morning, sometimes you could look up at certain windows and a woman would be sitting there with an open book which was, obviously, a [unintelligible - 00:52:54] in Italian, and she would be reading her prayers. This is [unintelligible - 00:52:59]. They observed some of the saints' days, but it was not a community that went to church. Ever. INTERVIEWER: Now, what about making first communion and confirmation? Would you go into the north end?25 JULIA: No. Some of them did. INTERVIEWER: Mm-hmm. JULIA: A couple of the families sent their daughters into the north end to make -- but most of us that were the same age, there were, you know, about two or three or four at that time, then they would go to the parish church, you know, in a group, and that was also beyond the industrial area. So it was maybe a 15-minute, 20-minute walk, and we went because the nuns, where they have were training the kids in the catechism, we went to Sunday school. Then, because they didn't want us walking to that neighborhood, as we grew older, we started going to the Jesuit church, the Immaculate Concepcion in the south end, which was an enormous church but not a parish church. But then I belonged to the choir there; some of us joined the choir. And that was an all-American experience; there was no Italians. INTERVIEWER: So Fitchburg in 1968? JULIA: I cried all the time. I didn't -- I never wanted to leave Boston. You know, I did spend a very good experience, first, the college community… INTERVIEWER: Say that again? The college community? JULIA: The college community is a wonderful place. I've always been a reader. In that respect, the kind of reading that I did was quite different from what other girls on my street did, and I am unable to explain that. I am unable to explain the direction in which my own, which you might call intellectual growth. Well, I went to an all-girls high school, and I don't know why I was attracted to classical music and literature. And I mean, I practically lived at the public library. As a matter of fact it was his branch, too. His branch of the public library, he lived on the other side of it, but you know, until my brother met him in New Guinea and he wrote to my mother, I had never a clue that he was around.26 INTERVIEWER: So when you came to Fitchburg did you make any connections with Italian people? JULIA: Not at first. Not at first, because I was still taking care of the family. Later, then, as my children grew up and they met -- because we went to St. Camillus, and that is not an ethnic church, you know. So later -- actually, in the last 10 years, I would say, I… I've met 10, 20 youths through my children. My daughter married into a Fitchburg Italian. For a little while we joined the Sons of Italy. I joined the Virginia Eleanor Lodge, and I didn't keep it up, but you know, I've met a lot… INTERVIEWER: [Unintelligible - 00:56:16] speaking, what did your parents and the parents down street, what did they want for their children? JULIA: All they wanted was for them to grow up and to go to work. The girls were not encouraged to go to school. My sister, who, as I said, who came along 13 years after I did, was first college graduate on the street. She went to, she got… INTERVIEWER: Pick it up. You said… JULIA: My sister, Mary Louise, was the first girl to go to college in our entire neighborhood. INTERVIEWER: Now, how did that happen? JULIA: She was fairly smart in school, and she was in the class of 1952 at the same high school I had gone to in a girls' high school in Boston, and she got a teacher's scholarship. And she decided she wanted to be a nurse, and how she was scared, oh, instead of going into a hospital program… INTERVIEWER: This was in… JULIA: Back… out! Instead of going in to a three-year hospital program, somebody put it into her mind to go to Boston College, a four-year degree course. Actually she went. INTERVIEWER: Wow.27 JULIA: She went out of her work at Boston City, quite a bit of it, so she could live at home and the hospital was five minutes away. She took part of her affiliation there. INTERVIEWER: Now, what did your parents think of that since they really wanted you to go to work? JULIA: Well, they felt that we should go to work. They didn't, you know -- but when Louise came along they had been sufficiently Americanized, but nobody, nobody encouraged. They expected the girls would grow up, get jobs in factories, or if they went to high school, find a job in an office and then get married. INTERVIEWER: What about the boys? JULIA: The boys, none of them went to college either, although some of them were quite smart. And one family, the boys went to college on their own. They were a little bit older than the rest. And then they -- some of them got jobs in technical areas, like different labs and in MIT, and they would stop taking courses along the job training. But almost -- one young man, which is a surprise to everyone, we knew one boy from that street that went to college; he became an officer in the Navy. No one else in his family did. There were five or six children in the family, neither girls nor boys went to college, and he was a little older than I was, and he actually went on to law school. Why? I have no idea, because his parents never spoke a word of English. And he was Sicilian, you know, and yet he went. So when I said "yet he went," it sounds like a put-down, it really isn't. It's just that none of us were encouraged to go to college, nobody. My mother couldn't understand why I was constantly reading, but it was because, you know, I worked. I mean, I helped my father in the house, peeling just because they would whitewash them. I haven't done anything like that since I got married. I refuse to do it, because that six-family house took it out of all our hides. People would move out, 28 you'd have a terrible mess, you know, you not only have the problem of trying to collect miserable rents, but every time a new family moved in, me and my father be washing and cleaning and my mother and I went after, cleaned up after all of them, and it was a -- it was really the -- it wasn't until many years afterwards, and it wasn't too long before they died, that some of the older families that had owned houses themselves sold them, and some of them came to live in my father's house. And that was a good experience. They paid their rent and very respectful, which was a surprise, because in the beginning they have a… INTERVIEWER: Is it important for the Italians to have a clean house? JULIA: Some of them. Some of them wasn't, you know. INTERVIEWER: Anything else that you'd like to add? I've been here a long time now. [Laughter] JULIA: No, I think that I -- they all -- I wanna add this: that the older that I have gotten, the more I appreciate where I grew up, dirt street and all, the more I realized the goodness and the cleverness, the ability of people from other regions of Italy, the more I appreciate the beauty of that language and what, what is world's known about the Italian culture in general. And I think that my mother and father provided me with, if nothing else, an openness about accepting people from everywhere, you know. That I got from them. Well, we're very gregarious. I appreciated all the different types of humor they had, different cooking. So then since I've left my neighborhood, I feel like I fit in everywhere. The college community? No problem. The Italian community? No problem. Where am I? I feel that I fit in, and it definitely came from this upbringing. INTERVIEWER: Okay. Could your children say the same thing? They've been brought up some way different?29 JULIA: There is one, a teacher, Maria is a schoolteacher. Kath has always done office work, she's the only one that [unintelligible - 01:02:38] go to college, but there wasn't because she couldn't -- you know, he's in the fire department, he's an electrical engineer in Boston working on the big date. [Unintelligible - 01:02:51] American, an Irish girl from Fitchburg. My son, Steven, was working for the Waste Water Treatment Plant in Burke and was attending Fitchburg State. He had gone three years to Texas -- I remember my Louis, feeling that we cooked very differently from anybody he knew, and he thought it was strange, you know, that -- I thought it was strange that other people didn't cook all this stuff then [laughter]. But my Julian, who's the youngest, is a technical writer for Lotus for Boston College. Julian went to UMass, Cathy went -- enjoyed our lives here, we've gotten used to the Georgia life here, the ones I have done. INTERVIEWER: Okay. JULIA: I learned Spanish on the job. That was the other thing that the Italian did for me. I was assigned to the Department of Public Welfare after I took that six-month refresher course. And gradually, by taking in-service examinations, I went from clerk stenographer to sort of an administrative job, and I was in the Child Support Enforcement Unit. We had a great many women coming in from Puerto Rico, all of whom spoke Spanish, and many of them brought in interpreters. Well, after I listened for a while, I suddenly realized I understood what they were saying and, if I had enough courage, I could begin to speak the Spanish language. And as a result I did. And I used to be able to conduct the interviews in Spanish. I didn't need the interpreter, you know. So that was another thing that I got out of learning Italian. Now, the proper Italian is a great surprise to me. I don't know how I started that. I'm sure I'm the only one that grew up where I grew 30 up that speaks it, and it's -- I compare it to people learning to play the piano by ear. I was so accustomed to all these different dialects that gradually the proper Italian, especially when I went to Italy, even for short periods of time, and I began to listen—and my aunt used to listen to the radio, Italian programs on the radio—and somehow the language has come. I'm fluent, but I'm not grammatical perfectly. I have to feel my way through the grammar. But I'm fluent, I can say most things that I want to say in ordinary -- and I don't know why. I feel now that I know things about myself like everyone as you grow older, that I have a gift for languages, although the grammar was difficult for me. We were only allowed to take French. In junior high school, French was the only language that was offered, and I had a bad time with the grammar. But as I've grown older, I find I can -- I've been able to master the language. I can speak, and everybody understands me. Why? I don't know. INTERVIEWER: It's a gift? JULIA: You know, even my -- when I meet the occasional person that came into the office, all the workers that came in, the Spanish-speaking workers, they all used to laugh because [laughter] there I was, I could say what I wanted to say in Spanish, and they'd all make, you know, little conversation, and I'd always talk to them. Well it isn't everyone that gets to have an audience like that. [Laughter] INTERVIEWER: [Laughter] I enjoyed it. Thank you. JULIA: I'm gonna call my friends and tell them that I will be there. I'm working…/AT/jf/jc/es

Беневич Г. И. Логос Мелхиседека. Экзегеза и парадигма обожения у прп. Максима Исповедника В этой статье рассматривается один из сложнейших вопросов библейской экзегетики образ Мелхиседека и его связь с образом Христа. На материале ряда сочинений прп. Максима Исповедника показывается значение этого вопроса для восточного богословия VII в. Ключевые слова: Максим Исповедник, Мелхиседек, Христос, экзегетика. Benevich G. I. Logos of Melchizedek. The Учупуышы and Paradigm of Deification in the Works of Maximus the Confessor In the article, there is regarded one of the most complex matters of the Bible exegesis, i. e. image of Melchizedek and its relation to the image of Christ. The meaning of the matter for Eastern Theology of the VII century is shown through a set of writings of St. Maximus the Confessor. Key words: Maximus the Confessor, Melchizedek, Christ, exegesis. Бирюков Д. С. Николай Мефонский и его полемика с учением Прокла в контексте византийского проклренессанса Статья посвящена особенностям полемики византийского церковного писателя XII в. Николая Мефонского с учением Прокла. Указано на платонизирующих византийских авторов современной Николаю эпохи, с которыми он мог неявно полемизировать. На примере преломления Николаем платонического учения об иерархии причин сущего и учения об универсалиях показано, что Николай склонялся к номинализму и расходился в этом как с неортодоксальными, так и с некоторыми ортодоксальными авторами, а также с распространенной в Византии позицией, характерной для Александрийской школы Аммония, предполагающей троякий способ существования универсалий. Ключевые слова: византийская философия, проблема универсалий, платонизм, Александрийская школа философии, византийский проклренессанс. Birjukov D. S Nicholas of Methone and His Polemics Against Proclus in the Context of the Byzantine Proclosrenaissance The article is concerned on the features in polemics of the Byzantine Church author Nicholas of Methone with the authorities who kept the doctrine of Proclus in XII century. We have suggested the names of the authors in Nicholas' epoch, with whom he could maintain his latent dialogue in his writings. On the example of interpreting the Platonian notion concerning the hierarchy of causes of Being and the notion of Universals we show that Nicholas whose more inclined to Nominalism, fallen into divergence both with Non-orthodox and same Orthodox authors on that point. So that the analysis of his writings reveals the difference with the widespread position in Byzantium, characteristic to the Alexandrian school of Ammonius, which supported the Doctrine of Universals' existing in three modes. Key words: Byzantine philosophy, the problem of universals, Platonism, Alexandrian school, Proklosrenaissance. Бурановская Н. А. Сакрализация камня в культуре Средневековой Индии Сакрализация камня как наиболее долговечного материала, способного запечатлеть ценностные доминанты и духовные смыслы культуры, характерна для большинства цивилизаций Востока. В данной статье рассматривается космологическая символика индуистских храмов, являвшихся в своей исторической эволюции развитием идеи жертвенного алтаря. Ключевые слова: Индия, индуизм, каменное храмовое зодчество, сакрализация камня. Buranovsky N. A. Stone Sacralization in Culture of Medieval India The stone sacralization as the most durable material, capable to embody valuable dominants and spiritual senses of culture, is characteristic for the majority of civilisations of the East. In given article the cosmological symbolism of Hindu temples which were development of idea of a sacrificial altar in the historical evolution. Key words: India, Hindu, stone temple architecture, a stone sacralization. Бурмистров С. Л. Эстетика неоведантизма и принцип dhvani В статье на примере философии искусства С. Дасгупты рассматриваются некоторые особенности неоведантистской эстетики и ее связи с эстетическими представлениям древней Индии и с западной эстетической мыслью (Г. В. Ф. Гегель). Анализируется роль понятия dhvani (намек, скрытый смысл) в индийской эстетике и особенности восприятия неоведантистами гегелевского учения об искусстве как образном воплощении идеи. Ключевые слова: эстетика, прекрасное, неоведантизм, Гегель, dhvani. Burmistrov S. L. Esthetics of Neo-Vedantism and the Dhvani Principle In the paper specific features of neo-vedāntist aesthetics (S. Dasgupta's philosophy of art) are considered and its relations with aesthetic theories of ancient India and with Western aesthetic thought (G. W. F. Hegel) are examined. The main topic of the paper are the role of the concept dhvani (hint) in Indian aesthetics and specific features of neo-vedāntist reception of Hegel's theory of art as an embodiment of an idea. Keywords: Aesthetics, beauty, neo-vedāntism, Hegel, dhvani. Гольцев Д. В. Образ Храма в истории и современной культуре евреев Единство языка, традиций, культуры, которые еврейский народ сохраняет на протяжении более четырех тысяч лет покоятся на религиозном фундаменте иудаизма. Желание иудеев жить в чистом и святом мире, который был утерян прародителями после грехопадения, воплотилось в Храме. Идея Храма укоренена в самих истоках истории еврейского народа. И вся история евреев по сей день неразрывно связана с Храмом. Ключевые слова: культура, религиозное сознание, Храм, синагога. Goltsev D. V. Image of the Temple in the History and Contemporary Culrure of Jews The unity of language, traditions, and culture preserving by the Jewish people throughout more than four thousands years base on the religious foundation of Judaism. The desire of Jews to live in the clear and holy world lost by progenitors after the Fall had been embodied in Temple. The idea of the Temple is grounded in the very origins of Jewish history. And the whole history of Jews is intimately connected with the Temple to the present time. Key words: culture, religious consciousness, the Temple, synagogue. Воробьева-Десятовская М. И. Мечников Л. И. и русская цивилизация XIX в. Статья посвящена страницам биографии Л. И. Мечникова. Автор анализирует его жизненный путь, чтобы выяснить, когда ученый задался вопросом о причинах зарождения цивилизаций. Он считал ошибочным усматривать причину зарождения древних цивилизаций в благоприятных климатических условиях, поскольку климатические условия, в которых зарождались цивилизации, не были идентичны. Л. И. Мечников первым в русской науке сделал шаг к выявлению роли географического фактора в историко-цивилизационном процессе. Ключевые слова: первобытная культура, географический фактор, изменения климатических условий Vorob'yova-Desyatovskaya M. I. L. I. Mechnikov and the Russian Civilization of the XIX Century. This article is devoted to crucial points of L. I. Mechnikov's biography. The author analyzed his life story in order to explain how he conceived the idea of civilizations' origin. Mechnikov rejected auspicious climatic conditions as the main cause of the ancient civilizations' arising. He proved the exceptional role of geographical factor of historical-civilizational process. Mechnikov was the first Russian scientist who represented this mode of thinking. Key words: primitive culture, the geographical factor, changes of environmental conditions. Джибраев А. Ю. Судан-2011: грядущая религиозно-иделогическая реструктуризация До референдума 2011 г. о разделении Судана на южное и северное государства осталось менее года. В контексте столкновения западного, американского образца, и исламского проектов глобализации актуальным представляется и обсуждение, и прогнозирование геополитических последствий референдума. Cтатья посвящена анализу суданского узла пересечения интересов Запада и стран исламского мира: социально-политической и экономической ангажированность Судана, внутрисуданских политических противоречий, позиций Евросоюза и США в разделении Республики Судан. Ключевые слова: геополитика, суданский референдум, исламистские национальные движения Dzhibraev A. Y. Sudan-2011: Сoming Religious & Ideological Restructurization Less than one year has been left prior to the Referendum-2011, targeted to divide Sudan on the South and North states. In the context of clash of the Western, American and Islamic Globalization Projects, to discuss and forecast the geopolitical implication of the Referendum seem to be actual. This article is designated for analyzing the Sudanese intersection node of the Western and Islamic countries' interests and meaning the social & political involvement and commitment of Sudan, internal Sudanese political contradictions, and the EU & EC positions on division matters of the Republic of Sudan. The attention is focused to discussing the forthcoming reaction to the Referendum results in the conditions of a potential local East Africa's conflict transplantation into the ideological fields of challenge for various Globalization Projects and with the view of preventing the negative consequences for the neighboring regions regarding formation of two independent states. Key words: geopolitics, Sudanese Referendum, islamist national movements. Ермакова Т. В. Вклад монголоведа А. М. Позднеева в исследование буддийской культуры Статья посвящена анализу вклада монголоведа А. М. Позднеева в исследование буддийской культуры. Проанализированы результаты двух его поездок в Монголию (1876, 1892): описание буддийских монастырей в аспекте управления, религиозных практик, архитектуры и повседневной жизни, восстановлена его концепция историко-культурной уникальности центральноазиатской региональной формы буддийской культуры. Ключевые слова: буддизм, Монголия, российские экспедиции. Ermakova T. V. Personal contribution of mongolist A. M. Pozdneev into Buddhist culture research This article is devoted to the evaluation of the personal contribution of the Russian mongolist A. M. Pozdneev into Buddhist culture research. Notable results of his two expeditions into Mongolian region were analyzed: complex description of the Mongol Buddhist monasteries in various aspects: management, religious practices, architecture and everyday life. Pozdneev's conceptualization of Mongol regional form of Buddhist culture was analyzed. Key words: Buddhism, Mongolia, the Russian expeditions. Касаткина З. А. Дирижерско-хоровая педагогика и образование в России на современном этапе Статья посвящена проблемам теории хорового дирижирования, методике преподавания дирижирования, а также вопросам полифункциональности данной профессии. Рассматривается проблема качественной подготовки и воспитания хорового дирижера высокой квалификации, выявление специфических дирижерских способностей, раскрытие понятия дирижерско-хоровая школа, определение основных методологических и теоретических аспектов основ системы хорового образования и исполнительства. Ключевые слова: теория хорового дирижирования, дирижерско-хоровое образование, педагог, музыкант, дирижерско-хоровая школа. Kasatkina Z. A. Choir Conducting Pedagogy and Education in Russia at Present Days The article is dedicated to theoretical questions of choir conducting, choir conducting teaching methodology as well as to questions related to multifunction of this profession. The author contemplates such issues as: education of highly qualified choir conductor, revelation of specific conductor skills, academic detailing of meaning for choir conducting school, determination of basic methodological and theoretical aspects of choir and performance educational system and its basis. Key words: theory of choir conducting, choir conducting education, pedagogue, musician, choir conducting school. Климов В. Ю. Светские власти, Рэннё, восьмой иерарх буддийской школы истинной веры Чистой Земли, и ее адепты в средневековой Японии В XVI в. крупные феодалы сэнгоку-даймё законодательными мерами стремились запретить деятельность адептов буддийской школы дзёдо синсю. Школа была основана Святым Синраном (1173-1263). Рэннё (1415-1499) в XV в. сумел создать мощную религиозную организацию. Он отстаивал основные положения Учения школы, борясь с искажениями и ересями. Ключевые слова: религиозное движение икко-икки, буддистская школа дзёдо синсю, Синран, Рэннё, буддистский храм Хонгандзи. Klimov V. J. In the XVI-th century feudal lords sengoku daimyo tried to prohibit the activities of religious followers of Buddhist school jodo shinshu by law The Buddhist school was founded by Saint Shinran (1173-1263). In the XV-th century Rennyo (1415-1499) managed to create a powerful religious organization. He was supporting main statements of the religious doctrine, and was fighting against its misinterpretations and heresies. Key words: Religious movement ikko-ikki, Buddhist school jodo shinshu, Shinran, Rennyo, Buddhist temple Honganji. Ларионова Д. Г. Лингвокультурные предпосылки формирования концепта родина Статья посвящена формированию концепта родина на фоне американской лингвокультуры. Анализируются типологические особенности русской и американской культур, обусловившие различия в значимости концепта для языкового сознания русских и американцев. Исследуются лингвокультурные предпосылки формирования концепта родина как базового концепта русской культуры. Сопоставляются переводные соответствия концепта в русском языке и американском варианте английского языка. Ключевые слова: родина, концепт, русская культура, американская культура, лингвокультура, Larionov D. G. Lingual-Cultural Premises of Formation of the Motherland Concept The article is dedicated to the formation of the motherland concept against the background of the American lingual culture. The typological features of the Russian and American cultures that cause different meaning of the concept in the lingual consciousness of the Russian and American people are analyzed. The lingual cultural premises of formation of the motherland concept as a basic concept of the Russian culture are considered. The translated equivalents of the concept in the Russian and American English are compared. Key words: motherland, concept, Russian culture, American culture, lingual culture. Марахонова С. И. Выдающийся исследователь японской художественной культуры Сергей Елисеев и его петроградское окружение Статья посвящена деятельности С. Елисеева в области искусств, которое было его центральным интересом, что дает повод историкам считать его, прежде всего, специалистом в области дальневосточной культуры и искусств. Елисеев начал свои исследовательские изыскания, обучаясь в Японии. Позже, в 1915-1920 в Петрограде он подготовил лекции по дальневосточному искусству для Государственного университета и других институтов. Елисеев прожил первое десятилетие в эмиграции в Париже, где он работал как хранитель японской коллекции в музее Гиме. Парижский период был самым плодотворным для научной деятельности. С 1934 по 1958 С. Елисеев профессор Гарвардского университета США и директор Института Гарварда. Ключевые слова: востоковедение, Сергей Елисеев, дальневосточное искусство, культура Японии и Китая. Marakhonova S. I. The Outstanding Far Easten Fine Arts'scholar Serge Elisseeff and His Petrograd Environment The article deals with Serge Elisseeff 's activities in the field of fine arts. This was one of his most great interests and he is considered by some people the history of Far Eastern culture and fine arts scholar first of all. Elisseeff began his fine arts studies when a student in Japan. Later in 1915-1920 in Petrograd he prepared a lot of lectures on Far Eastern fine arts at the state university and some other institutes. Elisseeff spent the first decade of his emigration from Russia in Paris where he worked as the Japanese collection keeper in the Guimet museum. The Paris period was the most productive for Elisseeff 's scientific publications most part of which belonged to fine arts' problems. From 1934 to 1958 Serge Elisseeff spent in the USA as the Harvard University professor and director of the Harvard-Yenching Institute. Key words: Oriental studies, Sergey Yeliseyev, Far East arts, culture of Japan and China. Матюшкина Е. Н. Тип героя в исторических романах Б. Окуджавы В статье делается попытка создания типологии героя в исторической прозе Б. Окуджавы. Для этого рассмотрены произведения Бедный Авросимов, Похождения Шипова или Старинный водевиль, Свидание с Бонапартом, Путешествие дилетантов. В романах Окуджавы происходит трансформация героя середины XX века, наблюдается своеобразная модификация образов маленького человека (Авросимов, Шипов, Опочинин), лишнего человека (Мятлев). Ключевые слова: историческая проза, типология героя, маленький человек, лишний человек. Matyshkina E. N. Type the Hero in Historical Novels B. Okudzhava The seeks to make a typology of the hero in historical prose B. Okudzhava. To do this, consider the product Poor Avrosimov, The Adventures Shipova or old vaudeville, Rendezvous with Bonaparte, Journey dilettantes. In the novels there is a transformation of the hero Okudzhava mid XX century, there has been a kind of modification of images of the little man (Avrosimov, Shipov, Opochinin), superfluous man (Myatlev). Key words: historical prose, the typology of the hero, little man, superfluous man. Махлина С. Т. Значение Эдварда Саида в современной культуре и культурологи Доминантным аспектом современной культуры является глобализация. Конечно, это явление имеет черты двойственности. Основные особенности глобализации очень ярко воплотились в судьбе и творчестве Эдварда Вади Саида (1 ноября 1935 г. 25 сентября 2003 г.). И жизнь, и творчество, и политическая, и общественная деятельность его настолько двойственны, что отражают все противоречия глобализации. Фигура Эдварда Саида весьма 320 показательна для современной эпохи и, несомненно, значима для современной культуры и культурологии. Ключевые слова: глобализация, культура, культурология, Запад, Восток, ислам. Mahlina S. T. Edward Said's Value in Modern Culture and Cultural Science Globalisation is a dominant aspect of modern culture. This phenomenon is surely of dual nature. Main features of globalization are embodied in the art and life of Edward Wadie Said (1.11.1935-25.09.2003). His art and life, his political and social activity, are so ambiguous that reflect all controversies of globalization. Edward Said is a representative figure of the modern times and is definitely significant for the modern culture and culture studies. Key words: globalization, culture, culture studies, West, East, Islam. Микитюк Ю. М. Категории органической теории в идеологии почвенников В статье рассматриваются основные положения органической теории, раскрывается ее место в идеологии почвенничества. Анализ таких понятий, как народность, нация позволяет раскрыть решение почвенниками проблемы соотношения национального и общечеловеческого. Ключевые слова: органическая теория, нация, народ, почва, Григорьев, Страхов, Достоевский. Mikityuk Y. M. The Organic Theory in Ideology of Pochvenniks This article discusses the basic statements of the ''organic theory', it also reveals its place in the ideology of Pochvennichestvo. The analysis of such concepts as nation, nationality, nation may allow to solve the problem of the relationship between national and universal by representatives of this ideology. Key words: the organic theory, nation, people, national, soil, Grigoriev, Strahov, Dostoevsky. Михайлова М. В. Классический текст как личное бытие Классический текст рассматривается с позиций онтологической эстетики как один из видов личного бытия. Метафизическая потребность, лежащая в основе искусства, особенным образом реализуется в литературе. Благодаря совершенному тексту, гармонично соединяющему стратегии значения и присутствия, становится возможным эстетическое событие встречи автора, читателя и языка, имеющее важнейшим своим следствием перенастройку личности в согласии человека и мира. Ключевые слова: классика, текст, бытие, язык, автор, читатель. Mikhailova M. V. Classical Text as a Personal Being The article deals with the problem of classical text considered from the point of view of ontological esthetics as a kind of personal existence. The metaphysical requirement underlying art, is realized in literature in a special way. Thanks to the perfect text harmoniously connecting meaning and presence strategies, an esthetic event of a meeting of the author, the reader and the language become possible. Key words: classics, text, being, language, author, reader. Муравьев К. В. Два модуса триадологии А. Ф. Лосева В статье рассматривается триадология известного русского философа Алексея Федоровича Лосева, которая соединяет в себе диалектические начала античной философии и христианское православное богословие. Ключевые слова: триадология, ипостась, онтология, неоплатонизм, диалектика. Muravyev K. V. Two Modi of A. F. Losew's Triadology In the article triadology of noted Russian philosopher Alexey Losew which unites the dialectic principles of an ancient philosophy and Christian orthodox divinity is considered. Key words: triadology, hipostasis, ontology, Neo-platonism, dialectics. Островская Е. А. Теория традиционных религиозных идеологий: методологические возможности и горизонты применимости Статья посвящена презентации принципиально нового подхода к социологическому исследованию процессов институционализации религиозных систем. Методологическое ядро разработанного автором подхода составляет теория традиционных религиозных идеологий, содержащая в себе концептуальный инструментарий для изучения религиозных идеологий Запада и Востока. Авторское рассмотрение сфокусировано на теоретико-методологическом разъяснении таких ключевых концепций этой теории, как традиционные религии, религиозная модель общества, аналитическая схема институционализации религиозных систем. Особый интерес представляет предложенная в статье демонстрация методологических возможностей теории в аспекте преодоления эпистемологической ограниченности постхристианских академических моделей изучения религий. Ключевые слова: религиозные идеологии, социология религии, эпистемологические основания научного изучения религий Ostrowskaya E. A. Theory of Traditional Religious Ideologies: Methodological Capabilities and Horizons of Applicability The article presents a new approach to sociological study of religious systems institutionalization processes. In the core of this approach there is a theory of traditional religious ideologies, as providing a methodological tool for analysis of religious ideologies in the context of Western and Asian societies. The focus is brought to the theoretical and methodological clarifications to three key concepts of the theory that are traditional religions, religious model of society and analytical scheme of religious systems institutionalization. The demonstration of their methodological applicability is of great importance for comprehending epistemological limits of post-Christian scientific models for studies of religion. Key words: religious ideologies, sociology of religion, epistemology of scientific studies of religion. Островский А. Б. Категория замирщение в нормативных документах беспоповцев XIX начала XX в. Термин замирщение, употребленный впервые в конце XVII в. федосеевцами, в течение двух столетий прошел эволюцию: первоначально он выражал противостояние христиане (федосеевцы) / (отлученные, новожены, мирские), а во второй половине XIX в. уже служил мерой для оценки степени утраты благочестия конкретным членом беспоповской общины ввиду недозволенных контактов с иноверными в трапезе, совместной помывке в бане и др. ситуациях общения. Ключевые слова: старообрядцы, межконфессиональные отношения, федосеевцы, поморцы, замирщение. Ostrovsky A. B. The Category of Zamirshenie in Bespopovtsian (a Priestless Sect of Russian Old Believers) Regulations of the 19thand Early 20th Century The evolution of the term zamirshenie first used by the Fedoseetsy in the late 17th century: originally representing the opposition between Christians (Fedoseevtsy) and excommunicates, Novojeny (unionists recognizing marriage), and laity, and in the second part of the 19th century censuring imperfect piousness of individual members of priestless community found guilty of inadmissible contacts with adherents of different creed at meals, in a bathhouse or in other communicative situations. Key words: old believers, inter-confessional relations, fedoseevtsy, pomortsy, zamirshenie. Плебанек О. В. Цивилизационная матрица как категория геополитики Современные направления научных исследований глобалистика, геополитика потребовали и нового категориального аппарата. Традиционные понятия, такие как цивилизация, наполняются новым смыслом, на их базе возникают новые категории, такие как геоцивилизация, цивилизационная матрица, алгоритмы цивилизационной динамики и др. Использование новых и относительно новых понятий в новом контексте требует научного обоснования. Нестрогое, многозначное понимание научных категорий снижает их методологическое значение. Ключевые слова: глобалистика, геополитика, цивилизация, геоцивилизация, цивилизационная матрица, алгоритмы цивилизационной динамики. Plebanek O. V. Civilizational Matrix as the category of geopolitics Modern directions of scientific researches global studies, geopolitics have demanded also new categorial the language. Traditional concepts, such as a civilization, are filled with new sense, on their base there are new categories, such as a geocivilization, civilizational a matrix, algorithms civilizational dynamics, etc. Use new and concerning new concepts of a new context demands a scientific substantiation. Not strict, multiple-valued understanding of scientific categories reduces their methodological value. Key words: global studies, geopolitics, a civilisation, a geocivilization, civilization a matrix, algorithms civilizational dynamics. Прокуденкова О. В. Роль географического фактора в культурологической концепции Л. И. Мечникова В статье рассматривается культурологическая концепция выдающегося русского ученого Л. И. Мечникова. Отмечается особое внимание к проблеме географического детерминизма и роли природных условий в генезисе и развитии цивилизаций. Показано, что Мечников обосновывал своеобразие историко-культурного развития географическим фактором, главным из которых была гидросфера водное пространство, ставшее общим объединяющим признаком классификации мировых цивилизаций: речные, морские и океанические. Ключевые слова: географический фактор, гидросфера, цивилизация, географический детерминизм, культурогенез. Prokudenkova O. V. Role of Geographical Factor in the L. I. Mechnikov's Culturological Concept In the article, the culturological concept of outstanding Russian scientist L. I. Mechnikov is considered. Special attention to the problem of geographical determinism and role of environment in genesis and development of civilizations is paid. It is shown that Mechnikov saw the reason of originality of historical and cultural development in geographical factor, mainly, in hydrosphere, as water space is general uniting sign of classification of world civilizations: those of river, sea, and ocean. Key words: geographical factor, hydrosphere, civilization, geographical determinism, genesis of culture. Регинская Н. В. Александр Невский как символ национальной идентичности в современном искусстве Повышенное внимание, уделяемое Александру Невскому сегодня, связано как с незаурядной личностью Благоверного князя, так и с потребностью восстановления национальных символов новой России. Святому Александру Невскому принадлежит роль выдающегося русского героя. Закономерно обращение современного искусства к героике Благоверного князя Александра Невского, изображение которого своеобразно своей двойственностью: сакральноиконографичным содержанием и экспериментально-светской манерой исполнения. Ключевые слова: иконография, традиция, экспериментальное искусство, духовноиконологическое течение, иконная драматургия Reginsky N. V. Alexander Nevsky as a Symbol of National Identity in the Modern Art An increased attention is paid nowadays to Alexander Nevsky owing to the remarkable individuality of the Blessed Knyazh as well as to the need of renewal of New Russia's national symbols. Saint Alexander Nevsky has a role of an outstanding Russian hero. Modern Art logically addresses the heroic stories of the Blessed Knyazh Alexander Nevsky, whose image is peculiar due to its ambivalence: its sacral-iconographic content and experimentally secular manner of fulfillment. Key words: Iconography, Tradition, Experimental Art, Spiritually-Iconological Trend, Iconic Drama. Рысаков А. С. Основные тенденции в конфуцианстве эпохи Цин Статья посвящена аналитическому рассмотрению истории конфуцианского учения в XVII-XIX вв. Рассматриваются различные аспекты трансформации конфуцианства каноноведение, психотехника, доктрина, ритуальные практики. Восстанавливается политический контекст функционирования конфуцианских школ и направлений. Исследуются доктринальные позиции наиболее значимых конфуцианских ученых цинского времени. Ключевые слова: китайская философия, история конфуцианства, история Китая Нового времени. Rysakov A. S. Major Trends in the Qing Dynasty Confucianism The article is devoted to analytical consideration of the history of Confucian teachings in XVII-XIX centuries. Various aspects of the transformation of Confucianism: canon studies, psychotechnique, doctrine, ritual practice are considered. The political context of functioning of Confucian schools and directions is analyzed, as well as the doctrinal position of the most important Qing time Confucian scholars. Key words: Chinese philosophy, the history of Confucianism, Chinese History. 324 Рысакова П. И. Социокультурная специфика женского образования в традиционном китайском обществе Настоящая статья посвящена выявлению социокультурной специфики женского образования в традиционном китайском обществе. Основное внимание уделено анализу конфуцианских доктринальных предписаний, в соответствии с которыми выстраивались ценностно-нормативные представления о социальном статусе и роли женщины в китайском обществе. Рассматривается педагогический идеал традиционного женского образования. Ключевые слова: конфуцианство, женское образование, четыре женские добродетели, талант. Rysakova P. I. Socio-Cultural Specifics of Women Education in Traditional Chinese Society The article deals with the problem of specific features of female education in Chinese traditional society. It primarily focuses on analysis of the doctrine of Confucianism which regulated the normative expectations of women's social status and role in Chinese society. The aim of women's traditional education is considered. Key words: Confucianism, female education, four women's virtues, talent. Свиридова Л. О. Олицетворение ада в Чине погребению священническому В статье изложены результаты наблюдений над постканоническими восточнохристианскими гимнографическими памятниками на церковно-славянском языке. В центре рассмотрения отличительная черта гимнографической образности: олицетворение не только ада, но и рая, космологических уровней, природных объектов и стихий. В образной системе гимнографического текста выявляются космологический и антропоморфический семиотические коды. Ключевые слова: гимнография, книги церковного обихода кирилловской печати, Потребник, семиотические коды, космологические представления. Sviridova L. O. Embodiment of Hell in theOrder of Priestly Burial The results of observation of Eastern Christian post-canonical hymnographic memorials in the Old Church Slavonic language are given in the article. The central idea of the research is the main feature of the hymnographic imagery the embodiment not only of Hell, but of Heaven, cosmological levels, natural objects and elements. In the system of hymnographic texts cosmological and antropomorphic semiotic codes are presented. Key words: hymnography, church books of Cyril print, Potrebnik, semiotic codes, cosmological views. Селивановский В. В. Сциентистские элементы вероучения Движения Веры Сциентизм в теистической религии парадоксален. Этот феномен вероучения неопятидесятнического Движения Веры побуждает обратиться к анализу его генеалогических корней, теологии и эпистемологии. Крайний фидеизм и далёкое от научной рациональности отрицание чувственного опыта позволяет говорить не о сциентистской ориентации сознания, а о квазинаучном флёре, прикрывающем магический характер практики. Ключевые слова: сциентизм, Движение Веры, метафизическое движение, Новое Мышление, закон веры. Selivanovskiy V. V. Scientistic elements of the Word-Faith Movement's doctrine A claim for scientism in theistic religion is paradoxical. This doctrinal phenomenon of the neo-Pentecostal Word-Faith Movement encourages analysis of its genealogical beginnings, theology and epistemology. Extreme forms of fideism and rejection of the sentient experience, which is foreign to the scientific rationality, do not reveal a scientistic orientation of consciousness but rather a quasi-scientific fleur, employed to disguise the magical nature of the movement's practices. Key words: scientism, Word-Faith Movement, metaphysical movement, New Thought, law of faith. Скоморох Олег А., протоиерей. История тюремного служения христианской церкви в связи с пенитенциарными реформами XVIII-XIX вв. Статья касается вопросов, относящихся к истории тюремного служения христианской Церкви в период пенитенциарных реформ США, Великобритании и России XVIII-XIX веков, когда определялась позиция государств и общества, направленная на христианизацию и гуманизацию тюремного заключения вообще и нравственного исправления заключенных, в частности. Цель статьи ознакомить миссионеров Христианской Церкви, совершающих тюремное служение, с развитием и становлением тюремной миссии, как части государственных систем исполнения наказания. Ключевые слова: тюремное служение, миссия, пенитенциарные реформы, капелланство, Церковь и общество. Skomorokh Oleg A. History of Prison Service of Christian Church in Connection with Penitential Reforms during XVIII-XIX Cent. The article touches upon some questions concerning the history of prison ministry of the Christian Church during penitential reforms in the USA, the Great Britain and Russia in the course of XVIII-XIX centuries, when humanizing and Christianizing position towards the Penal Executive System in general and moral correcting of prisoners in details was taking its shape in those states and societies. The objective of the article is to acquaint the Christian Church's missionaries, carrying out prison ministry, with the progress and development of prison mission, as parts of state Penal Executive Systems. Key words: prison ministry, mission, penitential reforms, chaplaincy, Church and society. Фадеева Т. Ф. Повседневные элементы духовной средневековой культуры. Искусство квадрвиума: Музыка В статье предполагается предварительный обзор культурологических аспектов средневековой системы образования. Автор рассматривает некоторые аспекты формирования хоральной культуры как многоступенчатой духовно-музыкальной системы. Ключевые слова: Средние века, образование, музыка, церковная культура, искусство. Fadeeva T. F. The Everyday Elements of the Spiritual Medieval Culture. Art of Quadrivium: Music The article assumes a tentative review of the culturological aspects of the medieval educational system. The author distinguishes some aspects of forming of choral culture as many-staged spiritual-music system. Key words: Middle Ages, education, music, church culture, art. Федорова М. В. Семиотика свадебных украшений бурят В статье рассматриваются украшения бурят как предметный код свадебного ритуала, на широком этнографическом материале анализируется синкретичная структура их семиотических функций. Свадебные украшения несли в себе продуцирующую, апотропейную символику, были связаны с представлениями о жизненной силе, являлись маркерами обретения невестой нового социально-возрастного статуса. В качестве основных источников использованы вещевые коллекции Российского этнографического музея, Музея антропологии и этнографии им. Петра Великого РАН, научные публикации. Ключевые слова: украшения, свадебный наряд, семиотический, символ. Fedorova M. V. Semiotics of Buryats'wedding jewelry The subject of the report is the jewelry as an objective code of the wedding ritual. The author analyses the syncretic structure of their semiotic functions on a broad ethnographic material. The wedding jewelry have productive, protective symbolism, were associated with notions of vitality, and were the markers of a bride new-age social status. As the main sources, the author used the collections of objects of the Russian Museum of Ethnography, the Peter the Great's Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography (Kunstkamera), and scientific publications. Key words: jewelry, wedding dress, semiotic, symbol. Филиппова Ю. В. Мифологические аспекты в понятии сознания В статье рассматриваются мифологические аспекты сознания, их влияние на возникновение новой формы познания философии, онтологические предпосылки структур времени и памяти, а также сновидение как компонент мофопоэтического сознания и постепенный переход к рефлексии. Ключевые слова: сознание, миф, рефлексия, время, память, реальность, сновидение. Philippova J. V. Mythological Aspects of the Notion of Consciousness The article deals with mythological aspects of consciousness, their influence on genesis of a new form of cognition philosophy, also ontological suppositions of temporal and memorable structures, and dreaming as an element of mythopoetical consciousness and gradual conversion to reflection. Key words: consciousness, myth, reflection, time, memory reality, dream. Чистякова Э. Э. Скандинавское влияние в русской художественной культуре XIX-XX веков Переломная эпоха XIX-XX веков изменила представление о взаимодействии русского и западноевропейского искусства. Для преодоления изоляции русской культуры было необходимо познакомить русских художников и общество с состоянием искусства за рубежом. Выставки скандинавских художников, организованные в конце XIX века, открыли национально-романтическое искусство северных соседей России и дали пример вступления на общеевропейский путь развития без утраты национальных особенностей. Скандинавское влияние оставило заметный след на русской архитектуре рубежа веков, особенно в северной столице. Знакомство с достижениями скандинавского искусства расширило творческие возможности и позволило русским художникам оказаться причастными к наиболее значительным событиям художественной жизни рубежа веков. Ключевые слова: скандинавское влияние, русские художники, северный модерн, С. П. Дягилев, А. Галлен-Каллела, А. Эдельфельт, Мир искусства. Chistjakova E. E. Scandinavian Influence in the Russian Artistic Culture of XIX-XX Centuries The turning age of the XIX-XX centuries changed the idea about Russian and West European Art interaction. To bridge the Russian culture isolation it was necessary to introduce the status of the foreign culture to Russian artists and the society. The exhibitions of Scandinavian painters arranged at the end of the XIX century showed National Romanticism of Nordic neighbours to Russia and gave an example of entering European way of development with no national peculiarities losses. Scandinavian Influence had a visible affect on Russian architecture at the turn of the century especially in the North Capital of Russia. Making the acquaintance with Scandinavian Art achievements enhanced creative opportunities and made Russian artists participate in more significant artistic life events of the turn of the century. Key words: Scandinavian influence, Russian artists, Nordic Art Nouveau, Sergey P. Diaghilev, Akseli Gallen-Kallela, Albert G. Edelfelt, The Art World. Шомахмадов С. Х. Космография Южной Азии в письменных памятниках вишнуитской и буддийской традиций В статье дан сравнительный анализ вишнуитской и буддийской космологических систем. Отмечается, что радиально-кольцевая морфология земной поверхности характерна как для буддийской, так и для вишнуитской традиции. Числовая семантика материков, представленная в космографии Южной Азии, демонстрирует, что ойкумена осмыслялась как совершенная, идеологически отражающая непрерывность двух традиций. Общим для обеих традиций является признание человеческой формы рождения как единственно благой, дающей возможность достижения окончательного освобождения (мокша, нирвана). Ключевые слова: космография, буддизм, индуизм, Индия, сакральные центры Shomakhmadov S. H. The South Asia's Cosmography in the Texts of Vaishnavist and Buddhist Traditions The comparative analysis of the Vaishnavist and Buddhist cosmological systems is given in this article. It is noticed that the radially-ring morphology of a terrestrial surface is characteristic both for Buddhist, and for Vaishnavist traditions. The numerical semantics of continents presented in the Southern Asia's cosmography shows that ecumena was comprehended as the perfect, ideologically reflecting continuity of two traditions. The general for both traditions is the acceptance of the human birth form as a unique good, giving the chance for achievements of definitive clearing (moksha, nirvana). Key words: cosmography, Buddhism, Hinduism, India, sacral centers.

The American Civil War is one of the defining events in American history. Abundant studies cover every aspect of the conflict, from strategic analysis to the material culture of uniforms. Even with thousands of academic studies, each adding a new interpretation, there remains still unexplored territory. This study's objective is to expand upon and connect these previous interpretations to produce another tier in understanding a specific chapter of the war. The question posed centers on not the Confederate strengths but the Federal weaknesses. Research shows how the failure and limitations of Union strategy, policy, and the inability to logistically sustain massive offensives opened the way for the Confederacy to capitalize on, and turn the tide of the war. Furthermore, how did the Confederate strategies both militarily and politically have the greatest success and influence on the Kentucky and Maryland Campaigns and the overall outcome of the war? ; Master of Arts in Military History ; Capstone Autumn 1862 The High Tide of the Confederacy Colin E. Zimmerman A paper submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Arts in Military History Norwich University MH562 Capstone Paper Dr. Wesley Moody 23-August-2020. 2 Thesis: The American Civil War is one of the defining events in American history. Abundant studies cover every aspect of the conflict, from strategic analysis to the material culture of uniforms. Even with thousands of academic studies, each adding a new interpretation, there remains still unexplored territory. This study's objective is to expand upon and connect these previous interpretations to produce another tier in understanding a specific chapter of the war. The question posed centers on not the Confederate strengths but the Federal weaknesses. Research shows how the failure and limitations of Union strategy, policy, and the inability to logistically sustain massive offensives opened the way for the Confederacy to capitalize on, and turn the tide of the war. Furthermore, how did the Confederate strategies both militarily and politically have the greatest success and influence on the Kentucky and Maryland Campaigns and the overall outcome of the war? It will be necessary to answer this question through a multilayered approach. Instead of viewing the Kentucky and Maryland campaigns on the tactical level, which has already consumed most of the historiography on the topic, this study will instead find an explanation to this question through political, logistical, organizational, leadership personalities, and economic components and how they dictated the overall strategic picture and framework. When synthesizing all these components together, one potential answer generates: the grand Confederate offensive in the autumn of 1862, a direct result of botched Federal strategic measures and limitations, divided political policies, and the Union's struggling logistical capabilities; indicated the high tide of the Confederacy. Through battlefield victories and seizing the initiative in direct and indirect courses, Confederate leadership allowed the Southern field armies to exploit the Federal weaknesses culminating in the Kentucky and Maryland campaigns. 3 These campaigns offered the Confederacy its only realistic chance of ending the war on political and strategic terms that favored the South. An examination of each specific component and its relation to the Confederate high tide's theory is therefore essential to back this new interpretation. Political Factors of the North, South, and Europe; and its Benefit to the Confederacy in 1862: All wars, especially civil wars, are political in their foundation, influence, and execution. In "On War," Carl von Clausewitz states that "the political object, as the original motive of the War, will be the standard for determining both the aim of the military force and the amount of effort to be made." 1 This axiom applies to events in the autumn of 1862 since political factors dominated the motivation of strategy. The Confederacy's legitimacy resided within its field armies continued existence. Their ability to gain military victories that supported both the strategic and political realms was the essential component that needed to be sustained if the South was to remain independent. The North was in a completely different predicament, as the rival political factions, Republican's and Democrat's, each with its own opinion on the objective goals and the conduct of the war, could not in the early phase of the war come to common ground as to what the specific nature, cause, plan, and purpose of the Civil War was. The North was a nation at war without complete unification of mind, and purpose, which presented a weakness that could ultimately undo its efforts. Complicating matters for President Abraham Lincoln, and his party's agenda, was the fact the Northern Democratic party held just over 45% of the popular vote of free and border states in the 1860 election. 2 In short, the President and his administration existed only in a 1 Carl von Clausewitz, On War, Translated by Colonel J.J. Graham. New York, NY: Barnes & Noble, 2004. 10. 2 James McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988. 506. 4 narrow margin and needed to conduct the war in a way suitable to keep the two very different mindsets exhibited by both the Republicans and Democrats in agreement. The Kentucky and Maryland campaigns occurred while changing Republican ideas on the persecution of the war and mid-term congressional elections, which proved to be a significant juncture in Northern and foreign politics. To be sure, the summer and fall of 1862 were extremely delicate times for Lincoln and the Republicans, and they could not afford any negative setbacks. Lacking any precedent to draw on, the Lincoln Administration delicately approached the rebellion by seeking the destruction of Confederate armies and exempting the Southern population from the burdens of war by respecting the civilians' constitutional rights and property. Historian Mark Grimsley captured the conviction of the policy by pointing out that the Lincoln administration renounced any intention of attacking slavery; and the government's assumption that most white Southerners were lukewarm about secession, and if handled with forbearance, would withdraw their allegiance from the Confederacy once Union armies entered their midst. 3 This policy known as conciliation, therefore, served as the beat to which Union forces marched off to war. Not all Northern generals and radical Republicans embraced this; however, the policy served as the first step in an evolutionary process that would eventually culminate in "hard-war." The effects of conciliation created favorable conditions for the Confederacy from which they were able to exploit the "limited war" shortcomings of the Union and surge forward into the fall offensive and their high tide. These shortcomings manifest in several different forms: leadership, strategic limitation, and foreign and domestic political pressure. Unfortunately for the 3 Mark Grimsley, The Hard Hand of War: Union Military Policy toward Southern Civilians, 1861-1865. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013. 3. 5 Union, the combination of these factors exposed themselves in a negative light nearly all simultaneously, creating a perfect opportunity for the Confederates to take advantage of the drawbacks and pursue victory. Fueling the fire was the Lincoln Administration's policy regarding the appointment of military governors in captured territory. The issue arose when these cities, such as Nashville, were turned into massive supply centers for Union armies, resulting in intense rivalries between city and country, neighboring communities, and whites and blacks as they competed for jobs and dominance. 4 Henry Halleck, George McClellan, Don Carlos Buell, the key leaders of the Federal armies in 1862, generated the most immediate consequences stemming from the shortcomings of conciliation from as these three adherents to firm Democratic principles and military strategy are most responsible for creating the opportunity for a Confederate offensive. Generals Halleck, McClellan, and Buell are often portrayed by historians as lacking the "killer instinct," especially when compared to Ulysses S. Grant, William T. Sherman, and Phil Sheridan. However, a more accurate analysis finds them as men who followed the conciliation policy almost to the letter for political, personal, or logistical reasons. Halleck himself wrote the Elements of Military Art and Science, where he harped on the capture of strategic points, incurring the least number of casualties and damage as possible as the primary strategy of winning a war. Ironically, Halleck, the most influential Union general in 1862, believed that warfare was unjustifiable in most cases and should only be conducted with the utmost caution. 5 As General in Chief, Halleck had a significant influence on the conduct of operations of the Union forces. Each of these three 4 Grimsley, The Hard Hand of War, 35-36; Scott Nelson and Carol Sheriff, A People of War: Civilians and Soldiers in America's Civil War, New York: Oxford University Press, 2007. 88. The reference to negative leadership refers to the actions of Nathaniel Lyon and Francis Blair; who introduced "harsh" measures in 1861 prematurely which led to a brutal guerilla war and other political ramifications. 5 Henry Wagner Halleck, Elements of Military Art and Science: Course of Instruction in Strategy, Fortification, Tactics of Battle, Embracing the Duties of Staff, Infantry, Cavalry, Artillery, and Engineers, Adapted to the Use of Volunteers and Militia, Third Edition, New York: D. Appleton & Company, 1862. 7-9. 6 commanders prescribed to similar variants of Halleck's theory, whose universal core value of caution above all else acted as the catalyst to create the conditions for the Confederacy to crest in the fall of 1862. While the reigns of military success were in McClellan's and Buell's hands during the Maryland and Kentucky campaigns; Halleck made two major errors in 1862 that are directly responsible for igniting the Confederate offensives. The first was his overabundance of caution in taking Corinth, allowing the Confederates to slip away and then failing to retain the initiative by pushing to Vicksburg while simultaneously failing to capture Chattanooga. The second major failure was his inability to harness his granted power and force McClellan to speedily and effectively send his army to the aid of John Pope, eliminating any opportunity for a combined assault on Lee's smaller army. 6 The Democratic principles these generals prescribed to differed in many respects from Lincoln and the Republican agenda on the idea of the war. Each strongly believed in the preservation of the Union yet favored winning the war by the least drastic measures, the least number of casualties, and on a platform acceptable to their Democratic party beliefs. 7 For instance, McClellan wrote Buell, upon the latter's elevation to command of the Army of the Ohio: "bear in mind that we are fighting only to preserve the integrity of the Union and to uphold the power of General Government….be careful so to treat the unarmed inhabitants as to contract, not widen, the breach existing between us & the rebels." 8 Additionally, Generals Pope, Grant, and Rosecrans, who likely weren't as politically polarized as the former three, contributed to the growing political dissension in 1862 in their own right. Therefore, by their actions, federal military leadership did more to subvert the Union military from ending the war quickly and 6 Russel F. Weigley, A Great Civil War: A Military and Political History, 1861-1865, Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 2000. 135-136. It is arguable whether or not the Army of the Potomac could have arrived in its entirety rapidly enough to join with Pope. However, personal and in-house political agendas did not move the efficiency along any faster. 7 Weigley, A Great Civil War, xix-xxi. 8 Grimsley, 64. 7 dividing political tension based on faction theology more than any other public figures in 1862. One of the more notable incidents that fit into the framework of subversion was Grant's debacle at Shiloh, which brought strong opposition from anti-war Democrats, causing cautious leaders such as Halleck and McClellan to tighten their grip and fear repeat attacks. Most detrimental in this respect was the administration's and Halleck's decision to temporarily bench Grant during the Corinth episode, then subsequently leaving him in a position where he could not act with his usual aggressiveness against Stirling Price and Earl Van Dorn. Before his removal as General in Chief, George McClellan wrote Halleck then in charge of western forces, "The future success of our cause demands that proceedings such as Grant's should at once be checked. Generals must observe discipline as well as private soldiers. Do not hesitate to arrest him at once if the good of service requires it, & place CF Smith in command." 9 Grant's "recklessness" at Shiloh created quite the stir on the home front, which as a result, political rivals of the Lincoln Administration, sought to break down Grant as a way to spread discontent and fit the anti-war platform. They harped on the high number of casualties, the surprise of the Confederate attack, and the black eye to the seemingly unstoppable Union war machine. The backlash reached Washington, prompting a response from the Administration. In a telegram to Halleck, Secretary of War Stanton wrote, "The President desires to know why you have made no official report to this department respecting the late battles of Pittsburg landing. And whether any neglect or misconduct of General Grant or any other officer contributed to the sad casualties that befell our forces on Sunday." 10 The battle of Shiloh became the first political debacle that militarily opened the door for the Confederacy to take the offensive in the fall of 1862. 9 Nancy Scott Anderson and Dwight Anderson, The Generals: Ulysses. S. Grant and Robert E. Lee, Avenel: New Jersey, 1987. 230. 10 Anderson, The Generals, 241. 8 The most immediate politically charged consequence materialized in Halleck's handling of the advance on Corinth, which exemplified his standard cautiousness with added paranoia of avoiding another repeat of Shiloh. 11 The delicate politically charged caution continued even after the successful capture of Corinth in Halleck's decision to send Buell, over Pope or Grant to seize Chattanooga. Halleck's snail-like cautious advance on Corinth, and the decision to send Buell to Chattanooga, allowed the disorganized Confederate army to withdraw from Corinth, establish a new commander in the form of Braxton Bragg, who in turn brought reorganization, discipline, and professionalization to the Army of Mississippi; which proved to be the genesis of Bragg and Smith having the ability to advance into Tennessee and Kentucky. 12 Military shortcomings turned political disasters in the Eastern Theater during the summer of 1862, soon overshadowed Shiloh, and added dramatic momentum and opportunity to the rise of the Confederate high tide in the war's primary theater. McClellan and his Army of the Potomac, having suffered political harassment in late 1861 into the spring of 1862, began their downward political spiral with the Army of the Potomac's loss of initiative and strategic defeat during the Seven Days Battles on the Peninsula. The setbacks along the James River coupled with the black eye at Shiloh, and the defeat of Federal forces in the Shenandoah Valley in the spring of 1862 had devastating political effects, which left the North and European powers believing that all hope for the Union resided with McClellan and his Army of the Potomac. The proximity of the Union and Confederate capitals made the Eastern theater a hot spot for journalists and policymakers on both sides, who saw the region as the deciding factor in the Civil War's outcome. This army's setback at the gates of Richmond did more to influence how events 11 Larry J. Daniel, Days of Glory: The Army of the Cumberland, 1861-1865, Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2006. 85. 12 Thomas Lawrence Connelly, Army of the Heartland: The Army of Tennessee, 1861-1862, Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2001. 188-194. 9 unfolded in the east in 1862 in both the strategic and political sense, both foreign and domestic. 13 The shortcomings on the Peninsula stymied the Union's hope to quickly end the war while making the voices of "Peace Democrats" louder and the political situation even more delicate. As if the Lincoln Administration did not already have enough burdens, both England and France, whose neutrality was necessary for the Union war effort, began to openly question the North's ability to subdue the South and end the rebellion. 14 Stonewall Jackson's brilliant campaign in the Valley, coupled with the Army of Northern Virginia's ferocious performance on the Peninsula elevated Southern patriotism, and simultaneously dampened Northern morale, convincing many on both sides that Southern victory was achievable. 15 Colonel Charles Marshall, Lee's Assistant Adjutant General believed that Robert E. Lee's emergence onto the scene was the greatest benefit to the Southern cause. He equated Lee's leadership on the Peninsula to that of a color bearer bravely advancing his banner towards the enemy. On political matters Marshall correctly believed that the Northern people were impatient for a speedy victory and that the Federal Government expressed this sentiment in its policy on conducting the war. However, this policy was forcefully and forever altered with the aggressive Lee's emergence onto the scene, whose plan called for carrying on the war indefinitely until the Confederacy achieved victory. Marshall outlined this plan as designed to, "frustrate the enemy's designs; to break up campaigns undertaken with vast expense and with confident assurance of success; to impress upon the minds of Northern people the conviction that they must prepare for a protracted struggle, great sacrifices of life and treasure, with the possibility that all might at last be of no 13 Stephen W. Sears, To the Gates of Richmond: The Peninsula Campaign, New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1992. 355. 14 McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom, 554-555. 15 Peter Cozzens, Shenandoah 1862: Stonewall Jackson's Valley Campaign, Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2008. 507-508. 10 avail; and to accomplish this at the smallest cost to the Confederacy." 16 This leadership change at such a critical moment proved to be the dawn of turning Confederate fortunes in the east. Public opinion and political reactions to the Union failure on the Peninsula were mixed; however, strong opposition towards McClellan emerged and created discord among the rival Democrats and Republicans, each of whom found outlets to accuse the other of the responsibility of the campaign's failure. 17 Amid this political turmoil, Lincoln, in an effort to offset the discord introduced Major General John Pope, who only managed to escalate political dissension to a fever pitch with his disastrous Northern Virginia campaign. 18 In the Western Theater, the emergence of Braxton Bragg also came at a critical juncture in juxtaposition with the events occurring in the east. Bragg took command of the Army of Mississippi at one of its darkest hours, and through exemplary organizational skills, reshaped the Army of Mississippi into a professional, disciplined force capable of delivering a lethal blow. With such a force, Bragg was able to look to more risky opportunities that would offset the Union strategic gains in the west and regain Tennessee and perhaps set the stage for Kentucky.19 Private Sam Watkins of the 1st Tennessee recorded the positive change in morale from the melancholy atmosphere at Corinth to when new lifeblood in the army emerged. "We were in an ecstasy akin to heaven. We were happy; the troops were jubilant; our manhood blood pulsated more warmly; our patriotism was awakened; our pride was renewed and stood ready for any emergency; we felt that one Southern man could whip twenty Yankees. All was lovely and 16 Charles Marshall, Lees Aide-De-Camp: Being the Papers of Colonel Charles Marshall Sometime Aide-De-Camp, Military Secretary, and Assistant Adjutant General on the Staff of Robert E. Lee, 1862-1865, Edited by Gary W. Gallagher, and Frederick Maurice, Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2000. 74. 17 Sears, To the Gates of Richmond, 346-347. 18 John J. Hennessy, Return to Bull Run: The Battle and Campaign of Second Manassas. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1999. 468-472. 19 Earl J. Hess, Banners to the Breeze: the Kentucky Campaign, Corinth, and Stones River, Lincoln, Neb.: University of Nebraska Press, 2010. 19-22. 11 the goose hung high." 20 Although the Confederates had suffered initial setbacks early in 1862, the advantages afforded by conciliation, cautious Federal leadership, and the emergence of Lee and Bragg allowed for a reversal of fortunes. In 1862 Southern patriotism was running high; the idea of independence and the Confederate soldier's superiority was at its wartime peak. 21 Lee's decision to invade Maryland was political in nature. Maryland Campaign historians, Joseph Harsh, Scot Hartwig, Stephen Sears, James Murfin, and Ezra Carman while differing on strategic matters, all agree that Lee's primary purpose was to secure a decisive victory which would gain the South the political victory; either in the form of Northern domestic politics or international recognition and or intervention. The application of political pressure to Lee's offensive outweighs all the deficiencies faced by his army in the logistical realm, and further illustrated his grasp on the delicacy of Northern political division. Clearly, he understood this division and had faith that his smaller, ill-supplied force had a chance to deliver a blow that would fracture the Northern populace and produce an outcome that favored the South. General Lee suggested his understanding of such matters in a letter to President Jefferson Davis while in Dranesville on September 3. "The present seems to be the most propitious time since the commencement of the war for the Confederate Army to enter Maryland.….if it is ever desired to give material aid to Maryland and afford her and opportunity of throwing off the oppression to which she is now subject, this would seem the most favorable." 22 The domestic and foreign political objectives acting as primary motives for the "invasion," were in that instant equal to the strategic goals which accompanied them when 20 Samuel R. Watkins, Company Aytch or A Side Show of the Big Show: A Memoir of the Civil War. Edited by Ruth Hill Fulton McAllister. Nashville, TN: Turner, 2011. 45. 21 Joseph T. Glatthaar, General Lee's Army: From Victory to Collapse, New York: Free Press, 2008. 207; James Longstreet, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War, Edited by Ned Bradford. New York: The Fairfax Press, 1979. 263. 22 United States War Department, The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies. Vol. 19. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1880. 590. 12 defining the military value of the campaign; this is a unique feature to the Maryland Campaign and its condition for victory, while only a secondary task in Kentucky. In contrast historian Edwin Coddington paints a different picture for Lee's purposes in the Pennsylvania Campaign of 1863. Coddington outlined that Lee, in this part of the war, contended with the new Federal doctrine of "hard war" and emancipation, eliminating the decisive battle matched with the political advantage that existed in 1862. Therefore, Lee's only real option was to defeat the Army of the Potomac in detail, earning a strategic victory rather than a political one. 23 Such a task required adequate logistics, and a complete and total battlefield victory, two factors that eluded the Confederacy during the war. Such victory conditions presented to Lee in 1862 were unique and would never materialize again in any substantial form. Political division in the North was at fever pitch in the late summer of 1862; evidence of the discord's depth is apparent in everything from personal letters through Northern news outlets. Robert E. Lee, an avid reader of Northern papers, understood this notion and sought to exploit it. Domestically, Northern Democrats maintained a loud voice in critical regions and states, which only grew more robust and more resilient with each military shortcoming and failure. August and early September saw a heightened level of panic and discouragement in the North, with Pope's defeat and Lee's invasion of Maryland, while at the same time Kirby Smith's Confederate Army of Kentucky demonstrated against Cincinnati. Pennsylvania was understandably the most unnerved due to its proximity to Maryland and vital war infrastructure, and its Republican governor Andrew Curtin's demand for 80,000 troops to defend his state embodied it. Additionally, the mayors of the influential northern cities of Harrisburg, Philadelphia, and 23 Edwin B. Coddington, The Gettysburg Campaign: A Study in Command, New York: Simon and Schuster. 1968. 6-7. 13 Baltimore were alarmed, fearing their respective city was the target of Lee's advancing legions.24 In Cincinnati, the situation turned somewhat drastic. After destroying the Union forces at Richmond, Kentucky on August 30, Kirby Smith as a result had a clear road to the Ohio River. Understandably Illinois, Indiana, and Ohio all worried what Smith's next move would be while they scrambled to organize bodies of troops. General Lew Wallace arrived in Cincinnati, declared martial law and quickly set about organizing a defense. 25 With panic to the extremity of declaring martial law, the Northern population began to question their ability to win the war openly. Prominent figures such as George Templeton Strong, Samuel Galloway, Reverend Robert Laird Collier, and Senator Garrett Davis, spoke not only for themselves but also for the majority of the people by openly challenging President Lincoln and his administration on their ability to conduct the war. The accusations included Lincoln's unfitness for the Presidency, the constant change of military leadership in the east, which showed instability and was severely hurting morale in the North. Demands also arose that there be a complete reorganization of the Administration. 26 The Lincoln Administration's threat of a draft, unless an additional 300,000 volunteers could be raised created further tension. The idea of a draft disgusted many Northerners; however, with "patriotic" spirit enticed by bounties, nine-month service, and the threat of draft, the ranks of new regiments began to fill in late summer of 1862, only hitting forty-five percent of the intended quota. 27 The Union soldiers themselves cast a gloomy mood over the situation and expressed their views with varying levels of disgust. Lieutenant Elisha Hunt Rhodes of the 2nd 24 David H. Donald, Lincoln, New York, NY: Touchstone, 1996. 373. 25 Vernon L. Volpe, "Dispute Every Inch of Ground": Major General Lew Wallace Commands Cincinnati, September 1862." Indiana Magazine of History 85, no. 2 (1989): 139. 26 Donald, Lincoln, 373. 27 McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom, 492. 14 Rhode Island expressed in his diary that: "I fear we are no nearer the end of the war than we were when we first landed at Fortress Monroe five months ago." 28 Captain Francis Donaldson of the 118th Pennsylvania captured the mood in Washington: "We are constant witness of the sad plight of the Army of the Potomac, as thousands of Genl. Pope's troops in great demoralization are ever passing the Fort in retreat to Washington. The poor old Army of the Potomac, how I pity it." 29 Captain Henry Pearson of the 6th New Hampshire also expressed his views in the aftermath of Second Manassas: "You need not be surprised if success falls to the rebels with astonishing rapidity." 30 Brigadier General Marsena Patrick's opinion bordered on insurrection: "There is a general feeling that the Southern Confederacy will be recognized & that they deserve recognition." 31 Lieutenant Charles Seton Fleming of the 2nd Florida Infantry, in a letter home to his mother describing the aftermath of the Second Manassas campaign, echoed Patrick's views when he wrote: "Our victory is complete, even the Yankee prisoners acknowledge it." 32 Lieutenant Colonel Henry Hubbell of the 3rd New York wrote in August 1862: "I am not sure that it would not be a good thing to have the rebels get possession of Washington however, as it might waken up the north to the fact that we are having a war in earnest, and not merely playing soldier…. We have got men & means enough in the north to put an end to this war in 90 days, if they would only go at it in earnest and let politics & the nigger alone." 33 28 Elisha Hunt Rhodes, All for the Union: A History of the 2nd Rhode Island Volunteer Infantry in the War of the Great Rebellion. Edited by Robert Hunt Rhodes. Lincoln, RI: A. Mowbray, 1985. 69. 29 Francis Adams Donaldson, Inside the Army of the Potomac: The Civil War Experience of Captain Francis Adams Donaldson. Edited by J. Gregory Acken. Mechanicsburg, PA: Stackpole Books, 1998. 104. 30 D. Scott Hartwig, To Antietam Creek: the Maryland Campaign of September 1862. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2019. 134-135. 31 Ibid., 134-135. 32 Francis P. Fleming, A Memoir of Captain C. Seton Fleming: of the Second Florida Infantry, C.S.A., Reprint 1985: Jacksonville: Times-Union Publishing House, 1884. 66. 33 Simon P. Newman, "A Democrat in Lincoln's Army: The Civil War Letters of Henry P. Hubbell." The Princeton University Library Chronicle 50, no. 2 (1989): 155-68. 157. 15 Hubbell eluded to the growing discord of racial issues that many Democrats saw as an unnecessary and politically charged motive to a war that was supposed to be strictly for preserving the Union. Nevertheless, this issue began to transform the cause of the war in the summer of 1862, adding only more weight to a very delicate political situation. Hubbell's feelings weren't isolated; instead, the sense that the war was taking on a new front to end slavery infuriated many Northerners. Hubbell's views on racial matters and slavery were not limited to himself, in fact, the stiffest opposition to war that had anything to do with freeing slaves came from the Midwest states; where racism was an epidemic culturally, especially in the Army of the Ohio. The talk of national emancipation led hundreds of men to desert and, in some cases, join the Confederacy. 34 Sentiments similar to these echoed across the Union armies and, undoubtedly, were shared by family and friends on the home front. Some individuals turned bitter, and perhaps extreme, which reflected political, ideological, and sectional differences in the North, which under the pressure of a seemingly collapsing system reared its ugly head. The term "invasion" has been used several times thus far, especially by the Union's most publicized general, George McClellan. This term and others related to it divided the minds of many of those who had significant power to dictate the war. Abraham Lincoln, at no point, recognized the Confederacy as a legitimate entity. He always maintained that the Southern States were in rebellion and needed to be brought back into the Union. Interestingly, his senior generals in 1862, mostly Democrats, saw the Confederate offensives as invasions, insinuating their conscious or subconscious recognition that Confederate armies were "foreign invaders" intent on doing harm, which helped fuel the panic, frustration, and seemingly lost Union cause ideology. 35 34 Daniel, Days of Glory, 101. 35 Andrew Pooley, "Shoo-ing the Geese: Lincoln and the Army of the Potomac, 1862-1863." Australian Journal of American Studies 21, no.2 (2002): 86-100. 86-87. 16 Jefferson Davis, the Confederate cabinet, Robert E. Lee, Braxton Bragg, and all the other high-ranking Confederate officers comprehended the growing Northern political disunion. This is evident in the decision to approve a Confederate offensive and the string of strategic goals associated with it. The Army of Northern Virginia, for example, fulfilled its duty of defeating the Federals time and again, completely reversing the tide of the war in the east. As Robert E. Lee sat at his headquarters in the aftermath of Chantilly, it had become abundantly clear that he now possessed the opportunity to strike the decisive blow against whatever Union army would oppose him in Maryland or Pennsylvania, which would likely result in some sort of peace talks. 36 Lieutenant Colonel Edward Porter Alexander Chief of Ordnance in the Army of Northern Virginia saw the picture as clear as Lee. Referring to the army, we wrote: "His [Lee's] army had, that magnificent morale which made them equal to twice their numbers, & which they never lost even to the surrender at Appomattox. And his confidence in them, & theirs in him, were so equal that no man can yet say which was greatest. And no old soldier need ask a prouder record than is implied in that fact. By going into Maryland Gen. Lee could at least subsist his army for a while upon the enemy, & he doubtless hoped, too, for a chance to force the Federal army to come out & fight him under favorable conditions." 37 Confederate officer William Allan, reverberated Alexander's sentiments when he wrote of the Army of Northern Virginia: "its spirit at this time was high. A series of brilliant successes had given it unbounded confidence in itself and its leaders, and the ragged dirty soldiers hailed with joy the advance across the Potomac." 38 The comparison of the Federal and Confederate views as indicated from primary sources, on 36 Hartwig, To Antietam Creek, 52-53. 37 Edward Porter Alexander, Fighting for the Confederacy: The Personal Recollections of General Edward Porter Alexander. Edited by Gary W. Gallagher, United States: The University of North Carolina Press, 2000. 139. 38 William Allan, The Army of Northern Virginia in 1862, Reprint: Middletown: DE, 2020. 273. 17 leadership and the progress of the war at the beginning of the Maryland Campaign were clearly in favor of the South. The leadership of Don Carlos Buell is a prime example of political dissatisfaction, both on the home front and in the army. While McClellan was unpopular with the Administration, he still held favor with most of his officers, and certainly the rank and file of the army and the nation. Buell, however, faced contention on three similar fronts – The Indiana bloc, the general and field officers of the First Division, and the supporters of Alexander McCook, one of his corps commanders. Much of the disgust with Buell occurred during the Kentucky Campaign. This break in unified efforts favored the Confederate cause, particularly in swaying popular opinion in Kentucky. Republican Indiana newspapers ripped into Buell's leadership, declaring that he was completely mishandling the pursuit of two Confederate armies that were ripping up Kentucky and potentially heading towards Indiana, Ohio, or Illinois. Some newspapers called for his immediate dismissal, and a few even demanded he be shot. 39 When comparing Lee and his army to Buell and his, there formulates a fascinating dissection of the polar extremes in popular and political opinion. Lee and his men were on the top of their game, while Buell's forces were at a low ebb. Using these two examples as the basis of measurement, it becomes apparent that overall, the Confederate forces enjoyed a much higher sense of public support and favorability then their Union counterparts did at that particular moment in the war. Scholars have hotly debated the prospect of European powers, particularly England and France intervening and mediating an end to the conflict. The idea of such a prospect was undoubtedly the primary goal for the Confederate strategy in the autumn of 1862. It is essential to view the idea of European intervention in the simplest of forms. The Southern strategy partly 39 Daniel, 128-129. 18 hinged on it, as can be observed via strategic decisions and public opinion, the North, however, feared the prospect. Intervention and mediation on any level would, in the end, be more beneficial to the South, and the Lincoln Administration would appear as incapable; in short, it would be a disaster for the North and Republicans. 40 The onset of a "cotton famine" and the scandal of the Trent affair occurred amid all the politically charged events in 1862, resulting in the British sending an additional 11,000 men to Canada and forcing Lincoln to tread lightly in foreign political matters. 41 Historian Max Beloff believed that the possibility of British intervention was extremely likely in 1862, mainly due to the North's refusal to make anti-slavery sentiments the basis of their cause, instead still focusing on the preservation of the Union, which only supported the pro-Southern faction in Parliament. 42 An examination of Southern newspapers and other editorials, shows public opinion in the South at the beginning of the war was universal in the belief that Great Britain would be forced, through the power of cotton, to intervene either by raising the blockade or by recognizing the Confederate States as an independent nation or perhaps both. 43 Regardless of the likelihood of actual intervention or recognition, the idea of it greatly influenced Confederate leaders, particularly Lee, who notated such objective goals in his correspondence with Davis. Davis agreed outlining his desires in a communication to Lee on September 7. He reminded Lee that the Confederacy was waging war solely for self-defense. Through the eight points he outlined as the guiding principles for the field armies to abide by, Davis continually revolved his doctrine around political objectives whose chief purpose were to achieve peace with the United States. If the South maintained a self- 40 McPherson, 444. 41 Nelson, A People at War, 166. 42 Max Beloff, "Historical Revision No. CXVIII: Great Britain and the American Civil War." History, New Series, 37, no. 129, (1952): 40-48. 42. 43 Schuyler Dean Hoslett, "The Richmond Daily Press on British Intervention in the Civil War: A Brief Summary." The William and Mary Quarterly 20, no. 1 (1940): 79-83. 80. 19 defense posture, with the objective of peace through battlefield victory; then the likelihood of positive European intervention on their behalf had a much higher probability, which in turn could possibly bring a speedy end to the war with terms that favored the Confederacy. 44 Logistical Concerns and Organizational Components: While the South always lagged behind the North in terms of finance, economy, manufacturing, manpower, and many other logistical concerns, the disparity was narrower in 1862 than in the coming years. As a point of contention, several trends and circumstances in the Union war effort benefited the South more than it aided the Union on the grand stage. Concerning logistics, Clausewitz's maxim states: "The dependence on the base increases in intensity and extent with the size of the Army, which is easy to understand. An Army is like a tree. From the ground out of which it grows it draws it's nourishment; if it is small it can easily be transplanted, but this becomes more difficult as it increases in size….When therefore, we talk of the influence of the base on the operations of an Army, the dimensions of the Army must always serve as the scale by which to measure the magnitude of that influence." 45 This axiom is precisely the predicament of the Northern war effort in the first two years of the war. The logistical portion of this study will examine the condition and availability of uniforms and equipment, quality of weaponry then in circulation, training and experience of soldiers, and finally the ability of each government to produce and supply its troops effectively. A logistical understanding is crucial for understanding the obstacles and conditions faced by the armies and how it dictated their effectiveness on campaign and immediate tactical ability on the battlefield in 1862. The South, as previously stated from the very beginning of the war, was behind its 44 OR, vol 19, 1: 598-599. 45 Clausewitz, On War, 353-354. 20 opponent in logistical matters; however, the North in 1862 was not at the climax in its ability of production and supply, and therefore lacked significantly in certain areas. However, it is essential to note that the limitations of the Federal logistical system by the fall of 1862 were only a few months shy of efficiently supplying the vast number of troops in the field. The first evidence of a marked change in the Union's logistical ability emerged in the Chancellorsville Campaign's genesis, after the winter of 1862-63. 46 Accepting the notion that the Confederate armies were in rough shape logistically; it is important to note that the primary leadership in the field was acutely aware of the shortages. However, the unfolding opportunity demanded a military strike that outweighed logistical concerns. Therefore, an examination into the Federal system's shortcomings is necessary to show the benefits it offered toward the Confederacy. The United States Army in the Antebellum period contained roughly 15,000 men of all arms. Compared with an army of 600,000 men in 1862, it is understandable that there would be significant shortcomings and hurdles to overcome in a nation that, as a rule, did not trust professional armies nor want to foot the bill for one. Nevertheless, the North had a clear advantage when it came to industrialization and manufacturing. Over one million Northerners worked in industrial jobs, ten times more than their Southern counterparts. Furthermore, the North contained roughly 100,000 factories compared to the South's 20,000. 47 Yet, as already pointed out, the prewar army was tiny and supplied with uniforms and equipment solely from the Schuylkill Arsenal in Philadelphia. Additionally, the arsenals producing firearms were limited, with all those existing in the South subsequently seized upon secession, having fewer firearms available to Northern regiments. 48 The North, therefore, would have to raise and equip an army 46 Stephen Sears, Chancellorsville, New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1996. 71-75 47 Matthew S. Muehlbauer and David J. Ulbrich, Ways of War: American Military History from the Colonial Era to the Twenty-First Century. New York: Routledge, 2018. 174-175. 48 Joseph E. Chance, The Second Texas Infantry, From Shiloh to Vicksburg, Austin: Eakin Press, 1984. 16, 24. 21 primarily with outdated weapons and with an industrial system that wasn't geared toward war manufacturing. The North's only saving grace was its economic might. 49 Economically it is crucial to understand that the Union that won the war in 1865, was not the same financial institution nor economy in 1861 and 1862. It was in major part due to the Legal Tender Act of 1862 and the National Currency Act of 1863, that the North was able to pay for the sustainment of the war; yet it took time for these acts to take effect. Therefore, in 1862 financially, the North was undoubtedly at its weakest; many of the state and municipal banks, especially those in border states, had closed their doors, while millions of businesses and private civilians hoarded gold. 50 The Union was only able to field the armies it did in 1861-1862 because of its ability to pay for the conversion and development of machinery needed for equipment, weaponry, and uniforms while relying initially on its prewar militia. Faced with arming a massive army overnight, the United States was forced to arm many of its regiments with outdated firearms, such as the M-1842 Smoothbore musket, and the M-1816 Flintlocks that were converted to percussion, in addition to supplementing itself with foreign weapons, from Britain, Belgium, France, Austria, and others. These weapons except those from Britain, proved to be severely outdated compared to the technology available in the 1860s. The importance of recognizing the sub-standard firearms is their effectiveness on the battlefield and the potentiality of changing the outcome in a crucial moment in a battle. In an era of the rifled musket that was accurate from 250-300 yards, a typical smoothbore musket ranged from 80-100 yards. A significant portion of Federal troops were armed with outdated weapons in the Maryland and Kentucky Campaigns. A focus on any of the principal engagements in that time frame will show that regiments armed 49 McPherson, 442-445. 50 Nelson, 132-133. 22 with such weapons were in certain circumstances ineffective on the immediate tactical plane, and perhaps beneficial to their adversary. The disparity of weapons had begun to improve for the North in 1862; however, the infusion of nearly 300,000 volunteers during the summer of 1862 created a logistical gap once again. Many of the existing regiments in the army still shouldered outdated weapons, and now with legions of new men forming, these troops found themselves supplied with weapons that were unequal to the rigors of Civil War combat. Of this second wave of new recruits, the 12th New Jersey Volunteers serve as an excellent microcosm to examine the Union's logistical deficiencies in the rush to arm new recruits in 1862. Initially, the Jerseymen expected to receive the celebrated Enfield rifle; instead, they ended up with the inferior Austrian Lorenz, which was later exchanged in Washington for the equally outdated 1842 Springfield musket, although they saw this as an improvement over the detested Austrian rifle. 51 While every regiment's experience is different, the new wave and veterans alike in 1862 experienced some level of logistical deficiency that impacted their abelites on campaign or in battle. Aside from weapons, much of the equipment in the Army of the Potomac and the Army of the Ohio at the beginning of the Confederate offensives were at the end of its serviceable life span, due to months of active campaigning, and the inability to properly re-muster the army on a large scale because of the continuity of Confederate aggressiveness, which certainly affected their performance as a cohesive fighting force. Brigadier General Abner Doubleday who commanded a brigade at Second Manassas submitted requisitions to replace equipment and clothing just before the onset of the Maryland Campaign, noted in disgust: "owing to the great number [of other officers] making requisitions, mine were not filled and we were soon obliged to 51 Edward G. Longacre, To Gettysburg and Beyond: The Twelfth New Jersey Volunteer Infantry, II Corps, Army of the Potomac, 1862-1865, Hightstown: Longstreet House, 1988. 24. 23 take the field deficient in everything." 52 This sentiment was backed up by Captain James Wren of the IX Corps, who wrote that the men in his division "looked very bad, being Lousey, Dirty & Almost naked & worn out." 53 The soldiers in the Army of the Ohio were in equally if not worse shape. The vast distances covered by the Western Theater's armies created long supply lines, which fell victim to frequent raids from rebel cavalry. T.J. Wright of the 8th Kentucky Infantry noted in his diary that the Army of the Ohio was: "the hungriest, raggedest, tiredest, dirtiest, lousiest and sleepiest set of men the hardships of this or any other war ever produced." 54 While it is certain that the Confederates were in equally bad situations logistically, they had the benefit victory behind them in the east, and in Bragg's army's case, high morale. Another major struggle for the Federals in 1862 was the ability to get the supplies to its armies. The reason is not one specific aspect, but rather a compilation of bureaucracy, corruption, and lack of precedent to draw off. McClellan's army on the Peninsula had to be supplied from the sea, Pope in command of the Army of Virginia never took the time to ensure his troops had everything they needed, and Buell's army along with the rest of the western forces contended with long supply lines originating in Cairo Illinois, that were frequently raided by Confederate cavalry. The 16th Maine Infantry is a classic example of the suffering that occurred in a system that was outside its capabilities in 1862. The regiment's adjutant and historian Abner Small wrote: "How those men suffered! Hunger, daily felt, was nothing compared with it. Men of education, of refinement, and wealth, who willingly and cheerfully gave up home, with all its love and comfort, for country, made to feel degraded for want of clothing!" Small then describes 52 Hartwig, 137. 53 Ibid., 137. 54 Kenneth W. Noe, Perryville: This Grand Havoc of Battle. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 2011. 89. 24 the horrendous conditions: "…without shelter, without overcoats, shoeless, hatless, and hundreds without blankets; and through all that long, sad, and weary tramp, we were jeered at, insulted, and called the "Blanket Brigade!" 55 While examples like this are on the extreme, the narrative fits when assessing the entire logistical picture of the Army of the Potomac in September 1862. The term logistics also dovetails into organizational tables. Aside from sharing similar shortcomings in the area of supply and outdated weaponry, Lee's Army of Northern Virginia was by far the superior force in leadership, experience, and organization when compared with McClellan's force. By September 2, 1862, nearly 61 percent of Lee's infantry had fought in three or more major battles, and 81 percent fought in two or more. All of his 184 infantry regiments were veterans of at least one battle. Not only were Lee's regiments superior in this regard, but his brigade commanders were highly efficient as well. Twenty-seven of Lee's forty brigades were veterans of two or more major battles, while the remaining thirteen had fought in either the Seven Days or Second Manassas. On the divisional level, the highest official level of organization at that point for the A.N.V.; all of the eleven divisions had seen at least one battle. 56 The Union leadership backed this notion up as well. It was widely accepted, and a point still argued amongst historians, that the Southern fighting man was superior. This mythology has far back as the American Revolution corroboration has its roots in early Confederate victories, particularly at First and Second Manassas, the Shenandoah Valley, and the Seven Days battles. These victories generated an aura of invincibility around the Army of Northern Virginia that transcended into the minds of the Federal troops. 57 In fact Lee, true to form was in the first days of September 1862, the living epithet of Baron De Jomini's maxims, "the general should do 55 Abner Ralph Small, The Sixteenth Maine Regiment in the War of the Rebellion, 1861-1865. London: Forgotten Books, 2015. 38. 56 Joseph L. Harsh, Taken at the Flood Robert E. Lee and Confederate Strategy in the Maryland Campaign of 1862. Ashland: The Kent State University Press, 2013. 39-40 57 Pooley, "Shoo-ing the Geese", 88. 25 everything to electrify his own soldiers, and to impart to them the same enthusiasm which he endeavors to repress his adversaries….in general, a cherished cause, and a general who inspires the confidence by previous success, are powerful means of electrifying an army and conducing to victory." 58 In contrast, McClellan's forces reformed into the Army of the Potomac, could not boast anything near the statistics of the Army of Northern Virginia could. September 1862 was the most disorganized and weakest the Army of the Potomac would find itself in the duration of the war. This school of thought canceled out, at least temporarily, any deficiencies faced by Lee's forces. When George B. McClellan rode out of Washington to take command, he found three very different organizations, each with its own command, divisional, brigade, artillery, cavalry, transportation, and quartermaster structures. Additionally, the newly formed regiments, many of whom were only a few weeks old, were rushed to the front and infused into the disorganized mess. Organizing these separate organizations into one effective command would weeks if not months, McClellan would be forced to do it in a matter of days, while in motion, in addition to planning a short-term strategy to deal with Lee. 59 The chaos of the reorganization is apparent in the 5th New York Volunteers' experience. Historian Brian Pohanka related an instance of the 5th as they passed McClellan on the march toward western Maryland: "As they marched, General McClellan reined up beside the troops of Warren's brigade. 'Well, and how is the Old Fifth this evening?' he asked. 'First rate, General, but we'd be better off if we weren't living so much on supposition." 60 Even though he had the bigger force, the disorganization and confusion associated with the rapidity of the Maryland Campaign denied the general his army's full might 58 Baron De Jomini, The Art of War, Translated by Capt. G.H. Mendell, and Lieut. W.P. Craighill, Radford: Wilder Publications, 2008. 30-31. 59 Hartwig, 133-136. 60 Brian C. Pohanka, Vortex of Hell: History of the 5th New York Volunteer Infantry. Lynchburg, VA: Schroeder Publications, 2012. 369. 26 on the battlefield. In different circumstances these obstacles may have been overcome had McClellan had time to prepare. Robert E. Lee sensed his enemy's weakness and used it as part of his foundation to seek permission from President Davis to invade Maryland. "The two grand armies of the United States that have been operating in Virginia, though now united, are much weakened and demoralized. Their new levies, of which I understand 60,000 men have already been posted in Washington, are not yet organized, and will take some time to prepare for the field." 61 Lee identified that his logistical situation was terrible, however, he recognized the unfolding opportunity in front of him. "The army is not properly equipped for an invasion of an enemy's territory. It lacks much of the material of war, is feeble in transportation, the animals being much reduced, and the men are poorly provided with clothes, and in thousands of instances are destitute of shoes. Still, we cannot not afford to be idle, and though weaker than our opponents in men and military equipment's, must endeavor to harass if we cannot destroy them. I am aware that the movement is attended with much risk, yet I do not consider success impossible, and shall endeavor to guard it from loss." 62 The amount of stock Lee put into the Federals logistical organization is apparent. In fact, if taken as a whole, his reliance on the overall Federal weakness is one of his only justifications for his ill-supplied and smaller force to go on the offensive. Additionally, these logistical matters, both of his own and the Federal weakness, coincide directly with Lee's desire to deliver a decisive blow to the Federals quickly. There was not a better opportunity to do it and expect fruitful results, then while the Army of Potomac was at its weakest moment, structurally, organizationally, numerically, and logistically. 61 OR, vol 19, 1: 590-591. 62 Ibid., 590-591. 27 Lee's conclusion of the ill-preparedness of the new Union regiments applies not only to the troops in his sector but also to those in the Western Theater. Much like Lee's army within reach of Washington, Kirby Smith's small army in Kentucky created a panic and proved Lee's theory on the reliability of new soldiers. Kirby Smith successfully and thoroughly destroyed an equally sized Federal force of raw recruits at Richmond, Kentucky, on August 30, 1862, eliminating them from the military equation. Historian Kenneth Noe termed the battle of Richmond as "the most lopsided Confederate victory of the war, as Kirby Smith's men inflicted casualties so staggering that entire Union brigades ceased to exist." 63 With Smith's incursion into Kentucky, a vacuum of chaos erupted in the region, in particular, Ohio. The microcosm of Cincinnati infuses both the political and the serious logistical problems faced by the North in 1862. Historian Vernon Volpe pointed out, "Although the influx of [Union] volunteers was inspiring, with it came a shortage of arms, ammunition, and other equipment needed to outfit the troops properly." 64 This example was echoed across the entire Kentucky region in 1862. Although McClellan's army outnumbered Lee with a total of roughly 87,000 men, twenty percent of his infantry were raw, having been in the army just a handful of weeks and had not even come close to mastering the level of proficiency needed in drill and tactics to be effective on a Civil War battlefield. 65 Even though the Federals were able to put fresh regiments into the field, it became an issue of quantity versus quality. The unfortunate story of the 118th Pennsylvania Volunteers is a classic case in point of these raw troops' ineffectiveness. Arriving to the Army of the Potomac just a few days before the battle of Antietam, the men prepared to enter their first engagement on September 19 at Shepherdstown. Their regimental historian 63 Noe, Perryville, 39. 64 Volpe, "Dispute Every Inch of Ground", 146. 65 Hartwig, 139. 28 wrote: "The teachings of the battalion-drill near Sharpsburg on the previous day [September 18] now had practical application." The 118th's Colonel stated in his official report that: "We returned their fire as fast as possible, but soon found that our Enfield rifles were so defective that quite one-fourth of them would not explode the caps." 66 The 118th's story, while extreme is not unique, another raw Federal regiment the 128th Pennsylvania found itself in an even worse circumstance, owing to its lack of training. The 128th Pennsylvania arrived at the army just days before as well and were assigned to the newly organized XII Corps, which itself contained some of the highest proportions of raw troops. During the battle of Antietam, the new regiment found itself in Miller's Cornfield and due lack of basic drill unable to maneuver itself back onto its brigade in the face of onrushing Confederates. Officers and sergeants from experienced neighboring outfits were sent to try and move the bewildered regiment all to no avail. In the end, the 128th was left to its fate and was nearly destroyed, having no effect on the enemy and only weakening their own brigades' position. 67 Stories similar in nature can be found across the Army of the Potomac on every sector of each battlefield during the Maryland Campaign, each in the midst of their own mishaps allowing the Confederates a level of superiority while hindering their supporting elements an opportunity to exploit any gains. Don Carlos Buell's Army of the Ohio experienced similar circumstances with green regiments as its eastern counterpart. In a letter to Kirby Smith, Bragg detailed his understanding that Buell's men were in rough shape and utterly demoralized. These circumstances, Bragg believed, offered the South a greater benefit of success. 68 The raw, ill-trained, ill-equipped, and completely unprepared 105th Ohio, 123rd Illinois, and 21st Wisconsin infantry regiments were 66 Survivors' Association 118th (Corn Exchange) Regt., P.V., History of the Corn Exchange Regiment 118th Pennsylvania Volunteers,62. 67 Stephen W. Sears, Landscape Turned Red. New York: Ticknor & Fields, 1994. 206. 68 United States War Department, The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies. Vol. 16: Part 2. Correspondence, Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1880. 754. 29 all glaring examples of this shortcoming. The 123rd Illinois found itself in a similar predicament as the 128th Pennsylvania at Antietam, exposed and on its own, and fell victim to veteran Confederate troops bearing down on them. The 105th Ohio, equally as green, found itself thrown into the breach in the midst of the 123rd Illinois collapse. Private Ayre of the 105th remarked: "…could not form into a proper line and after going through several maneuvers in order to do so we became mixed and confused." In similar fashion to the 123rd Illinois, the 105th Ohio was quickly stampeded by their Confederate attackers. 69 Much like the inferiority of outdated weapons, untrained, raw troops could not perform to a tactically sufficient level to keep par with the rapid pace and constantly changing conditions of a Civil War battlefield. While plenty of experienced units did exist in the Union armies, it is clear the inexperienced ones created more problems, affording the Confederate forces golden opportunities to exploit immediate tactical advantages they likely would not have had, had they been fighting experienced, or even trained troops. On the other side of the coin, the copious amounts of raw units severely hampered any notion gaining a decisive victory or rapidly following up a pursuit. This is evident in the in the results of Antietam and Perryville, both of which were Confederate tactical victories, and the speed at which Lee and Bragg's armies were pursued. The armies' organization is important when looking to understand the advantages and disadvantages and how this affected a particular side's likelihood of victory. The experience level and the amount of subpar weaponry in both the armies of the Potomac and Ohio was only one issue, their organizational structure in both leadership and how its units were grouped confounded their problems and offered the Confederates another edge over their opponent pushing the scale further in favor in the equation of obtaining a victory. As previously stated, the 69 Stuart W. Sanders, Maney's Confederate Brigade at the Battle of Perryville, Charleston: The History Press, 2014. 53-54. 30 Army of the Potomac during the Maryland Campaign was a conglomeration of several different organizations. It contained the II, V, and VI Corps the original Army of the Potomac, the re-designated I and XII Corps, the Army of Virginia, and the newly dubbed IX that had served on the North Carolina coast. Although there were certainly experienced troops and leaders in each of these components, they each spoke a different organizational "language." 70 George McClellan certainly had the most difficult task of any field commander regarding the organization of his army. Not only did he have three different organizations to mold together as a cohesive fighting force, but he also had the additional struggle of doing it on the fly in a military and national emergency. Therefore, although the Army of the Potomac was a potent fighting force, and managed to engage the Confederates, its capabilities in terms of operational effectiveness were severely limited. Buell's circumstances were much more appealing. His Army of the Ohio had remained intact as a cohesive fighting force since its formation; however, he received additional reinforcements from Grant, and a host of new regiments, diluting its effectiveness as an organization. The Army of the Ohio's real organizational issues manifested in the senior leadership's quirks, rivalries, and lack of cohesion. 71 The use of cavalry in both McClellan and Buell's forces paled in comparison to the South. This issue stemmed from the Federal government's inability to recognize the importance of that specific branch early in the conflict. Overwhelmingly, the cavalry found its commands broken apart and scattered across the army, acting in various guard and staff related duties. Those commands retained to perform the primary tasks of nineteenth-century, reconnaissance, screening, and raids were too few and spread out to have any significant impact on the outcome 70 Hartwig, 133-135. 71 Steven E. Woodworth, Nothing but Victory: The Army of the Tennessee, 1861-1865. New York: Vintage, 2005. 216. 31 of the Maryland and Kentucky Campaigns. 72 Although they lacked in cavalry ability the Federals were unquestionably superior in artillery. Union guns, although far superior to that of the South were severely flawed organizationally in 1862. Circling back to the theme of different organizational structures in McClellan's force, the arrangement of this branch varied, causing communication issues, and leadership vacuums. In common with the cavalry, the prominent artillery structure in 1862 in both the Army of the Potomac and Army of the Ohio, lacked a unified system of command; instead, most batteries were the responsibility of brigade commanders or divisional commanders. Therefore, at critical moments batteries could only take orders from infantry commanders and were presented with the difficult task of coordinating mass firing on specific targets. 73 While it may seem trivial, such inefficiency in employment and "bureaucratic red tape" of military organization prevented the cavalry and artillery from performing at its maximum potential which no doubt contributed to the shortcomings of the Union armies in 1862. The Confederate military organization also had its flaws; however, as previously noted, the experience level of Confederate forces as a whole were much higher and able to adapt to a situation more efficiently. Partly this had to do with the smaller size of the forces overall, and the Confederate authorities' choice to disperse recruits and conscripts across seasoned units rather than raise new organizations. The cavalry of J.E.B. Stuart, John Hunt Morgan, and Nathan Bedford Forrest for instance were vastly superior to their Federal counterparts in every respect. These commands were led well, centralized, and overall contained extremely efficient horsemen, which had proven themselves time and again on the battlefield. 74 Confederate artillery was 72 Hartwig, 155-158. 73 Curt Johnson and Richard C. Anderson, Jr., Artillery Hell: The Employment of Artillery at Antietam, College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1995. 53; Daniel, 146, 148-150. 74 Hartwig, 88-90; Hess, Banners to the Breeze, 24. 32 generally inferior in respect to quality of mechanics, yet, the branch retained a slight advantage over its foes in its organization. Lee's artillery was organized on the divisional level, allowing for easier deployment, and concentrated fire, as the Army of Northern Virginia, did not have a corps structure during this time, division commanders held greater authority in placement and employment of artillery. Furthermore, several groups of divisions fell under an unofficial "wing" structure, allowing Jackson and Longstreet to concentrate guns further. 75 Bragg organized his army different than Lee's army. Bragg operated with two wings or corps, broken down into several divisions. His army maintained an organized and effective cavalry force; however, their weakest point was the artillery. Only fifty-six guns accompanied the Army of Mississippi into Kentucky compared to Buell's 147 guns. These Confederate guns like the Federals were assigned to individual brigades, same as its Federal counterpart, eliminating opportunities to converge fire effectively. 76 Understanding the organizational structure of an army allows for a realistic understanding of what that force is capable of; how it moves in the larger scheme of a campaign; and the benefits and challenges of its employment on the tactical level. Assuming the forces involved were all organized in the same fashion, with identical structures is detrimental in interpreting the ebb and flow of battles and campaigns. A clear picture of how a field army operates through an organizational table is, therefore, paramount. Using Lee and McClellan as examples illustrate the nature of this point. In the Maryland Campaign, Lee was able to give more direct orders to independent division commanders, therefore reducing somewhat the natural confusion begot of transferring and disseminating orders through multiple tiers of officers. On the other hand, McClellan had to give orders to "wing" commanders, who then cut the orders to corps 75 Johnson, Artillery Hell, 41-47. 76 Noe, 370-373, 381-382. 33 commanders then down to the divisional level, doubling the amount of personalities the orders had to go through compared to Lee's forces. It is clear from watching the battles of Antietam and Perryville's tactical evolution that the commanding generals' intent was time and again ineffectually carried out due to communication breakdown and misinterpretation of orders on both sides. Having only scratched the surface of the organizational components of only four of the principal armies involved in the fall of 1862, it becomes clear that each differed in how it chose to conduct its internal operations. However, it is equally apparent from this brief examination, that Confederate forces in the fall of 1862 were better organized and tactically more efficient than their Federal counterparts in Maryland and Kentucky, therefore lending an edge to overall Confederate success and perhaps victory. Strategic Considerations: The strategic components are unquestionably the most important when ascertaining why the fall of 1862 was the Confederacy's high tide. Having looked at the political, logistical, and organizational components and internalizing how each affected the grand design of Confederate strategy in 1862, this section will now tie these components together and shed light on how each influenced strategic decision and guided the final results of the campaigns. A clear understanding of what strategy is necessary to further examine this section. Clausewitz defines strategy as: "the employment of the battle as the means towards the attainment of the object of the War." 77 The "attainment of the object" is the crucial cog in accepting the purpose and direction of operations in Maryland and Kentucky. The strategic composition of these campaigns was different in what they sought to obtain as their achievable goal. Lee's objective was political in its foundation; his 77 Clausewitz, 133. 34 campaign didn't revolve around the occupation of land or control of any specific feature; instead, it sought a climactic battle with a decisive battlefield victory in which Lee was willing to risk his army in a desperate gamble. 78 Bragg and Smith's Kentucky incursions were much more multilayered on an operational platform. While some sort of showdown battle was necessary for the west, it was not the immediate goal, only a potentiality; instead, the relief and re-establishment of Tennessee was paramount with a secondary objective of the "liberation" of Kentucky. The second tier of goals included the control of rail and river systems as a means to eliminate the Union's ability to supply its forces and occupy any portion of the Upper or Deep South. The most significant strategic gain for the South in 1862 existed in Tennessee and Kentucky. Proof of this importance is shown through the fact that six of the seven Confederate field armies would make this region their primary objective in the fall of 1862. These six armies included the commands of Generals' Braxton Bragg, Kirby Smith, Earl Van Dorn, Stirling Price, William Loring, and Humphrey Marshall. Confederate control and or occupation of Tennessee and Kentucky offered benefits and a platform for victory that the remaining Confederate states collectively couldn't offer. Having been the first state to fall under Federal control, Tennessee's recapture would be a major morale boost for the Confederacy nationally and particularly to the large amount of Tennessee regiments that made up Bragg's army. The most significant benefit, however, resided in Tennessee's industrial capability, as it contained the ability to produce more raw items for the war effort then the rest of the Confederacy combined. 79 Confederate control 78 Harsh, 25; OR, vol 19, 1: 598-599. 79 Connelly. 5-15. The importance of Tennessee to the Confederacy is undeniable. Connelly argues that the region was the largest concentrated area for the production of war materials in the Confederacy. The region by 1864 had produced 22,665 pounds niter. Additionally, the area contained a significant source of lead, and was the chief producer of gunpowder in 1861. Tennessee also contained a vast number of factories that repaired old weapons, manufactured new small arms, cartridges, percussion caps, and other equipment. By the fall of 1861, Nashville plants alone turned out 100,000 percussion caps daily, with some 1,300,000 caps produced weekly. The region boasted on the two major Confederate sources of livestock, the other being 35 would, therefore, help in stabilizing the struggling logistical and economic constraints faced in the South. Additionally, the state's rail system would allow for the re-establishment of a direct connection to North Carolina and Virginia and the ability to ship supplies and material to the Confederate forces in the east. Conversely, the loss of Tennessee would be a major blow to Union morale, as its loss would have undone and nullified the Federal campaigns in 1861 and early 1862. 80 Kentucky also offered significant gains for the South. It was generally believed, particularly by the Confederate government's higher echelons, that the majority of Kentuckians were sympathetic to the Southern cause and would rally to Confederate banners if field armies were able to move into the region and strategically hold it. Logistically Kentucky offered a substantial increase for the South, particularly in animals, forage, and transportation options. Like Tennessee, Kentucky contained major river systems and rail lines that would drastically increase movement for the South and partially cut off the mid-west states from the rest of the Union. Politically, Kentucky, a vital border state under Confederate control, could be crippling to Northern domestic and foreign political views. In theory, this political aspect played on a successful campaign in Maryland, another vital border state. More immediately, Kentucky offered the western Confederate armies an opportunity to turn the war from one of defense to one poising them on the edge of invasion of critical Northern states, Ohio, Illinois, and Indiana. Such a turn in the circumstances would be devastating for the Union, particularly politically. The Illinois town of Cairo on the Mississippi River, in 1862 was serving as the logistical launch point for the Union armies in the west; prolonged Confederate control of Kentucky would likely force the Shenandoah Valley in Virginia. More pork was raised in Tennessee save Missouri than any other state. Agriculturally, Middle Tennessee in 1860 produced an average of more than a million bushels of corn making it a leader amongst its sister states. 80 Connelly, 3-6. 36 the Federals to find an alternative method of supplying the troops in Corinth and other points in the Southern heartland. As long as the Federals controlled these regions, they would continue to pin the Confederacy in the Deep South denying them of access to vital infrastructure, maneuvering room, and favorable victory conditions. Braxton Bragg and Kirby Smith had to go on the offensive if they were to alleviate the situation by the very nature of the circumstances. As Lee's army with Richmond, their backs were on the doorstep of the Deep South, and they had no room to maneuver. Fortunately for the South, the western offensive was born out of an opportune moment of Halleck's caution that was strategically seized upon by Confederate commanders. In the necessity of the moment, launching an offensive like Lee during the Seven Days battles was the only beneficial option and a necessary risk if the war was going to be taken off the doorstep of the Deep South. Robert E. Lee on the other end of things saw himself and his army as the most important entity in the Confederacy at that moment. In his mind, the only scenario for Confederate victory rested in his hands alone. He showed this belief in dispatches and letters throughout the campaign in an effort to orchestrate movements across the Confederacy to complement his objective. In a letter to Jefferson Davis, he noted his desire to see his suggestion on what he felt Loring's command should do in the Kanawha Valley, in an effort to support his operation. 81 Lee did not stop with Loring; however, days prior, he communicated his victory at Manassas and planned offensive to Braxton Bragg and requested that Bragg pass the information along to Kirby Smith for further coordination. It was Lee's desire that these western armies gain similar victories to his at Manassas, that when added together may be enough to secure Southern 81 OR, vol 19, 1: 594. 37 victory.82 Lastly, he demonstrated his understanding of the confused state of Federal forces in Washington and the need to seize the initiative before the opportunity was lost. Like Kentucky, Maryland was a vital border state, not for its potentiality in resources, but rather for its geographic relation to Washington. Any serious Confederate incursion into the state would be life-threatening to the Union, and therefore demanded desperate measures on the part of Northern armies to repel such an advance. 83 Lee's leadership has been often criticized during the Maryland Campaign from historians and even shocked his subordinates, Jackson, and Longstreet. 84 Lee was certainly aggressive and was known for taking risks; however, he was not a foolish man, and never committed his army to a disaster, at least not one he foresaw. Comparing his stratagem throughout the rest of the war, it's probable to conclude that his movements were well thought out, with the least amount of risk generated from the objective demands of the campaign. Even in moments of reaction to McClellan, Lee always retained the initiative in Maryland. In the aftermath of Seconded Manassas and Chantilly, it was the opinion of many in both military and civilian leadership that a final showdown somewhere north of the Potomac River was all that was needed for Confederate victory. 85 If Lee was a poker player, he was taking his hand and going all in, he could only hope the Federals floundered. General Longstreet understood the gravity of the moment when he wrote: "When the Second Bull Run campaign 82 OR, vol 19, 1: 589. 83 Ezra A. Carman, The Maryland Campaign of September 1862, Vol. I: South Mountain. Edited by Thomas G. Clemens, El Dorado Hills, CA: Savas Beatie, 2012. 19-21. Carman was present at the battle of Antietam and dedicated his life to research and study of the Maryland Campaign in the post war years. Carman's work was able to capture not only the historical timeline of events, but offered an emotional aspect not seen in other works. This emotional component while subtle is an important tool in internalizing the mindset of Union soldiers and perhaps the North itself. 84 James Longstreet, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War, Edited by Ned Bradford. New York: The Fairfax Press, 1979. 265. Longstreet claims that aside from himself, that General Jackson was also taken back from the boldness of Lee's designs on the Maryland Campaign, while at a meeting in Frederick MD, September 9th. 85 Harsh, 60-63. Multiple historians have agreed on this point. James Murfin considered the battle of Antietam to be the most important battle in American history, and one of the most decisive in world history. Ezra Carman portrays the campaign as requiring desperate action for the North, while Scot Hartwig, Stephen Sears and James McPherson center on the political undertone. 38 closed, we had the most brilliant prospects the Confederates ever had. We then possessed an army which, had it been kept together, the Federals would never have dared attack." 86 Lee's confidence in his army was surely the determining factor in his choice to assume the offensive into Maryland, and no doubt behind his reasoning to push the army as hard as he did in the maneuvering and fighting that took place in Maryland. The General expressed his confidence in the men and the importance of the offensive in General Order No. 102. on September 4: "This army is about to engage in most important operations." He further outlines the necessity of respecting private property, and the desire for his commands to lighten their supply encumbrance to allow them to move quickly and efficiently. 87 When coupling the logistical and organizational shortcomings, the political factors reinforced by his troops' confidence and his in them proved to be the energy from which the Maryland Campaign was executed. The offensives themselves presented each of these commanders a complicated set of obstacles and decisions to overcome while ensuring they offered the best possible benefit to their cause with the least amount of risk towards their army. This is certainly one of the most challenging aspects of being a commander in charge of any offensive-minded campaign. Johnston at Shiloh, Burnside at Fredericksburg, Hooker at Chancellorsville, and Hood in Tennessee all failed to capitalize on this principle. The fact that Lee and Bragg achieved the scale of operational measures they did is a testament to their leadership and ability to seize control and direction of a developing situation. If the argument is to be maintained that the Maryland and Kentucky campaigns provided the South the best chance the South had of winning the war, then proof of this claim must lay within the strategic composition of the campaigns themselves. If taken in this context, then it must be understood that every move Lee, Bragg, and 86 Longstreet, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War, 263. 87 OR, vol 16, 2: 592. 39 Smith, along with the supporting roles of Loring, Marshall, Price, and Van Dorn were calculated if not on a grand scale, certainly on an individual level. Unlocking the purpose of the maneuvers, and their relation to strategic success will illustrate the continually changing dynamics and environment of each campaign, and how these generals continually altered their designs to fit the goals of their strategic objectives. The evolving strategic situation in the months leading up to the campaigns created the conditions under which the operations in Maryland and Kentucky were governed. Understanding the Confederate forces' strategic focus for needing to assume the offensive will outline the gravity and weight they placed on the outcome of these fall campaigns. The most measurable strategic potential in 1862 existed in the Western Theater. As already stated, the economic and logistical importance of this region necessitated an aggressive action on behalf of the South if the Confederacy was to survive. The first attempt at recovering control of Tennessee occurred in April with the battle of Shiloh. While tactically a Confederate failure, the aftermath of the fighting created adverse reactions from the Northern press and transposed into Halleck's overall cautious and slow pursuit towards Corinth. Halleck, after taking Corinth, was faced with limited choices on where to move next. Due to political and doctrinal restrictions of conciliation and Halleck's theory on war, the massive Union army was not able logistically to move into the Deep South. The only real move available to the Federal forces in the summer of 1862, was a lateral one east towards Chattanooga. 88 With Bragg at Tupelo and Kirby Smith's small command at Chattanooga, the path of success for an aggressive officer to take Chattanooga, a major supply hub for the South, was wide open. Halleck foiled this opportunity by sending Buell's command to accomplish the task. The slow-moving cautious Buell initially created consternation among 88 Daniel, 86. 40 Confederate leadership, yet once the pace of his progress was realized, the same trepidation turned into an opportunity. 89 Clausewitz described the potential for a reciprocal effect to take place should an army go on the offensive; however, he counterweighs that thought with pointing out that an army in a precarious position with the opportunity to gain a substantial amount should jump on the opportunity if one should be presented. 90 Certainly, Bragg and Smith applied a variation of this maxim into their decision to go on the advance. The term "invasion" is the defining ideology that bound both major theaters of war and other Confederate objectives in the fall of 1862. Clausewitz wrote that even if the complete overthrow of the enemy is impossible, which it was for the Confederacy, then the only other real option of winning a war is to conquer a portion of the enemy territory. In conquering the enemy territory, the invader has the opportunity to weaken the enemy's resources, crippling their ability to sustain an army. By carrying the war in enemy territory, the conditions will further the enemy's expense and ultimately lead to peace negotiations. 91 The term "invasion" generates a delicate question concerning what an invasion actually is, and how it fits into the American context, particularly in the political spectrum in 1862. Baron De Jomoni, whose military maxims were dominant in nineteenth-century America, distinguished what an "invasion" actually is. Breaking down the idea of an offensive, he wrote that: "…an invasion occurs against a great state whose whole or significant portion of territory is attacked. If only a province or moderate line of defense is attacked, then it is an offensive, and if such actions are limited only to a confined operation, then it is termed an initiative." 92 Indeed then, if taken in this context, 89 Connelly, 200-201. 90 Clausewitz, 707. 91 Clausewitz, 706. Neither of the primary Confederate armies had the ability to "conquer" Federal territory. However, the last part in reference to Clausewitz maxim was the adaptation applied by the Confederacy in its strategic goals. 92 Jomini, The Art of War, 54. The difference in the definition in understanding the purpose of the Confederate objective is critical. Many historians point to the Army of Northern Virginia's strategic goals as fitting into the framework of an 41 Confederate efforts militarily were an offensive and an invasion only in the political spectrum. Although the press and even the top military minds used the term invasion quite frequently in the North, there is nothing in the Confederate strategic framework of 1862, that fit the definition of invasion, Lee himself in a letter to Jefferson Davis on September 4, used the term expedition implying that his foray had a specific purpose and would be short. 93 Due to logistics alone, Confederate forces across the board could not sustain the long-term goals of an invasion. However, the Clausewitzian maxim of a "strategical attack" was within reach and achievable according to the conditional logistical framework. Much of the success for the Confederates relied on the superiority of its troops, and the avoidance of exhausting itself with an over achievement of objectives. 94 The window of opportunity was narrow, operationally because of logistics, but more importantly, because of politics. The two most significant benefits afforded to the Southern cause in 1862 were the Congressional fall elections and European superpowers. If Confederate forces could score a major political victory in the east, and both a strategic reversal coupled with a political coup in the west, then perhaps Northern voters would come to resent the war and vote for "Peace Democrats" in November, and more advantageously draw England and France in as mediators or some other influential role, to end the war. It is apparent that the pressure to act decisively if not at least aggressively before November was of paramount importance. While it is debated as to how far the European powers would intercede, what is certain is that the Confederacy banked part of its strategic decisions both politically and militarily on intervention. 95 Just as apparent was the frustration and delicate invasion, yet when looking at that particular army's logistics and Lee's strategic goals only the Jominian maxim of offensive fits the framework. 93 OR, vol 16, 2: 591-592. 94 Clausewitz, 601. 95 McPherson, 534-535. 42 statesmanship which had to be executed on behalf of the Union to convince the English mainly that the war was nothing more than a rebellion that the Republic could put down on its own. 96 However, this did not appear to be the scene in the late summer of 1862 with Union defeats and setbacks continually piling up. Lee retained the initiative by keeping the enemy guessing what his next move and true objective was. According to Henry McClellan, J.E.B. Stuart's adjutant, that as late as September 13, Federal forces maintained the: "utmost uncertainty regarding Lee's movements and intentions." 97 Lee designed his army's movements to draw out the Federals from Washington. By crossing at Leesburg, his army was initially east of the Catoctin Mountains and a direct threat to Washington and Baltimore, it was this crossing point that directly forced the disorganized Army of the Potomac to leave the defenses prematurely, and more importantly to force Lincoln's hand in placing McClellan back in overall command. 98 The key to the Army of Northern Virginia's movements was speed and mobility, thus the reasoning for Lee's series of orders, which included provisions for shoeless Confederates to remain at Winchester, a lightening of supplies, and an insistence that straggling be strictly forbidden. Lee's next major objective after crossing the Potomac River was to move on Frederick. A Confederate presence in a substantial pro-Union area was a direct insult to the North, and would only further press the Army of the Potomac to hurry faster in order to "repel the invasion" and "save the nation"; while most importantly for the Confederates, continually limit the progress of McClellan organizing his army into a capable force on the battlefield. 96 Nelson, 163-168. 97 H.B. McClellan, The Life and Campaigns of Major-General J.E.B. Stuart: Commander of the Cavalry of the Army of Northern Virginia, Edison: The Blue & Grey Press, 1993. 113. 98 Harsh, 98; OR, vol 16, 2: 604-605. Letter from Lee to Davis on September 12 justifying is reasoning for crossing his army east of the mountains. 43 Lee's grand strategy was working so far; his movements northward from Richmond had stripped the Atlantic states of their Union occupiers to concentrate on Lee's Confederate force, while at the same time sending the Federal strategy of war into complete chaos as they scrambled to deal with the offensive. Lee believed that if he launched an unrelenting offensive, the Federals would be compelled to abandon their widely scattered smaller campaigns, which were gradually eating away the frontiers of the Confederacy; and, as a result, be forced to concentrate their columns in response to his initiatives. 99 Lee's movement into the western part of the state, via Frederick and into the Middleton and Pleasant valleys, opened the Shenandoah Valley up momentarily, which assisted Loring's advance in western Virginia, by isolating the small Federal commands in that region. In addition to freeing up Loring to make an offensive, Lee's army in western Maryland split the Federal war effort in half. The Army of the Potomac was now confined in environs around Washington, while Federal forces in the Western Theater had no direct route to reinforce McClellan. 100 The simultaneous advance of Lee, Loring, Marshall, Smith, and Bragg effectively drove a wedge between the Union field armies, while Price and Van Dorn's forces kept Grant fixed at Corinth. 101 Bragg and Smith's columns made their march through eastern and middle Tennessee and into Kentucky at an incredible speed, leaving Buell's army to have to hustle to catch up. 102 Kirby Smith realized the opportunity in front of him early on and moved his men forward roughly the same time Lee's men were preparing to destroy John Pope's forces near Manassas, beginning the Kentucky Campaign. Union Brigadier General George W. Morgan's command held the vital Cumberland Gap, which historian Earl Hess christened the "Gibraltar of the West." 99 Harsh, 116. 100 Hartwig, 162-163. 101 Harsh, 96-97; Hess, 31-35. 102 Hess, 57,62,64. 44 The Gap itself served as a platform for the Federals to invade East Tennessee, and as long as it remained in Federal hands, the Deep South, particularly Chattanooga and Atlanta, would be under constant threat. 103 Reducing this garrison was the first lynchpin in breaking Federal control and regaining Tennessee for the South. Smith, now free to maneuver feinted around the gap and threatened the supply lines, forcing a Federal withdrawal; he then turned his legions northward and moved into Kentucky. Smith moved through the eastern part of the state and pushed Heth's division as far as Covington, directly across from Cincinnati, sending that city and southern Ohio into a panic. 104 With Smith's small army running almost unmolested in Kentucky, Bragg's larger army moved through Middle Tennessee via Sparta feinting towards Nashville, forcing the Federals to concentrate there, while strategically widening the gap between Buell's command and Southern forces in Kentucky. Bragg, before departing to Chattanooga, left behind roughly 35,000 men in two separate commands under generals Stirling Price and Earl Van Dorn. These commands had a twofold objective. Their primary objective was to contain the Army of the Tennessee at Corinth, and once Bragg and Smith were in position, launch an offensive of their own against Grant, defeat him, and then rapidly march to connect with Bragg's army. 105 Bragg and Smith exposed the weakness in the Federal policy of limited war with its preoccupation of taking landmarks and reliance on cumbersome supply lines and within less than a months' time-reversed almost a year of Union progress in the west, in respect to subjugating the Upper South. Unlike John Bell Hood's offensive into Tennessee in late 1864, which, while certainly an emergency, did not deviate Sherman from his plans of marching to the sea. 106 In 103 Hess, 7-8. 104 Volpe, "Dispute Every Inch of Ground", 141. 105 Noe, 29. 106 Eric A. Jacobson and Richard A. Rupp, For Cause and for Country: A Study of the Affair at Spring Hill and the Battle of Franklin, Eric A. Jacobson, 2013. 42. 45 1862, this simply was impossible for Federal forces. Sherman operated under a "hard war" doctrine that allowed him to subsist off the land and changed his objective from key city centers to making war on the Southern people, through the destruction of their local economy, food subsistence, and ability subsist in a normal capacity. 107 Sherman effectively narrowed the war to the immediate doorstep of the Southern People. As a result the individual citizen was forced to deal with their own survival, and naturally the bigger picture of the Confederacy became less important. Union forces in 1862 did not have the same conditional framework, and by default, would be forced to pursue any Confederate force and meet it on the battlefield. Even though the fall of 1862 didn't produce the hoped-for victory conditions, strategically, the Confederates were more successful in this period than at any other part of the war. The results of this success were more apparent in the Western Theater than in the east. However, certain components in the Eastern Theater changed as well. The most significant measurable success emerged in time bought for the Confederacy, and a prolonged timetable for the Northern plan of war. In the summer, Federal plans in the west called for the capture of Vicksburg and Chattanooga, the latter of which was in progress when the offensive started. 108 It is highly probable that if able, the Federal forces would have moved on Vicksburg in the summer of 1862, and perhaps forced its capitulation much sooner. 109 However, this is only speculation, yet, the reality is this operation was certainly delayed by the events that occurred in Kentucky and the aggressive nature of Price and Van Dorn. Kentucky was only one variable in stymieing the Federal drive toward Vicksburg. Just as important were the aggressiveness of Price and Van Dorn at the battles of Iuka and Corinth in October. Although Confederate defeats, the outcome of 107 Charles Royster, The Destructive War: William Tecumseh Sherman, Stonewall Jackson, and the Americans, New York: Alfred A. Knopf Inc. 321-328. 108 McPherson, 511-512. 109 Woodworth, Nothing but Victory, 243-244. 46 these battles managed to temporarily check the Federals, prompting an end to any realistic campaign season in Mississippi. At least for the foreseeable future, the Mississippi River remained open by way of Vicksburg, and Union strategy incomplete, in which case was Price and Van Dorn's big contribution. 110 Bragg and Smith failed to hold Kentucky and or convert her into a Confederate state. However, as the logistic concerns show, the state's complete occupation, with the available forces, was genuinely impossible. In all the engagements that had taken place, the Southerners had the better day. Kirby Smith's army completely routed Federal forces at Richmond in August, and Bragg's army captured the garrison at Munfordville. Before and during the campaign John Hunt Morgan's cavalry had wreaked havoc in Kentucky, capturing supplies, disrupting communications, and pushing to the Ohio River virtually unchallenged. 111 Even Kentucky's principle battle at Perryville was the better day tactically for the Confederates. More than anything, Kentucky showed the weakness of Buell, limited war, and the Union's inability to protect vital territory adequately under a conciliation policy. While in the end Bragg and Smith left, they did so generally unmolested, which showed Buell's unwillingness to fight another pitched battle. Therefore, this aftermath was certainly nothing for the Union to be proud of. In truth Buell did not drive Bragg and Smith out of Kentucky, rather the limitations of logistics and the realization of strategic objectives forced the Confederates back to Tennessee. 112 Although Braxton Bragg is surrounded by much controversy and sharp opinions on his leadership capabilities, one must look past emotion and see the facts as they present in the strategic element. While indeed, the Confederates failed to hold Kentucky, they did succeed in 110 Woodworth, 239-240. 111 Hess, 12. 112 Noe, 333. 47 regaining portions of Tennessee. In particular, Middle Tennessee by way of Murfreesboro, which sat astride the Nashville and Chattanooga Railroad, and was seen as the key to the wealthy Stone, Duck, and Elk River valleys. 113 Historian Thomas Connelly pointed out, which was already previously noted, that Tennessee was by far the most critical state in terms of manufacturing to the South. Although the entire state wasn't in Confederate hands, over two-thirds of it was, and most importantly, the opportunity to secure the very vital Nashville and Mississippi River corridor remained a possibility for a future campaign. 114 The primary focal point in the interpretation of the Kentucky Campaign is the Confederate failure to remain within that state. However, the key phrase narrows down to opportunity and potential. If taken in this context, the Confederate forces in July were backed into a corner. However, come October, these same forces had managed to throw the Federal forces off balance and regain a significant portion of lost territory, changing the entire atmosphere and flow of the Western Theater. In short, the success of the Kentucky Campaign is that it allowed the Confederates to move from the verge of defeat to a position where the fate of the Western Theater was up in the air, which only a decisive campaign would bring to a conclusion. 115 The fall of 1862 was the last chance the Confederates had at securing Tennessee permanently during the war. While the Western Theater was more significant in terms of strategic gain and leverage, the Eastern Theater added its own momentous shift in the flow of events. Unlike the west, the Eastern Theater was very narrow, as it existed in the space between Richmond and Washington. In strategic terms, the region was harrowing regarding maneuvering room and logistical sustainment. In one sense, Lee and his army were successful in pushing the Army of the Potomac 113 Peter Cozzens, No Better Place to Die: The Battle of Stones River, Chicago: University of Illinois, 1990. 8. 114 Connelly, 16-22. 115 Cozzens, No Better Place to Die, 12-14; Hess, 116. 48 away from the gates of Richmond, along with wrecking the Army of Virginia, while lastly temporarily clearing the smaller theaters, such as the coast and Shenandoah Valley of Federal forces. 116 While this situation may have provided an opportunity in the west, it meant little or nothing in the east. The fact is, Lee understood his primary objective either consisted of breaking the Northern will to fight through battlefield victory or by the complete destruction of the Union army. 117 Lee's primary objective in Maryland was to bate the Federal forces into a showdown fight. He was successful in this mission by just crossing over the Potomac River. The location of Washington in the southern portion of Maryland across from Alexandria made an incursion in Maryland a threat for the Federal government. 118 Unlike the west, where a fair amount of effort was required for Bragg and Smith to march their armies the distance required to Kentucky, the Army of Northern Virginia did not have to move far to accomplish its mission. Another key component to Lee's strategic objective was the lack of overhead in its long-term goal. Unlike the Western Theater, there was no pressure for Lee to specifically secure any particular region, as the Confederacy in the east had not lost any of its production capabilities nor any significant amount of land to Federal occupation. Therefore, the Confederate movements' direction wasn't necessarily guided by a specific purpose, but rather by the necessity of strategic gains which were designed to draw out the Army of the Potomac in a state of haste and unpreparedness. However, whereas the Kentucky Campaign had different aspects of measurable success, the 116 Harsh, 19-20. 117 Murfin, 63-64. 118 Harsh, 23; Murfin, 36-40; McPherson, 555-556. All the major historians who focus on the Maryland Campaign point to this as a major component to deterring the outcome and purpose of Lee's strategy. 49 Maryland Campaign had none, only a single purpose that demanded a climactic clash to determine its outcome. 119 At no other point in the war did Lee have such an advantage and control of the initiative. Arguably, his combination of subordinate officers was the best in their position as a whole than at any other point. His army was operating off a long track of victory, the length of which they would not experience again. 120 And most importantly, the Maryland Campaign was truly the only time in which Lee would have direct control of the flow of events; in Richmond, he had acted out of desperation, in Northern Virginia, Fredericksburg, Chancellorsville, the Overland Campaign and Petersburg he counteracted his opponents moves, and at Gettysburg, he committed to a battle that was dictated by the Federals. In September of 1862, Lee was the composer of the campaign and the master of ceremonies, he and he alone decided when and where the climactic battle would be fought. 121 All too often, the argument arises that the Army of the Potomac moved quicker than Lee expected, and caught him off guard, forcing him to settle and fight an unprepared battle at Sharpsburg. This theory would make sense if Lee's strategic objectives were multilayered like Bragg or Smith. Nevertheless, this theory doesn't match up to his sole objective of a decisive engagement. As seen with logistical circumstances, Hagerstown was likely the limit for the army in terms of range, Lee, therefore, had decided to make the principle stand somewhere in that area. 122 Two factors make this apparent, the choice to reduce Harpers Ferry and Martinsburg, which are necessary for military doctrine, and the choice to have the army lay around Frederick 119 OR, vol 16, 2: Correspondence between Robert E. Lee and Jefferson Davis, September 8, 1862; Harsh, 119; Alexander, Fighting for the Confederacy, 139. 120 Hartwig, 126-127. 121 Harsh, 57-59. 122 Carman, The Maryland Campaign of September 1862, Vol. I ,108-111; Harsh, 190; Hartwig, 116-117; Murfin, 113. All of these sources for reasons ranging from realistic logistical concerns to Lee's strategic initiative point towards the area of Hagerstown as the realistic goal of the Confederate offensive. 50 for several days. 123 If the plan had been to fight somewhere else or keep the Federals at a distance, these two factors fit the mold. The truth is that Lee wanted a fight, and he wanted it quick, the geography of Western Maryland affords a great opportunity to a defending army, which was Lee's primary tactical vision. 124 Looking at the scope of the Army of Northern Virginia's movements in the campaign, there a few abundantly clear facts that warrant Lee's strategic designs. It's already been stated that Lee's intention was to draw out the Army of the Potomac, which he did by simply crossing into Maryland, and ushered the emergency by crossing east of the mountains. 125 The next key was the layover or taunting of the Federals by having his army remain in Frederick for several days. The decision to reduce the Harpers Ferry garrison, while militarily necessary, also doubly acted as part of the "national emergency" which further put pressure on McClellan and his army to move with haste. 126 The battle of South Mountain, while a Confederate defeat, opened the way for the Federals to move over the range and meet Lee on the ground of his choosing. 127 South Mountain is interesting, particularly for strategic reasons. The choice to leave one division under D.H. Hill to hold the three passes stretched over ten miles indicates that Lee didn't intend to stop the Federals there and expected them to take the position. A decisive battle along the South Mountain range would not have been beneficial for Lee to meet his objectives. His army would not have been able to counterattack effectively due to terrain, and maneuvering room would have been limited. Although Lee initially considered scrapping the campaign due to the longer than expected siege of Harpers Ferry, once the garrison did fall, he was able to 123 Harsh, 147-150; Hartwig, 211-212, OR, vol 16, 2, 603 (Special Orders 191) 605-608. 124 Allan, 201-205; Harsh, 98-99; Marshall, 148-150. 125 Marshall, 146. 126 Brian Matthew Jordan, Unholy Sabbath: The Battle of South Mountain in History and Memory September 14, 1862, New York: Savas Beatie, 2012. 80-85. 127 Jordon, Unholy Sabbath, 301. 51 concentrate his forces in the area of Sharpsburg. 128 It may not be that Lee specifically wanted to fight at Sharpsburg, but the lay of the land and the tactical and strategic components of it, offered natural terrain on which to fight a decisive battle. 129 The Antietam battlefield offered several very strong defensive opportunities. First was the Antietam Creek, which was wide and deep enough to stop infantry from crossing unless over a bridge. The terrain, particularly on the southern end of the battlefield, is very suitable for a defending force, along with the ground near the center of the battlefield. On the northern end, the terrain is its weakest for defense; however, the entire battlefield, especially the northern end, is very suitable for artillery employment. Lee's position at Antietam Creek was without question formidable. 130 Whereas the events in Kentucky were one of maneuver, Maryland hinged on the tactical climax. Therefore, both forces needed to clash and soundly defeat the other to end the campaign. The battle of Antietam itself ended in a draw, and the opposing lines virtually remained the same. 131 Having realized the day after the engagement that McClellan wasn't likely to attack again, and understanding that his position offered no benefits for his army to attack, Lee promptly withdrew back into Shepherdstown, Virginia, (West Virginia) intending to regroup his army and re-crossing the Potomac River near Williamsport to again sue for a decisive battle. The Confederate's were blocked by several determining factors though, the two primary factors being McClellan's choice to move the VI Corps north towards Hagerstown to block a crossing, and a large amount of straggling that has taken place since the start of the 128 Allan, 320. 129 Harsh, 301-303. 130 Phillip Thomas Tucker, Burnside's Bridge: The Climatic Struggle of the 2nd and 20th Georgia at Antietam Creek, Mechanicsburg: Stackpole Books, 2000. 47-54. 131 Ezra Carman, The Maryland Campaign of September 1862, Vol. 2: Antietam. Edited by Thomas G. Clemens, El Dorado Hills, CA: Savas Beatie, 2012. 501. 52 campaigning that had severely reduced Lee's army from upwards of 70,000 men down to roughly 45,000. 132 While Lee did not thrash McClellan's army at Antietam to the extent his strategic objectives called for, the opportunity for a Confederate political victory was not entirely gone. In fact, Lee's offensive convinced Britain and France that Northern armies could never restore the Union, and they contemplated mediation, which would have constituted de facto recognition of the Confederacy. 133 Moving away from the narrow view of Lee and Maryland it is important to note that Bragg's army had achieved a significant victory on September 17 at Munfordville the same day the battle of Antietam was raging. While Lee's army was more or less locked in a stalemate in Maryland, the western Confederate forces still very much retained the initiative in Kentucky. If a successful outcome in Kentucky occurred, perhaps that would be enough to enhance the stalemate at Antietam into a negative outcome for the Union. 134 Lee did not wait in position along Antietam Creek, for events to develop in Kentucky, he didn't have to. By simply moving back across the river and McClellan's inability to pursue for logistical reasons, Lee still very much posed a serious threat, especially with re-crossing into Maryland if need be. Looking at the outcome of the Maryland Campaign and the factors involved in the forces' genetic composition, Lee's army achieved all that could reasonably be expected of it. Certainly, due to its size, it would be impossible to annihilate the Army of the Potomac, yet, by remaining together and gaining the tactical victory, that would have to be enough. 135 132 Murfin, 306. 133 McPherson, 546. 134 Earl J. Hess, Braxton Bragg: The Most Hated Man in the Confederacy, University of North Carolina Press, 2016. 63. 135 Ezra Carman, The Maryland Campaign of September 1862. Vol. III: Shepherdstown Ford and the End of the Campaign. Edited by Thomas G. Clemens, El Dorado Hills, CA: Savas Beatie, 2012. 20-21. 53 Truly then the lynchpin of the 1862 Confederate offensive rested on the shoulders of Bragg and Smith. 136 Lee's offensive and climatic battle of Antietam would have held little or no importance if the events west of the Appalachian's hadn't been taking place in the manner they were. The ultimate failure of Bragg and Smith in Kentucky was their inability to link their armies together. The process involved in making this happen didn't occur until it was too late. 137 Regardless of why this juncture of uniting these armies didn't occur, the important point was that they retained the initiative until the battle of Perryville. Unlike Lee, Bragg and Smith didn't necessarily have to defeat Buell or Wright's local forces, but rather they just needed to exist in Kentucky. Smith's forces had cleared out Morgan and what pitiful resistance Wright was able to scrape together. Buell's army lingered exhausted and timidly in the western part of the state. Bragg and Smith controlled in theory over two-thirds of the state in the last weeks of September into October. 138 The high tide of the Confederacy occurred not at Antietam, but in the days before Perryville. Up until this date, the South had been successful in relieving Richmond, Chattanooga, Vicksburg, the Carolina coast, Shenandoah Valley, western Virginia, and Northern Virginia of any significant Federal occupation, or military operations. The Confederate armies were at its maxim of manpower, at least in theory, if not in actual employment and contained men who were wholly more experienced than their counterparts. Most importantly, the South had been successful universally of maintaining a Confederate wide offensive initiative. When looking at the battles of South Mountain, Richmond, Munfordville, Antietam, and Harpers Ferry, only 136 Hess, Braxton Bragg, 64. 137 Noe, 328-329. 138 Daniel, 128-129; Hess, 62-64; Noe, 104. 54 South Mountain had been a Federal victory and Antietam a draw, while the rest were complete decisive Confederate victories. The battle of Perryville long considered the principal battle of the Kentucky Campaign was neither decisive nor climatic. 139 The battle itself was fought only by portions of the armies, on ground that held no real strategic value to the overall goals of the campaign. However, the legacy of Perryville resides in Bragg's choice to withdraw his army from Kentucky in its aftermath. Leaving aside Bragg's personality, leadership issues, and his subordinates, the important aspect to look at is what was actually accomplished by his army. It's already been stated that Bragg and Smith's offensive knocked the Federal plan of war back a few pegs and opened up at two-thirds of Tennessee for the foreseeable future. Confederate goals upon entering Kentucky were unclear and varied in design between Bragg and Smith. 140 Perhaps the largest draw was establishing the state as Confederate, which they quickly understood wasn't a popular option amongst the people. That being the case, Confederate field armies could only subsist for so long in hostile territory until they would, by necessity, be forced to withdraw to friendly Tennessee. 141 Therefore, without the support of the majority of Kentuckians to endorse a Confederate government, the continuation of a Southern army within the state offered no benefit to the Confederacy. 142 Bragg and Smith's only true strategic failing was their inability to link together and deliver a decisive blow against Buell. If looked at in the context of the genetics of an ocean wave, the advance into Kentucky was the last little bit of the wave that rolls into the edge of the beach. It neither has the momentum nor the power to damage anything of significant strength. However, the break or 139 Noe, 343. 140 Hess, 56-57. 141 Connelly, 228; Noe, 334. 142 Noe, 336. 55 impact of the wave that occurs just before hitting shore tends to denote the power of the temporary effects inflicted within that particular wave's life span. Sticking with the ocean wave analogy, the Confederate wide offensive in the fall of 1862 was the last ocean wave before the tide changed. The lifespan of the Confederacy would perish in the calm time between the next high tide. Conclusion: The interpretations of the Civil War, its key moments, critical players, and even the purpose of the conflict, vary in many different extremes, platforms, and algorithms. Surely there were other critical moments of the war, in which the Confederacy could have theoretically changed the outcome or moments in which Union forces could have ended the war much sooner. The progress of the war is a fascinating storyline of complete unpreparedness through a series of excruciating growing pains that led to the high efficiency of conducting war. Looking at the grand scope of the conflict, particularly the logistics of the opposing sides, even the most novice student of the struggle can recognize that the Confederacy was severely behind in every aspect and shouldn't have waged war. 143 However, the fact remains they did, and the reality is any Southern hope for victory resided in the slowness, unpreparedness, and political deadlock of the North's ability to wage war. The true window in which to view why the fall of 1862 was the Southern high tide occurs in the aftermath of the campaigns themselves. The first and most critical component was the issuance of the Emancipation Proclamation. The bold political move forever changed the direction and intent of the war. For the South, it had devastating consequences, as it eliminated 143 McPherson, 312-316. 56 any dream of European intervention, and essentially made the Confederacy an island left to its own. The proclamation also bled into the second crucial component, which truly had its roots at the beginning of 1862; however, it had become fully developed by the closing days of 1862, and that is the abandonment of "limited war" principals and the acceptance of "hard war" doctrine. 144 Militarily the South would never mount such a broad offensive again nor one with so much potential to gain from it. Lee's Pennsylvania Campaign in 1863, while more famous, did not have the potential as nine months prior when he crossed into Maryland. 145 Lee in June of 1863 was acting independently, while Confederate armies in the west were giving ground rapidly and losing Vicksburg. 146 Even with Confederate victory at Chickamauga, Bragg nor his predecessors could ever mount an effective counterthrust to regain vital Tennessee. 147 Hood's Tennessee Campaign in 1864 offered the closest opportunity; however, his cause was pyrrhic and traded the destruction of Georgia for the hope of gaining Tennessee. 148 The commencement of the Overland Campaign in 1864 saw the end of Lee's ability to mount a counterattack that had won for him on previous battlefields. With his numbers dwindling, and the Union's production capabilities at its height, continuing supply of reinforcements, and Grant's power to coordinate multiple armies upon Lee, forced the Confederate leader to dance to the tune of Grant's strategy. 149 144 McPherson, 567. 145 Coddington, The Gettysburg Campaign, 4-8. 146 Edwin C. Bearss and J. Parker Hills, Receding Tide: Vicksburg and Gettysburg the Campaigns that Changed the Civil War, National Geographic Society, 2010. 266. 147 Steven Woodworth, Six Armies in Tennessee: The Chickamauga and Chattanooga, Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1998. 144. 148 Jacobson, For Cause and for Country, 524. 149 Gordon C. Rhea, The Battle of the Wilderness May 5-6, 1864, Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1994. 9-10, 12-13, 22. 57 The Maryland and Kentucky Campaigns were episodes that the Union could not afford to lose. Certainly, Union armies, especially in the east, met multiple setbacks, defeats, and disasters throughout the war; however, a loss at this critical juncture in each theater would have produced devastating consequences from which the North could not recover. The brilliance of these campaigns resides in the fact that neither side could afford a negative outcome, and a victorious outcome for either side had the power and capabilities to change the entire trajectory of the war. The Maryland and Kentucky Campaigns do not have a true decisive victor in respect to the definition, yet, the rate at which the Union declared victory and the rapidity with which it instituted new measures both politically and militarily showed the emergency the events in the fall of 1862 produced for the North. 150 An acceptance of that notion coupled with political density, logistical pitfalls, organizational hurtles, and strategic objectives, will clearly indicate that the fall of 1862 in the course of the Maryland and Kentucky Campaigns, along with their supporting offenses was the high tide of the Confederacy, and the moment the Civil War changed trajectory in both political and military senses, which was the beginning of the Confederacy's defeat. 150 Muehlbauer, Ways of War, 197-200. 58 Bibliography Secondary Sources: Anderson, Nancy Scott and Dwight Anderson. The Generals: Ulysses. S. Grant and Robert E. Lee. Avenel: New Jersey, 1987. Bearss, Edwin C. and J. 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Part one of an interview with members of "La Banda" and others connected to the band.Topics include: Introductions to those present for the interview and a little information about their family histories. How the band was formed and why. Memories of learning to play instruments, being in the band, and receiving instruction. Family members, both past and present, that are also involved with music somehow, but not directly involved with La Banda. Examples of when and where La Banda performed. The evolution of the band name, from Banda Regione d'Italia to the Leominster Band. What the makeup of the band is now. Other local bands that members play in. ; 1 INTERVIEWER: Cindy Rosamund with the Center for Italian Culture. It's Wednesday, September 19th. We are at the home of Lucy and Mike Scaramuzzi in Leominster at 30 Elm Street. And we have invited people that are connected with, uh, the band from Leominster, La Banda – or at least it used it be called that. We have many people here gathered at Lucy and Mike's home. And at first I would like you to just introduce yourselves. If you could just tell me your name, when you were born, where you were born, and if you know when your parents came to this country. Okay. Yes. [Unintelligible - 00:00:44] Hold on. Oh you want to know… RESPONDENT: I think that they're in the hallway. INTERVIEWER: That's okay. You're a part of this discussion. And you're right. At first I thought I was coming here primarily to talk to people only in the band, but that's okay. I think all of you have some connection, if not with the band at least Leominster and that's what we're all about here. We're writing about the history of Leominster, particularly Italian-Americans. Okay? So first we'll start with you. RENA: Well, I'm Rena Bisceglia. And did you want – I forgot to say… INTERVIEWER: Oh that's okay. Just, um, introduce yourself, giving your entire name including your maiden name. RENA Okay. I'm… INTERVIEWER: If you would like to tell us when you were born, where and a little bit about your parents. RENA: Oh, I'm Rena Bisceglia, born here in Leominster September 16, 1922. And I'm married to Vincent Bisceglia and my father-in-law was Gaspare who started the Italian Colonial Band. And I am collecting um newspaper articles, whatever I can find of information to write down in a notebook. INTERVIEWER: Great.2 VINNIE: Oh yeah, I'm… my real name isn't what's put down in the birth certificate, which is [Regelio Vincenzo Bisceglia]. Because there were two Regelios, my cousin was named Regelio, I went by the name of Vincent. So I was ultimately known as Vincent Bisceglia. I was born in February 9, 1920 and my folks came over about 1909 I think. And they, my mother came over with her sisters and her uncle who's the chaperone to the four sisters. And the Bisceglia side tried to come over but they were stopped at Naples because my uncle had a little sty in his eye, so they wouldn't let the family come in. My grandfather had already been here. He was working in Connecticut somewhere, so they stayed in Naples; fortunately they had a relative there, Dorico, whom they stayed with. They stayed there six months until my grandfather went over and got them and brought them here. But can you imagine that a little sty in a kid's eye—and my uncle must have been around 9 or 10—and they stopped the whole family from coming over? [Laughs] INTERVIEWER: They came directly, well, they went to Connecticut and then they settled in Fitchburg? VINNIE: No, no my grandfather had been working in Connecticut, but then I think he moved to Leominster because there was an assortment of people from the old country to get a job with. This was known as a [unintelligible - 00:04:09] but my father's folks came in through Canada. And I think they stayed in Quebec for a number of months. In fact, they were thinking of settling in Quebec, but because they had so many relatives and friends here in Leominster, they finally came from Quebec here. INTERVIEWER: So which part… VINNIE: But they had a really roundabout route to here. INTERVIEWER: Right. Which part of Italy did they come from? VINNIE: San Giovanni, which is on the spur of the [unintelligible - 00:04:43] Antonio Gargano – the "spur of the boot." And it's, my 3 grandfather was born in Monte Saint'Angelo, which is a high mountain city, right on the spur of the boot. San Giovanni is a little lower down. They finally moved to San Giovanni. My grandfather was – besides being in La Banda in Italy under the direction of, he was famous at that time, Florante, who was a conductor of the local band. All the cities have bands in Italy. But he was a jeweler by trade. The whole family made jewelry and sold jewelry around the different towns. I remember one story my father told me. My grandfather was carrying his assortment of jewelry from Monte Saint-Angelo down to the seashore of Manfredonia, one of those seashore towns. And he was riding a donkey. Now my grandfather was pretty hefty, like a [unintelligible - 00:06:02] was, you know, good-sized height and very, very hefty. And he was riding the donkey, and the donkey was pretty smart. When my grandfather got on the donkey, he would walk right on the edge of the precipice. [Laughter] So my grandfather was afraid they would all topple down the precipice so he would get off the donkey. So when he got off, then the donkey would walk in a comfortable part. When he would get on again, he would walk on the precipice – pretty smart donkey. [Laughter] RENA: So he would get off. [Unintelligible - 00:06:42] making those trips and he went to live in San Giovanni and he married your grandmother. INTERVIEWER: Okay. So why don't we go to the next person and come back. ROLAND: Me. I'm Roland [Verson] and I was born 12-21-31 – December 21, 1931. I was from [unintelligible - 00:07:07] Italy. My father was from Foggia San Juan. VINNIE: San Juan. ROLAND: Provincia de Foggia, that's where the priest was from. Was it Pio?4 RENA: Father Pio. ROLAND: My mother was from Bisceglie, Italy – Bisceglie Bari, they call it. VINNIE: Yeah, we were there. ROLAND: You were there? VINNIE: I spent four days there when I was a kid in the summer. ROLAND: Oh yeah? VINNIE: Yeah, in [unintelligible - 00:07:49]. INTERVIEWER: Who traveled here to this country? Was it you? ROLAND: My father. INTERVIEWER: Your father. And what was his name? ROLAND: Michael [unintelligible - 00:08:00]. He, I think he was the first to come and then he sent for his mother and father and my… VINNIE: They all did it that way. INTERVIEWER: And they all come to Leominster first? ROLAND: Well, my mother was from Worcester when she came here. INTERVIEWER: And what was her name? ROLAND: Maria Misino. RENA: Misino, M-I-S-I-N-O. INTERVIEWER: Okay. ROLAND: All right. INTERVIEWER: Do you have a connection to the band? ROLAND: Oh yeah, boy, going on 50 years. INTERVIEWER: Okay. Well, I'll come back to you. Next. PELINO: My name is Pelino Masciongioli. I was October 15, 1939 in [unintelligible - 00:08:48], a province of Abruzzo in Italy. My mother and her family were here in the United States. My mother was born in Everett, Mass. in 1916. My maternal grandparents had come from Italy and they had their family, and in the early 20's they packed up and went back to Corfinio. My mother met my father, who was from Corfinio, and they got married in the late thirties. And then after the Second World War, my mother being 5 an American born citizen was allowed to come back into the country and bring me with her. We moved to Pennsylvania. That was in February 1949. In the fall of that year, my father and two younger sisters were able to join us in Pennsylvania. My father went to work in a coal mine. They had a lot of strikes at the time. We had other family here in Leominster and it was decided for the future of the family, and the children in particular, that we should move to Massachusetts, which we did, and both my folks worked in plastic factories and I was fortunate enough that they sent me to college. And moving to the United States, a younger brother was born in Pennsylvania and a younger sister was born in Leominster. It seems like every time my family moved [laughter] we got another member in the family. And I pretty much lived in Leominster since 1950. And all of the family is still in the area. INTERVIEWER: Now do you have a connection to the band? PELINO: No, I don't. INTERVIEWER: Okay. Let's go to the next… CHARLES: Charles Johns. I'm the oddball. I think I was the first non-Italian to join the Italian Colonial Band. I think I was about, I would say maybe age 12. I had been taking trumpet lessons from my [unintelligible - 00:10:59] old Fitchburg music store, and he decided to leave the area, so that night my father went looking around for somebody else to teach me and I ended up with John Bisceglia, who was Gaspare's brother. My mother was born in Canada and my father was born here in Leominster of English descent, so there's no Italian connection whatsoever. But my father got me started with lessons with John Bisceglia and after a little bit John suggested that I go down to their rehearsals at Lancaster Street School on Sundays and get some more experience. And I don't know, it must have been about two years and I was still wearing my Boy Scout uniform, they decided to let 6 me play in a band concert and I was playing [unintelligible - 00:12:11]. I can distinctly remember making a mistake that very first night and Gaspare looked at me like I could have crawled through the boards in the bandstand. But it's been quite an experience, quite a learning experience. I learned a lot from playing with them. INTERVIEWER: Okay, thank you. We'll go to Mike. MIKE: No, Lucy. INTERVIEWER: Lucy. Okay. LUCY: I am Lucy [unintelligible - 00:12:57]. I am Roland's sister. You just heard from him, so my information is the same as his. My only connection to the band is that my father was in it and I think he just about started out with Gaspare and I have about five uncles in it -- had five uncles in it and maybe two or three cousins besides my brother. INTERVIEWER: Tell me the names of your uncles. You said there were about five. LUCY: John [unintelligible - 00:13:27]. [Unintelligible - 00:13:34] that's Morris. Lorenzo Predicelli. [Francio Julius] was in it at one time. And I think Frank [unintelligible - 00:13:49] was in it at one time, wasn't he? I thought I saw him in one of the pictures. How many was that, four? INTERVIEWER: That's five. [Unintelligible - 00:14:05] SPEAKER: Frank Junior? LUCY: I thought I saw his picture. Maybe he wasn't. No. [unintelligible - 00:14:19] Then there was Joseph Predicelli who was in it too. RENA: Tommy? LUCY: Tommy Predicelli. We had more than our share. VINNIE: You had more than the Bisceglias. INTERVIEWER: Okay. LUCY: The five of those brought their children and… ROLAND: My father was the manager.7 INTERVIEWER: Your father? ROLAND: Yeah. Michael Predicelli. I was just a little kid. INTERVIEWER: Do you remember the year, approximately? Was it right from the beginning, 1920? ROLAND: No. It was actually – no, I just remember, when I was 10 or 11, he was the manager and he trained John Predicelli. Remember him? LUCY: I sure do. ROLAND: And he showed him the ropes. Then he took it over. INTERVIEWER: So some of the questions I ask may be repetitive and there are a few rules for that. One being there are a lot of people here and sometimes I'm concentrating on something else even though you just said something. I have to be honest. So why don't we first talk about why the band was formed in the first place. I have heard someone mention that it was a tradition in Italy? So… ROLAND: As I said, I think a while ago every town in Italy has its town band. So my grandfather was Capo Banda. He was sort of like a concert master or – not the conductor but like a concert master. And I remember, I think we have pictures, but I remember they took a picture in Italy with my grandfather, and my uncle and my father were little boys sitting down with him with their instruments. So actually when they came over here, there were three of them that were musicians. And then they just had music in their system so they, my father… Well, another thing, my father was an apprentice to this bandmaster. They didn't have copy machines in those days, so one of his jobs was to copy out all the parts for the band. So he told me that when he started out, he made quite a few mistakes, and of course the way they were taught in Europe—the way I was taught too—when you made a mistake you got banged around. [Laughter] So after a few times of that kind of treatment, you didn't make mistakes anymore. But I remember I got the same 8 treatment when made too many mistakes playing. My father would put the fiddle down and whack me. Of course, my cousins got the same treatment too. But one time he didn't put the fiddle down, he broke the bow. [Laughter] INTERVIEWER: Do you think that helped you learn? ROLAND: Well, made me hate it. I hated music until I was 50. But, you know, I did it because I had to do it and because I knew how to do it. RENA: Tell the story about the time you were practicing and you were reading comics. ROLAND: Oh, yeah, I was in the room. I had to practice three hours a day. So to while away the time, I would get some comic books and I was just doodling on the fiddle, you know, reading the comics and not paying any attention to the music. My father, he came in and said that sounds funny. He came through the door and he saw what I was doing, that I was reading the comic book. He put my fiddle down and whacked me. [Laughter] RENA: You couldn't fool him. ROLAND: No, I couldn't fool my father. RENA: He wasn't in the room but he knew… ROLAND: He was too savvy for that. INTERVIEWER: Charlie, did you .get that treatment when you were taking lessons with him? CHARLIE: No. No. He was very nice, very kind, but I'd be practicing and I'd get frustrated. He would go and take the trumpet, put it in the case, put it in the closet and not say another word. A couple of days later, I'd say where's my trumpet and he would go dig it out and I would get it back. But he played the smart play, I guess. I'll tell you when his father looked at me if I made a mistake—I'm telling you—it looked like daggers were flying. CHARLES: Oh yeah.9 LUCY: Mike has an expression your father used. Mike, are you here? MIKE: Yeah. LUCY: Mike was in the band for a little while, a short while. Mike, tell them about the time you made mistake with the [unintelligible - 00:19:55], remember? MIKE: I wasn't with them that long. LUCY: I know you weren't with them. But what would he say? He'd say, "Who made that [unintelligible - 00:20:06]?" MIKE: Oh, I remember. [Unintelligible - 00:20:08] INTERVIEWER: Can you tell me what that word means? [Unintelligible - 00:20:20] CHARLES: Yeah, bitter onions, bitter onions. INTERVIEWER: Mike, you need to introduce yourself, because when you deferred to Lucy, I thought you weren't connected to the band but now I have it, well you were. MIKE: I'm [unintelligible - 00:20:32]. INTERVIEWER: Well, that's okay. MIKE: [Unintelligible - 00:20:43] Lucy's husband connected to the band because I was a little kid. My father used to play in it, way back when I was a kid, so I became interested in it and when I was in junior high school, I took up the alto horn and was old enough to go down there to join the rehearsals, like Charlie said, with the Colonial Band, but I really wasn't that great. Just a few months and then I got too old for them and all that, or so I thought. But other than that… LUCY: He went to the Eagle Drum Corp because there were girls there. [Laughter] INTERVIEWER: Is that how he met you? LUCY: No.10 VINNIE: The Eagles was all men. There were a couple of twirlers. And Charlie was in there [unintelligible - 00:21:41]. We had the music that… INTERVIEWER: So you said your father was in the band? MIKE: He was, back when they first started. He started with the trombone. The trombone had the valve, like Lucy said, [unintelligible - 00:21:56]. I think he played baritone for a while and that's why I picked up the alto horn. INTERVIEWER: And what was his name? MIKE: [Unintelligible - 00:22:12] INTERVIEWER: And did he come to this country by himself or did he travel with someone? MIKE: I think he came from Italy alone, because he met my mother here in the States when they got married. LUCY: He was the only one from the family to come, right? MIKE: Right. [Unintelligible - 00:22:40] my mother came on [unintelligible - 00:22:44]. She was a [unintelligible - 00:22:51]. There were four of them that came. They met and they got married. INTERVIEWER: And what year did they come to this country? MIKE: 1912 or in that area. He was in the same village with Lucy's father. They were in the same town, Foggia. They both came from there and [unintelligible - 00:23:12] father also. They all came from Foggia. INTERVIEWER: And it was the same. At the beginning most of the members of the band were from Foggia, Italy? MIKE: Yeah. Most of them would have been. What I heard is they followed your father here because they don't have anything. [Laughter]11 CHARLIE: [Unintelligible - 00:23:44] they made a mistake by getting on a couple of [unintelligible - 00:23:43] it's pretty common, or after the war in Italy in 1946 or '47 in school, including a stick. CHARLES: That's how they taught us, with a stick. INTERVIEWER: How things have changed, huh? VINNIE: You can't touch them now. [Laughter] CHARLES: [Unintelligible - 00:24:00] I was taught the old way. The first thing you had in [unintelligible - 00:24:05] you were taught to read music. VINNIE: Oh yeah [unintelligible - 00:24:14]. CHARLES: I did that for a year before I got an instrument. And when I was taking my lesson, your father never knew that I couldn't understand or speak Italian. [Laughter] And I never told him. And I used to take my lesson and he used to swear up and down. And I could hear your mother would be in the kitchen and she would be sighing. She would be crocheting and sighing. It was funny because he used to swear at me for not knowing the lesson, but then in English, in broken English, he would tell me how good I was. [Laughter] LUCY: I can remember when my brother was taking lessons before he got his instrument, he would have to beat out the music. They had to go la-dah-dah-dah. CHARLIE: That's the solfeggio. VINNIE: Right. You sing the notes. LUCY: He would, sat up in bed one night in his sleep and he was doing this. CHARLES: My mother thought I was sick; I was going da-la-la-la-la-la. INTERVIEWER: So tell us more about that, how you learned music. Was that typical that…? VINNIE: Yeah. Solfeggio is reading the music by name. Like if you want to play the Star Spangled Banner, you go "fa-re-do-re-fa-ti, re-do-12 ti-la-re" you sing the notes and beat time. And that way you learn conducting at the same time and also following any conductor, but you've had your time pattern while you sang the notes. And even in the conservatory they taught us to memorize, say we had to memorize a concerto we would do it by solfeggio. Memorize the notes by name because – it's pretty tough at first but it helps to impress it on your memory. INTERVIEWER: How long before you got an instrument? VINNIE: A year. INTERVIEWER: A year? How… VINNIE: Well, we did it even after we would get the instrument. It's just the brain work instead of tactile. Then when you played it, you had the additional memory assist by the feel of the instrument, but this way, here, it's in your brain. You sing the notes and keep the time. INTERVIEWER: Who determined when you were ready to pick up an instrument? CHARLIE: Oh, he did. [Laughter] INTERVIEWER: The father? VINNIE: He determined when I quit. He sent me to the nuns, to St. Cecilia's. I must have been 4 or 5, really young, having no knowledge doing it. And I remember taking lessons with Sister Mary who was, she was related to the royalty in England but she was a convert to Catholicism. So she would teach me and I would spend most of my time looking at her headdress. There was a slit in one corner of it and I was always trying to see what kind of hair she had. She had a crew cut, I remember. They wouldn't show their hair at all. They just had the headdress. That was my favorite – looking at it while I took the lesson. CHARLIE: Your father, was he also in strings or just brass? VINNIE: No, they were all brass men. It was funny how he chose the violin for me. I guess that's what I mean. He was able to teach on that. I don't know. He never, he just sent me to the nuns and then when 13 Carluccio came to town, you know, Carluccio was [unintelligible - 00:28:37]. He had had quite a role in playing violin. LUCY: He studied in Milan. VINNIE: So he finally started teaching me. Carluccio did. I didn't stay long with the nuns. maybe three years, and then I went to Carluccio. CHARLIE: Now Vinnie Longo did the same thing, then he went to the nuns, and went to Carluccio. INTERVIEWER: Did Vinnie ever play with the band? VINNIE: Violin? No. Not that I know of. CHARLIE: He was connected to the school band. INTERVIEWER: So who determined which instrument you would play? SPEAKERS: Gaspare. INTERVIEWER: Did he have that much influence over other band members, let's say their sons? VINNIE: He did. Well, I think so because whenever they needed instruments, he would probably suggest. But he didn't suggest to me. He told me to do it. [Laughs] CHARLIE: You know your father was very precise. VINNIE: Oh yeah. CHARLIE: When he directed. The beat was always there. You could always see it. Well, I grew up with your father there conducting, so when I started to play with other conductors I had no idea what the hell they were doing – really. VINNIE: Yeah, a lot of them are ballet dancers. CHARLIE: I won't mention his name, but he conducts [Axis]. My sister liked [unintelligible - 00:30:22] so the only thing he does for me is make me hungry. He looks like he's whipping up pizza. [Laughter] VINNIE: Well, that was one of the criticisms of Toscanini because he was one of the greatest conductors, but a lot of wise guys said he's just 14 a time beater. Well, what else is a conductor but a time beater? If you can't keep time, go home. [Laughter] You will hear that from a lot of people who don't know music. You know, they look at the conductor and they say, "Do you really need that guy up there?" Well, of course. MIKE: Was it fairly common for the kids to be sent to the nuns? Did they provide that kind of service in the community? CHARLES: Yeah. VINNIE: That was something they all did, the nuns did was teach music. ROLAND: They did. CHARLES: You got to pay them. VINNIE: Oh, yeah – of course, you pay them. MIKE: It wasn't just one nun. There was a group of them that all provided lessons [unintelligible - 00:31:19] instruments. INTERVIEWER: Which instruments? Can you tell us which ones they could teach? VINNIE: Well, because I only knew that they taught violin, that is what I learned; my cousins here took the other lessons. CHARLES: Sister Mary. VINNIE: The same one? I would think it would be violin and piano. I don't think they were in to band instruments. CHARLES: Maybe flute or something. INTERVIEWER: Now, Vinnie, which instrument did you play in the band? VINNIE: Well, when I went to school, I think junior high – I didn't play in the band until I got to junior high. Then I joined, they had an old flute hanging around and doing nothing so they gave it to me to play. So I learned it and, of course, I had already been playing violin so it wasn't too long before I could play it. So when I started with the flute, I joined my father's band and played flute in the band. And in fact later on, I kept playing flute and piccolo. When I was in the Army, I played flute and piccolo in the marching band. That's what I did for four years.15 SPEAKER 1: I know why you played the piccolo. It was the lightest instrument to carry. [Laughter] VINNIE: Yeah, my father would razz me a lot because when I played in his band I played the flute. It's a bigger instrument. So when we were marching along, there would be kids following us so I would have some kid carrying my flute until it was time to play and then I would pick it up. And my father used to say you're lazy to even carry your flute. Speaking of laziness, I had to practice three hours a day by the clock and so it sounded like a long time to me. So I practice maybe half an hour, look at that clock. So I go to the kitchen clock and advance it 10 minutes. Then I would go practice some more, errrr, got another two hours to go. I'd go to the kitchen clock and advance it 10 minutes. I kept doing that until three hours went by. And the strangest thing, nobody ever said anything. My father and my mother, they never caught on or told me they caught on what I was doing, but every day that clock would be fixed. I would probably advance it about an hour. [Laughter] INTERVIEWER: Roland, how did you learn your instrument and which instrument did you play? ROLAND: I played the clarinet and saxophone from Vinnie's father. INTERVIEWER: So he gave lessons too? ROLAND: Yeah, I took lessons from him. INTERVIEWER: So you also learned music first for about a year? ROLAND: Yeah, and went through high school and went to the Navy School of Music when I was in the service. VINNIE: Oh you played in the marching band too, huh? ROLAND: Yeah. We had a [unintelligible - 00:34:57] Washington, D.C., the police that were out there, they would come for the school and they would get half a dozen guys from the school and take us to the armory and they gave us uniforms and we would play twice a week. Once on the Capitol steps we would play a concert, like we 16 do here, and then [unintelligible - 00:35:28] place where cherry blossoms. Captain says it's a good duty. He said, "Every time you play you get two days off in a week. So if you want to be a policeman, you come and see me." [Laughter] No, I didn't want to be a policeman. It was a lot of fun. I made two world cruises playing in the band. INTERVIEWER: Now tell me more about your father, Roland. He was in the band also? ROLAND: Yeah, and he was… INTERVIEWER: And did he learn an instrument probably much the same, in the same way that you did? VINNIE: I don't know. It's possible my father and uncle [unintelligible - 00:36:15], you know, to play in the band when they [unintelligible - 00:36:20]. ROLAND: I think that's what happened. LUCY: We have a feeling all those who [unintelligible - 00:36:21] were born with these instruments in their hands. INTERVIEWER: But do you know if your father was in the band in Italy? ROLAND: Yeah. INTERVIEWER: He was. And what instrument did he play? ROLAND: He played trombone. In fact, he was in the Army for about three months, I guess, he was playing in the band. INTERVIEWER: Do either of you know if the traditions goes beyond that, for example your grandfathers? ROLAND: Yeah, my grandfather was a baritone player. VINNIE: Yeah, my grandfather was too. They were all brass men. RENA: Your grandfather played in America with your father. VINNIE: Oh yeah, he was part of the original band, my grandfather was. ROLAND: I got a story about your father. He used to go mushrooming in the war. And one day, we were just kids, [unintelligible - 00:37:20] and I, and someone else, I forget who, and your father was picking 17 up mushrooms, and all of the sudden he stood up and he smiled. And he always used to carry a little notebook in his shirt pocket and pencil, and all the sudden he took it out and he started writing like crazy. He heard this bird chirping and he wrote a tune out of it. VINNIE: Yeah, I know all about that. INTERVIEWER: Now, Vinnie, you said your grandfather actually played in this country. Maybe I missed something… VINNIE: He played with my father's band. INTERVIEWER: Your father's band here. VINNIE: But he also, he belonged to the band originally in Italy. INTERVIEWER: Did your grandfather live in Leominster? VINNIE: Oh yeah. INTERVIEWER: Did he move here? VINNIE: He started off in Connecticut then he moved to Leominster and then he brought his family here to Leominster. INTERVIEWER: Okay. ROLAND: So your father started a band and recruited his father to play? VINNIE: Yeah. I guess his father probably yelled at him. [Unintelligible - 00:38:39] RENA: He first came to this country alone. VINNIE: Yeah. RENA: And he was here for a while and someone wrote back to Italy that he was becoming very skinny, as your Aunt Grace put it, and so your grandmother got very alarmed about it and asked him about it. And she wanted him to send back a photo so she could see what he looked like. But he didn't have the money for a photo. So he drew… he stood in front of the mirror and drew a picture of himself and mailed it back to her so she could see what he looked like. [Laughter] And then after a year or so, I guess he went over there and came back with the whole family. 18 INTERVIEWER: Do you have any stories of perhaps a great-grandfather playing an instrument? VINNIE: No, I don't go back that far. I know my grandfather, but that's it. INTERVIEWER: Now do you want to talk about the great-grandfather who had the 20 children? VINNIE: Oh. [Laughter] When I was growing up, folks would tell me about my grandfather was one of 17 children. RENA: Now he's talking about the one we just talked about, Vincenzo. VINNIE: And I always took it with a grain salt, the 17 children. And they said that a couple of them were shot by bandits, so they always said, you know, fantastic number of children. So one time, just before he died, I asked Frank [Jethro] who grew up in that town. I said, "Hey, tell me the truth Frank, there weren't 17 children." He said, "No, no, no – there was 24." [Laughter] So there must have been some truth in this, but they're all scattered around the country. Some in Kansas City, Missouri, some in… RENA: They're probably… VINNIE: Arkansas, some in New York City. Let's see… RENA: A lot of them are optometrists and one of them got to be a Protestant minister in Kansas City and there's an Italian cultural center in his name in Kansas City. VINNIE: John Bisceglia. He had the same name as my uncle – Presbyterian minister. RENA: Well, they were befriended by this church when they came to this country and so they just turned around and went with them. Then there were others that were goldsmiths. VINNIE: Jewelers. RENA: Jewelers, goldsmiths, and optometrists. One of them wrote to Tony. I have a letter that he wrote to Tony, and Charles was his name, so it was the next generation. They sent all the kids to school. 19 ROLAND: Tony played in the band too. RENA: Yeah, he played clarinet. SPEAKER: Is he [unintelligible - 00:41:54]? RENA: Of course. VINNIE: And there was a Steve Bisceglia that was a football player I saw somewhere. I remember seeing his name somewhere. I remember seeing his name. He played for like Alabama? INTERVIEWER: University of Alabama. VINNIE: A few years back, he was playing for them. He was a well-known football player. He was one of those from that game… RENA: I saw it on television. I couldn't believe my eyes because my [uncle] is called Steve and he was about the same age. He was at the Naval Academy at the same time that this boy was in Alabama and I saw Steve Bisceglia #44 on the back of his shirt and he was playing football. So I had Kathy write him a letter and it developed that he is of the Bisceglia wine family in Fresno, California. VINNIE: Oh yeah, we went there once. RENA: So he invited my Steve to go visit him. He said, "We will compare and see if we use the same toothpaste." [Laughter] INTERVIEWER: Roland, tell me about your grandfather. Do you know if he played an instrument? ROLAND: Yes. He played baritone, brass instruments, but it wasn't long before I was alive. I knew your father knew him. VINNIE: Oh he knew your grandfather? INTERVIEWER: And what was your grandfather's name? ROLAND: Joseph, Josepe Nicole [Franson] – Joseph Nicholas Franison]. INTERVIEWER: Now did he live in Leominster? ROLAND: Yes. INTERVIEWER: Okay. 20 LUCY: Now, [my brother] I think has an interesting story. He played a duet with Franklin. Didn't you? Didn't you play with your grandson at a band contest? So, that would be my grandfather, my father, [Roly] and Roly's grandson. INTERVIEWER: That's where I was going. MIKE: You're remembering middle school. INTERVIEWER: So do any of you have brothers that also played in the band? ROLAND: I didn't have any brothers. INTERVIEWER: You don't have any brothers? ROLAND: Two sisters. I had cousins. [Unintelligible - 00:44:20] INTERVIEWER: But if you had brothers, they would be expected to play in the band? VINNIE: Oh yeah, they all took a turn. Tony played too. ROLAND: Everybody did. LUCY: Now, of course, the Piermarini family, Cleto was the father, and all of his sons, Alfonz, Carl, Stephen and even Paul. Did Clyde ever play? ROLAND: I think Clyde was a piano player. VINNIE: Yeah, in Las Vegas. INTERVIEWER: Okay. Now, Vinni, you mentioned that you really hated music until you were about 50. VINNIE: Oh yeah. INTERVIEWER: You [unintelligible - 00:44:58]. Tell me a little bit about that. Was that you didn't want to let your father down, the community down – what was it? VINNIE: Well, uh… ROLAND: He didn't want to get whacked. [Laughter] VINNIE: No, it was just something I had to do. I accepted it. Didn't like it but I accepted it and I did the best I could. Of course, it's not good in a way because you only do it when you're pressured to do it. Even now I won't practice until I have to play somewhere and I 21 have to get ready, and that threat makes me, pushes me to practice. But I never practiced until, unless I was forced. LUCY: You were a music teacher in Fitchburg. Wasn't music the way you earned your living? VINNIE: Oh yeah, but I didn't operate the same way as my folks did. In fact, maybe I went the opposite way. I never pushed any kid, in fact, not on my kids. I never pushed them into music. They all like it and they all dabbled in it but I never pushed one of them because I remembered, you know. I never pushed them. RENA: May I interrupt and say that now you love it? VINNIE: Oh I like music, hell, yeah. RENA: And you found out that you… VINNIE: Since I was… RENA: Really, really love it. VINNIE: I thank my father. RENA: He did you a favor. VINNIE: For doing me a favor, right? INTERVIEWER: Do you regret that you didn't push your own children, now that you have a love for it? VINNIE: Sometimes I regret it. RENA: But he did, we did sent one of them to U. Mass and he majored in oboe. That was an instrument he wanted to play. But Vinnie tried it for two years and gave it up because he realized it just was not for him. [Laughter] He went into business and he had been CEO of all the companies and live onto and he has done fabulously well in business. So he just realized that even though he had the opportunity to be a musician that it wasn't for him. But his son is at B.U. and he is majoring in music. So this is, his grandson is majoring in music. INTERVIEWER: So the tradition continues. Didn't you feel pressure from your father to teach your children?22 VINNIE: No, just the opposite. I didn't want any kid to go through what I… INTERVIEWER: No, what I'm saying is, didn't your father give you pressure to teach your children… his grandchildren? VINNIE: No, well he had passed on by that time. But speaking of children playing music, I know one time there was something going on at St. Anne's, the band played and then we went inside and they had a little program with kids and my son Steve and another kid—I won't mention names because they might be embarrassed—but they had to play a number. My Steve was about 12 or 13, and the other kid was about the same age. They were pals. One played the piano and Steve played the violin. So they played this number and it sounded great. And all of the sudden, the piano player, they were about three-quarters through, he just discovered that his music was upside down. [Laughter] So he quickly turned it right side up but you never knew it because the kid sounded great. I'll never forget that. RENA: He was a pro from the beginning. VINNIE: Yeah. INTERVIEWER: [Unintelligible - 00:49:24] LUCY: Vinnie, did your father finally find out that you loved music or had he passed on by that time? RENA: First, did he know you didn't like it? INTERVIEWER: Did he know that you didn't care for it? VINNIE: I never told him, no. I never told him I didn't like it. ROLAND: How old were you when you played with the San Antonio Symphony? VINNIE: Well, that was after the service. Wherever I was stationed I would play with the local symphony. I was Bangor and played with the Bangor Symphony. ROLAND: I thought you were there permanently.23 VINNIE: Went to Oklahoma and I played with the Oklahoma Symphony. But when the conductor at the Oklahoma became conductor of the San Antonio, the war was over, so then I went back as a civilian and played a couple of years with the San Antonio under the same conductor. ROLAND: Rena, tell your story about Vinnie, when he [unintelligible - 00:50:36]. I used to take my lessons on Saturday afternoon in Vinnie's living room. And I was taking my lesson and all of a sudden the phone rang and Vinnie's mother went to answer and was talking to Vinnie and then she says, "He wants to talk to you," talking to her husband, Vinnie's father. Vinnie was in New York, I guess – and you had joined the Navy without calling your folks. VINNIE: Oh yeah. ROLAND: So [unintelligible - 00:51:18]. VINNIE: You heard that? ROLAND: Yeah, I was taking my lesson. I was right there. RENA: Oh dear me. ROLAND: Your father used to sit at one of the dining room chairs and I had to stand up before he comes out breathing fire. So I'm standing there and I remember your father saying, "Well, you signed the papers; it's too late now. Be a good boy." [Laughter] VINNIE: I didn't know that. RENA: [Unintelligible - 00:51:54] I visited you in the barraks and he was saluting and everybody… VINNIE: Oh yeah. I was playing in Bangor, Maine, in the band, and they came up to visit me once here and of course everybody salutes anybody else. So he was starting to salute everybody, following the band. [Laughter] INTERVIEWER: So when the band was formed in Leominster, how – did you ever get the story of exactly how that happened? I understand that they, these people played instruments, they were carrying over the 24 tradition from Italy. But when was the decision made to gather together and create a band for the Italian community? VINNIE: Well, I guess my father was the one that decided right along, or actually with his father when he was an apprentice to this conductor in Italy, so it was his desire of being in band music. So I guess they had a few players that had played in bands overseas so he got them together. I think it was only 16. ROLAND: Yeah. That's what I already thought was all these musicians out there, they just got together here and started playing. RENA: Yeah. VINNIE: There were enough of them to start a band so they had this tradition of band playing… ROLAND: Then they grew as time went along. INTERVIEWER: When they created the band, was it to play for the Italian community? VINNIE: Well, initially I guess it was to play for the functions of the Italian community. INTERVIEWER: Give me some examples of when and where they played, when you were a youngster. VINNIE: They used to play up at St. Anthony's in Fitchburg, some religious feast of some kind; they had a procession with [unintelligible - 00:54:06] and people would pin money on a statute, on a flag, and we would march all the way up to St. Anthony's Church and back there, and then they would have a concert and then usually fireworks after the concert. But that was difficult. It had these religious processions. ROLAND: Did that in Boston too. VINNIE: It was in Boston, right? RENA: Worcester. ROLAND: We played in Worcester. INTERVIEWER: So the band played in Boston also for…25 VINNIE: Yeah, they went there [unintelligible - 00:54:46]. CHARLIE: Did they play in Worcester for the second time…? ROLAND: Plus the time we played in Boston, we played in the Worcester in the morning and got on a bus and went to Boston RENA: I remember one article they played in Rutland for veterans who were disabled and couldn't get out to see a concert, so they would go there where they were. And they were so appreciative. That was a nice -- Rutland, Vermont actually. INTERVIEWER: Vermont. CHARLES: When I started taking trumpet lessons from his Uncle John, my mother was working at Santa [Cloth Works]. VINNIE: Oh, yeah. My father and mother worked there. CHARLES: My mother knew of the association between John and Gaspare and she kept saying every so often, "[Unintelligible - 00:55:46] no music; you go around singing operas." I was working with John. When I started playing, I was still in school and I've got a severe narrow upper palate and this dentist wanted to take and pull some teeth out to see if he couldn't flatten it and I would say, "No way! I play trumpet, so leave my teeth alone." He said, "Well, we'll take one out in the back on this side and one out in the back on this side, and we'll see what happens." I was also playing some dance work occasionally and I was playing, like Vinnie said – oh, I can't say. Well, I got into the band; it was almost every other week during the summer I had to [unintelligible - 00:56:51], went up to Fitchburg, and by Sunday night I could take my front teeth and push them back and forth; they were actually loose. And actually I was just taking out the two lower teeth; my teeth was actually pushed back just from playing all that time. VINNIE: Really? INTERVIEWER: Now at the beginning of this interview today, you had mentioned that when you got frustrated with the trumpet –26 CHARLES: Practicing. INTERVIEWER: That your mother would just put it away. CHARLES: She would get mad. Well, she would get mad and say, "That's enough," put it in the case, close the case up, and put it in the closet. INTERVIEWER: It sounds like you had a different experience than Vinnie. CHARLES: Nobody ever slapped me around. I slapped myself around. [Laughs] INTERVIEWER: I didn't quite mean that, but did you feel as much pressure? Was anyone looking to you to join a band? CHARLES: No, no. When I was in school, I was in the band at school and then, like I say, John was giving me lessons and he said, well – and I was there and everybody was kind of [fumbling], "Well, why don't you start coming down to the rehearsals on Sundays down at [unintelligible - 00:58:05] school?" Okay. When I went down there, I was so frustrated when I left that first day. None of the music was trumpets. Everything was manuscript. You put this thing out past and started to play and I don't think will [unintelligible - 00:58:30] I didn't have a clue as to where I was. I sat down. But after a while, I kept on it and… VINNIE: Yeah, I remember when Charlie – because he was so small, his feet wouldn't touch the floor; they would just dangle over the edge. Of course, now he's a big six-footer. But I can remember him rehearsing and I would see everybody else kind of growing up, and there's Charlie; he's just barely over the edge of the chair and playing his trumpet – probably one of the youngest to ever get into the band. ROLAND: They remember Charlie as the band was growing and they were trying to bring in good musicians. And the only good ones were the kids. Charlie Johns, [unintelligible - 00:59:13] and that's when the band started picking up.27 CHARLES: If I had one thing to say that I was sorry about, as far as belonging to the Leominster Colonial Band, it's, typical stupid young kid, I never learned the language. I had a golden opportunity to learn. But one thing that used to get to me was, for some reason, something would go wrong and his father would start after somebody and they were going back and forth in Italian and I didn't have a clue what was going on, but I always thought it's my fault [unintelligible - 01:00:03]. [Laughter] INTERVIEWER: So I take… I'm sorry. SPEAKER 2: As far as the tradition of playing on feast days, you know, because most towns in Italy had patron saints, you know, as a church, so that was a fairly common occurrence and you could go from town to town playing in feasts. But some of these social clubs that we started here, you know, like my folks belonged to the [Cofigno] Club. CHARLIE: Sons of Italy. SPEAKER 2: Okay, Sons of Italy, you know, Faggio Club, [Salodini], I imagine that, as I remember, they used to have dinners on occasion and dances. And so, the local bands would've been called on to come in. CHARLIE: Oh yeah. SPEAKER 2: And play on a lot of those functions. Another way for people in the regions to get together, you know, they had common interests and backgrounds. SPEAKER 1: Oh great. SPEAKER 2: And we'd socialize. CHARLIE: I think it's a shame that that has gone by the books today, because a lot of the young people are never going to get to experience some of those things. INTERVIEWER: Are you talking about the social clubs or are you talking about the band?28 CHARLIE: No. Well, mainly the social clubs, but the bands – what Vinnie said, we used to go out… sometimes we'd play on a Friday night, then we'd go out on Saturday night, play another concert, [unintelligible - 1:01:25] on a Sunday; you'd march the society to church and then, God knows, we walked all over the water skirt barrier on a Sunday afternoon. SPEAKER 2: Oh yeah. CHARLIE: Went to [unintelligible - 1:01:37] and people will never get to see that anymore. It doesn't exist, except in Boston; you've got to learn to look down there. SPEAKER 2: They kept up the traditions better there. CHARLIE: Yeah. RENA: If I'm not mistaken, all those social clubs had a patron saint. CHARLIE: Right. RENA: And they would celebrate the feast of that saint by having a concert and dinners and so forth. VINNIE: They'd have a procession receiving everything. INTERVIEWER: Was the band paid a fee for performing? VINNIE: Oh yeah, oh yeah. They get paid the union dues, once we all joined the union, yeah. And they added up all the costs and that's how they charged the different societies. RENA: They joined the union in 1956, so before that? CHARLES: Well, they still got paid before '56. INTERVIEWER: By the Sons of Italy? CHARLIE: Because I went out to St. Louis in '53 and I was already in the union because I played out there a couple times. INTERVIEWER: You were in the union earlier? CHARLIE: '53, I think, I took the band out there in about '53 – because I was still in high school. When I got out of high school, then I transferred my union membership out there. RENA: Maybe the whole band wasn't in until a few years later.29 CHARLIE: I think the last time I played before I went out to St. Louis we had just joined the union then and played a concert in Barry. ROLAND: Before that, the city used to pay us. CHARLIE: Oh yeah, that's right, the city. ROLAND: And the pass was 3 dollars. [Laughter] RENA: I know, I know. [Laughs] ROLAND: And if you were just a kid, like Charlie and I were back then… CHARLIE: A buck-fifty. ROLAND: You got half price, a dollar fifty. [Laughter] CHARLIE: I remember when I put [unintelligible - 1:03:57]. RENA: And you rehearsed free of charge. CHARLIE: And the dagger looks when you made a mistake. [Laughter] VINNIE: His father could cut you off without touching you. He didn't have to slap you on the side of the head. CHARLIE: Well, I remember the first memory I had of the band; I was about 3 years old. My father used to take me to the band rehearsals. Now he would go to either Phillip [Carecci's house or my grandfather's house. But they didn't have a setup with stands or chairs. They all stood up. And, you know, they'd read out their lines. So it was just… quite a lack of room, out of the whole band, everybody's standing up. I was just barely 3, so I didn't know what to do with myself. So I see all these legs there, so I'm going under their legs like bridges; I'm going under this musician's legs and out the other one. I guess I kept it up too long, because my father stopped bringing me to the rehearsals. [Laughter] INTERVIEWER: How often did they rehearse? CHARLIE: How long? INTERVIEWER: How often? How many times? ROLAND: Oh once a week. INTERVIEWER: Once a week? ROLAND: Oh yeah that was set; every week there'd be a rehearsal. 30 CHARLIE: What was it, Sunday? ROLAND: Sunday morning. CHARLIE: Sunday morning, yeah. INTERVIEWER: Sunday morning? CHARLIE: I guess this [unintelligible - 01:05:27], down in the basement. RENA: And all the neighborhood kids would peer through the windows and watch. I remember going there. INTERVIEWER: So was it prestigious belonging to the band? VINNIE: Was there a procedure? INTERVIEWER: No prestigious. ROLAND: It was an honor. INTERVIEWER: Was it an honor? VINNIE: Oh yeah. I would guess. CHARLIE: I always considered it an honor, especially when I was the first one who couldn't speak the language. VINNIE: Until it was time to practice. [Laughter] CHARLIE: Yeah. SPEAKER 2: Everybody's seeing that a little kid in the Italian band. CHARLIE: Yeah, in the Boy Scout uniform. INTERVIEWER: So Charlie, when did you join the band? CHARLIE: I'd say it would have to be… oh, I'd say the late 40s. INTERVIEWER: And prior to that, there weren't any non-Italians? CHARLIE: Not that I know of. INTERVIEWER: And why was that? ROLAND: Well, it was an Italian band. It used to be made up of fathers and sons, you know, they came from Italy. It was the Leominster Italian Colonial Band. CHARLIE: Right. ROLAND: So then when Charlie came in, we had to change the name. [Laughter] No, [unintelligible - 1:06:47].31 INTERVIEWER: Now getting to the name change, are you saying that in jest? When it was no longer just Italians, is that when the name changed? VINNIE: Yeah. CHARLIE: Yeah. They started to get different, you know, out of the city there were very few. VINNIE: As the groups came in, so they decided to change it to just Leominster Band. CHARLIE: I can remember one time when they were playing, practicing, Roland was in there then, and something went wrong and then they got into a big feud about something. And Nicholas' father walked over behind him, standing right behind him and he's calling a mile a minute, and all of a sudden Roland reaches in his pocket, pulls out his handkerchief and puts it on the top of his head. [Laughter] I'd just sit there and I didn't have a clue as to what was going on. INTERVIEWER: Well, the band changed its name in about 1953? CHARLIE: No, I think it was later than that. RENA: Probably when they went on union – in 1956? But they made two changes: 1910 originally they were Banda Regione d'Italia, in honor of the people who backed them. And then the second time was 1916, I think, when they became Italian Colonial Band. INTERVIEWER: Was it the Italian or the Italian-American Colonial Band? RENA: I always heard of it as the Italian Colonial Band. VINNIE: Italian Colonial. RENA: Because it was still completely… VINNIE: Mostly Italian, yeah. RENA: And then in '53. VINNIE: They dropped the "Italian." RENA: Leominster Colonial Band. INTERVIEWER: Okay. Now why was the word "Colonial" chosen? Does anyone know?32 RENA: Because they were a colony of the Italians in the beginning, right? ROLAND: Yeah. INTERVIEWER: Because it was a colony? VINNIE: An Italian colony in Leominster. INTERVIEWER: Okay. And who chose the name? Did a group of people get together and talk about it or…? ROLAND: I don't know. Maybe the sponsoring group – who was it? Regione d'Italia was the sponsoring group? RENA: I have no idea about that. VINNIE: It just grew up that way. INTERVIEWER: Could it be your father did that too? VINNIE: Yeah. I think it was just common usage you know. RENA: You know, one thing I haven't found out yet is they had women come in. When did that happen? Who was it that was first in… is a girl? VINNIE: That was late [unintelligible - 1:09:40]. INTERVIEWER: Was she Italian? ROLAND: There were always men you know, that played in the thing way back then. RENA: But I think it was when you started; you started letting the girls come in. [Laughter] CHARLIE: Well, why not? INTERVIEWER: Did a woman approach you and want to join the band? CHARLIE: No, it just grew up that way. The kids at school were learning instruments and the girls were too. So then when you needed an instrument, a particular instrument, like a lot of the flute players. Yeah, some of my students that I taught flute now play in [unintelligible - 1:10:24] she played flute in the band. You know, [unintelligible - 1:10:32], I taught them flute. So when they needed flute players, you know, the girls could play flute, so they 33 came in. There was no specific move to put women in or include women; it just grew that way. ROLAND: Wasn't it that their high school and… they could play so then they decided to get in? CHARLIE: Yeah, they started playing… the girls started playing in high school, so then they… RENA: It's interesting that up to a point it was all male. CHARLIE: Yeah, it was originally, yeah. RENA: It's nice to see some girls join. ROLAND: Some of them, a lot of them are music teachers; they teach in a public school. CHARLIE: Yeah. INTERVIEWER: That are now members of the band? VINNIE: Oh yeah a lot of women in the band now. RENA: Yeah. INTERVIEWER: How many members are in the band now? CHARLIE: It usually is around 30. Isn't that about the number they use now? ROLAND: About 30, yeah. INTERVIEWER: Now is that typical? Is that how many there were when you were younger? RENA: No. CHARLIE: Probably a little smaller. INTERVIEWER: Smaller? CHARLIE: Probably around 20-something, or 28, 26 maybe. ROLAND: I noticed when I was a kid they used to have three tubas, and you know, probably the tradition of just-male membership came from Italy. CHARLIE: Oh yeah. ROLAND: And that tradition was carried over. And I would guess that the term "Colonial Band" is probably their attempt at translating to join, the Banda Regione d'Italia. Okay? Try to translate that to an 34 American, probably the word Colonial was placed in there to refer to the "Regione" which means region. RENA: Region. Yeah, that sounds possible. CHARLIE: Oh I've got to tell this story before we forget it. We were just a little small town band but there was one time we made the national news, all over the country. And I won't mention his name, please don't say it because he feels embarrassed. But we were marching to the center of Leominster… ROLAND: Oh, yeah. CHARLIE: You remember that? And from Evergreen Cemetery marching in Leominster, we'd take a right on West Street. Well, there was a player on the extreme left front end and we took the turn on West Street, but he was so engrossed in his music, he kept walking straight [laughter] towards Pleasant Street and he didn't notice until he was almost up to Pleasant Street. He turned around, there was no band there. [Laughter] He went all the way back and somebody had taped the whole thing and they sent it in to some news channel and they put it on television. That was the only time we ever made the national news. [Laughter] INTERVIEWER: If they taped it, it had to be pretty recent, right? CHARLIE: Well, it was quite recent. You guys remember. But he always felt so bad about it that I won't mention his name. But he made a statement. INTERVIEWER: About what year was that? Do you know? ROLAND: It would've been after the war, I would imagine. CHARLIE: Oh about 8 years ago, rather recent. ROLAND: Oh recent? CHARLIE: It was rather recent. ROLAND: You think so? INTERVIEWER: So it's kind of someone – home movie collection? CHARLIE: Somebody's got the tape.35 RENA: What is the program where they put on several funny ads and then people vote? INTERVIEWER: America's Funniest Home Video or something. RENA: Home videos. CHARLIE: I want to see that. RENA: Somebody should enter it in to that program. Did he know that that was sent in? CHARLIE: Well, he found out eventually. [Laughter] He always gets up and he gets mad when he hears about it. ROLAND: Actually, somebody asked him if they could do it on that home video TV program. And he said, "Well, you can but don't mention my name." It was funny because what the band would do is every year they would take a luck coming out of a mechanic strike. And then that was way back when they had the wooden bandstand and it was right in the middle of town. So you automatically figured you're going to take a left. This year, they decided they were going to march up by… RENA: West Street by the common. ROLAND: Yeah, where the city hall parking lot is. RENA: Yeah. ROLAND: And what he did, he automatically went to the left because they used to give their speeches and everything. And that was great. INTERVIEWER: Now there was a band in Fitchburg also, and that disbanded. So did some of those members come over to Leominster? CHARLIE: Well, they still have a band in Fitchburg. ROLAND: Yeah, I play with them; Charlie and I play with them. CHARLIE: Yeah, Fitchburg Military Band. INTERVIEWER: All right, so was there an Italian band in Fitchburg? VINNIE: Not specifically. Probably most of the same musicians played in that band too. Like how many – are there more than you two that play in the Fitchburg's Military from Leominster?36 ROLAND: There's Gene. VINNIE: Gene? CHARLIE: Yeah. ROLAND: And most of the brass players. CHARLIE: Yeah, there's a lot of exchange between town bands. VINNIE: John used to be in it? CHARLIE: Oh yeah, they used to play in the Townsend Band. My father played in the Townsend band. They all shared the bands around here. ROLAND: On Memorial Day we would play in the morning, and then in the afternoon we used to play in Greenfield. And it was all hills. And we remember once we did the same thing; we were going up this tall one, and I don't know if Charlie remembers, but Roger Pascarelli, he was, they used to put the clarinets up front. CHARLIE: Yeah, yeah. ROLAND: And he was on one end, and I forgot – John Pacceli was on the other end, and we were marching and we came to this fork. And the first time we played, we didn't know where we were going. And it was funny it was like somebody split the band up. [Laughter] And there were two guys there, engrossed in their music and they were going this way, and the other guys were going that way. Remember that, Charlie? CHARLIE: Yep. ROLAND: [Unintelligible - 1:18:14] road you're taking, right? RENA: You go that way. INTERVIEWER: So when did – did the music change over time, the repertoire of the band? ROLAND: Yeah it did. Because in those days, the music was really heavy; it was quite long and everything, you know.37 VINNIE: Yeah, there were a lot of operatic excerpts played by the band. Now they have regular concert band music, you know, worldwide. But in those days, it was mostly operatic excerpts. ROLAND: Manuscript. VINNIE: Arranged for the band. RENA: And some of the music is about 200 years old and it is still played by this band, although they do play the modern as well. But as I think I read in one of the articles, it's like preserving a museum piece in the museum and they have preserved this music. They still have it; they have the music and they can play it if they want to. But now they're beginning to play more and more of the show tunes. INTERVIEWER: Now I was wondering, are there any bylaws or something that tries to preserve the culture of the band, for example, the 200-year-old music? Is there something in place that will hopefully keep this music alive for generations to come? CHARLIE: Well, just in the light read…/AT/jf/kg/ee

Part one of an interview with Amelia Gallucci-Cirio. Topics include: Recognition of the September 11th tragedy underway. Amelia's involvement in the Center for Italian Culture and the Alba Program. Pride in the Italian heritage and the importance of preserving it. The history of where Amelia lived in Connecticut and Massachusetts, while she was growing up. Memories of her relatives. What Amelia's childhood was like. Where in Italy her parents were from. Amelia's experience attending Fitchburg Teachers College from 1934-1938. Attending band concerts in Caldwell Park. Dressing up for Sundays, holidays, and to go downtown. How Fitchburg has changed. How people's values have changed. The role of church in a community. Social clubs. How Amelia met her husband. Where Amelia and her husband have traveled together. What inspired Amelia to donate money towards the education of others and the preservation of Italian culture. ; 1 LINDA: This is Linda [unintelligible – 00:00:02] for the Center of Italian Culture. We are interviewing Amelia Gallucci-Cirio. And I'm sure I didn't say that in the Italian way. I'm sorry. AMELIA: Yes, you did. That was right. LINDA: Okay. It's Wednesday, September 11, and we are in the home of both Anna [unintelligible – 00:00:23] and Amelia's cousin, Rachel Montorri, and the address is 479 Lindell Avenue in Leominster. It's a beautiful morning. It's 10:20 a.m., and we're starting a little bit late today because there was a national tragedy today, and there are unconfirmed reports that there was a terrorist attack against the United States, and there have been two planes, at least two planes, that have flown and struck the World Trade Center. There was a plane that struck the Pentagon about a half an hour after that. There are unconfirmed reports of a fire at the State House, and The White House has been evacuated and the Blair House, many buildings in Washington. People are very, very nervous today. So we will talk a little bit about that, I'm sure, but Anna and Amelia and Rachel are here with us today, of course to talk about the Italian-American experience, particularly in Fitchburg and Leominster. And Amelia, thank you very much. I suppose that we have to thank you for a lot of different things. Not just for appearing today to… AMELIA: Well, I'm happy to do it. May I preface this by quoting something from Cicero? Cicero, the great Roman orator and statesman, said, "Not to know what happened before we were born is to remain perpetually a child, for what is the worth of human life unless it is woven into the life of our ancestors by the records of history." I think that's so important. LINDA: Now, did that sort of formulate your reason for creating the center? AMELIA: Yes. Yes, and one of the reasons was I wanted to -- I'm very much interested in Western civilization and the Italian language and its culture, and I thought I think I'm capable of making donations, and my Fitchburg 2 State College would be the first to accept it, although I've also made donations to other organizations. In Waterbury, Connecticut, we have a program that I hope is going to carry on here in Leominster also. It's the Alba Program, in which children ages 6 to about 13, 14, study Italian through playing games and celebrating holidays and birthdays and so on. And we've been doing that in Waterbury, Connecticut for about five years, and I hope the Center for Italian Culture will also take that on as another project. And I've already talked to Anna, and they're very much interested in it. LINDA: Now, this is in Italian language? AMELIA: Yes, studying the Italian language and its culture, and there will be four or five teachers teaching the youngsters. LINDA: Now, has it been successful in Waterbury? AMELIA: Oh, yes. They've been working for about five years, and it's down to Teikyo Post University in Waterbury, Connecticut, and they meet there at the center every Saturday morning for about an hour and a half, two hours. And the children play games and they learn Italian expressions, and when it's a birthday they celebrate and say buon compleanno and so on. And the grandmothers just love it because the children go up and talk to Nonna and Nonno and so on. Yeah. And I hope that that is one of the projects they're going to take on, and talking to Anna they seem to be very interested in doing that. LINDA: Certainly anything that perpetuates the culture. AMELIA: Yeah, that's right. LINDA: Now, what's that, the Fitchburg State College website—and I'm not sure, you probably know this, but your profile has an alumni. AMELIA: Yes. LINDA: And I read -- and the very first item is that there is, "Know thyself." AMELIA: Yes. Socrates said, "Know thyself." And so we've translated that into Italian. [Foreign language – 00:04:58], meaning "Know thyself." And I 3 think I'd like to use that as our motto for the Center for Italian Culture, and not always is it included, but that's what it means. LINDA: What does it mean specifically to you? And how does it help you live your life and give donations? AMELIA: It means that… well, I know when I was a child it was difficult. We didn't have everything. My father died when we were quite young, and there were seven in the family. My older brother, Joseph, who Rachel knows, took on the responsibilities of father. It was an old Roman custom that the oldest son in the family would take over when the father died. So I thought since I am capable of doing it, I want to help children who weren't capable of learning their language or taking part in going to school, and that's what I'm doing now. LINDA: And why do you think that's important to learn about your heritage? AMELIA: It's so very important because today with so many different ethnic groups, oftentimes Italians of the TV and radio programs always talking about the mafia, and I feel that we are somehow -- Italian people don't defend themselves. But I think during the Clinton Administration they did pass a ruling wherein the Italians during World War II -- I know my mother, she wasn't a citizen, and during that time she couldn't travel. She had to go to the post office to get permission to attend a wedding in Waterbury, in Rhode Island, rather. And we are often made the scapegoat, and I think that we have to educate our people and teach them something about our background, something about our culture. We have a great culture, and the school systems at one time didn't talk about that, but I think it is being included in the curriculum today. LINDA: How do you feel about The Sopranos then? AMELIA: Oh, I'm very much not in favor of that at all. And I think that the Sons and Daughters of Italy and the NIF, and now that we have several, much more than we did in the past, congressmen of Italian origin, I think they are working to try to get them to remove that stereotype and talk more 4 about what Italian Americans have contributed to society. Going back to the time of the Romans and so on. LINDA: How did you feel when Geraldine Ferraro was running for vice president? Not necessarily her as a person or what she stood for, but was there a particular pride, ethnic pride? AMELIA: I don't know, but I know when she was running for vice president, we attended the NIAF dinner in Washington, D.C., my brother Joe, Christine, my two sisters and I, we all went down to Washington. We all went there, and she was a speaker, and we were very much in favor, naturally, being Italian American. But unfortunately there was some negative advertising about Geraldine, and that didn't help at all. LINDA: I remember specifically that there were some questions about her husband's dealings, possibly in the mafia. AMELIA: Oh, yes, yes. LINDA: There was a real backlash with that just because they have an Italian last name, and just because they're successful, it doesn't automatically make you… ANNA: What is she doing now? LINDA: I think she's quite sick, or she was. AMELIA: Yes, I think she is. LINDA: I'm not sure the form of cancer. ANNA: Oh, that's too bad. LINDA: One thing has confused me, because I read that you were born in Fitchburg… AMELIA: Yes, I was born in Fitchburg. LINDA: We'll have to change that on the website. It says that you were born in Connecticut. AMELIA: No, we were born in Fitchburg. We were born on my grandpa, my grandpa Luigi Scarano came from Italy with my mother. Mama was 17 years of age, and with Rachel's mother, Filomena, who was 13. Grandpa came with his two daughters to America, and then my grandmother came 5 with the rest of the family, and they settled down first in Boston, I think. [Foreign language – 00:10:10] Did you hear your mother talk about it? They went there and then they all came to Fitchburg, and Grandpa built that tenement house on Second Street? Did you see it? RACHEL: Middle Street Lane. AMELIA: Right. When my mother married my father, they lived in Clinton. My brother Joe was about 5 years old. Then we moved to Fitchburg, and my sister Christina was born in the block where Grandpa, Grandma, your mother was there. We all lived in the block. And then I was born the following year, May 12, 1915. And we were there for a couple of years. RACHEL: Yeah, not very long. AMELIA: And then we moved back to Connecticut. My father followed a young sister—he was always protecting her—and we lived there for a while and then back again to Fitchburg, and my brother Tommy was born here. LINDA: No wonder you like to travel. AMELIA: And then we moved back again to Waterbury, Connecticut. My father was a baker. He came from a family of bakers, and he set up a grocery store and a bakery shop, and we were there about three years, and then we moved to Naugatuck, Connecticut because his sister moved closer to another brother, and we have been there ever since 1925. But I came back to Fitchburg where I was born to attend -- it was called Fitchburg Teacher's College, and I lived with my grandmother and my uncle Joe, who was a violinist. And Anne studied violin with my uncle, and I remember when she was downstairs practicing and I was upstairs studying. So I was going to Fitchburg, we lived in Connecticut, and then I came back to Fitchburg for my bachelor's degree, and then I taught in Naugatuck in Connecticut for about eight years, and then I married in '52 and went to Phoenix. LINDA: Could you spell Naugatuck?6 AMELIA: Yes. N-A-U-G-A-T-U-C-K. It's a small community. Well, I wouldn't say small. It's about 35, in between Waterbury and New Haven, Connecticut. ANNA: That's what it is now? The population? AMELIA: Yeah, I would say. But my mother was never happy there because her mother was in Fitchburg and her sisters and brother and so on. LINDA: So do you have any memories of Fitchburg? Let's say your earliest memory. AMELIA: Yes. I remember when we all lived on 2nd Street in the block. [Unintelligible – 00:13:07] Oh, I thought it was 2nd Street. ANNA: I think you're right. AMELIA: I always remembered 2nd Street. And I remember when Anna's mother also lived there. Her uncle, who was Rachel's father -- was he responsible for bringing your mother to Fitchburg? RACHEL: Yeah. AMELIA: I remember her father must have been courting her mother, and he was such a wonderful man. Oreste. We used to go there and we'd sit on his knee, and he would give us all – that, I remember very distinctly. Those were happy days. LINDA: So what were their names? We should get that on tape. ANNA: Oreste. O-R-E-S-T-E. Guglielmi. G-U-G-L-I-E-L-M-I. And my mother, Carmela. C-A-R-M-E-L-A. Giammarino. G-I-A-M-M-A-R-I-N-O. And my mother came to America when Rachel's father, who was Michael Giammarino, called for her to come, and my father at that time was living in that neighborhood. He was boarding in a house there. Yeah, he was boarding on 3rd Street, at the Lily House. And he courted my mother, and they were married in 1920. LINDA: So your father -- tell us the relations. ANNA: Yeah, okay. My mother, Carmela, and Rachel's father, Michael, were brother and sister. Now, Rachel's mother, who was Filomena, F-I-L-O-M-E-N-A, and Amelia's mother…7 AMELIA: Anna Maria. ANNA. Her first name was Anna, Anna Maria, were sisters. So we're first cousins. AMELIA: What would the relationship between you and me be? RACHEL: Distant cousins. AMELIA: Yeah, I guess. LINDA: So getting back to your earliest experiences, so you remember her father? AMELIA: Oh, yes, yes. ANNA: He would bounce them on his knee. AMELIA: In fact, my sisters always say that -- yeah, we remember when Oreste used to sit us on his knee and… ANNA: He loved children. AMELIA: Yeah, he did. He was a wonderful man. And then of course I remember when I lived on Blossom Street with my uncle after they moved, Uncle Joe with Grandma and Grandpa moved to Blossom Street, 82 Blossom Street, and that's where he taught violin. And he used to come there summers, and they had a beautiful home, and Tommy would get on the banister and slide all the way down to the first floor. RACHEL: We've gone by that house. AMELIA: Oh, it's terrible. RACHEL: There was one house that we went by and you were disgusted. Maybe that was your first home? ANNA: No, I remember just saying what a shame to see it like that. RACHEL: But it wasn't Blossom Street. LINDA: So now is Blossom Street considered part of the Patch also? ANNA: No. Blossom Street is towards Fitchburg State College. LINDA: Okay. Who owned that house? ANNA: Her uncle? AMELIA: Oh, Uncle Joe. And Grandmother and Joseph Scarano. ANNA: Who was the son of her grandfather, her grandparents? LINDA: Okay. So tell me more about the Patch.8 ANNA: The Patch started at First Street right near where St. Bernadette's Church. RACHEL: It used to be the school. ANNA: St. Bernadette's Elementary School at that time. And it went down to Fifth Street where they have the Fifth Street Bridge, which is now being repaired and remodeled. And it started from Water Street going back to Railroad Street. That whole small section, they called it the Patch. RACHEL: And it was predominantly Italian. ANNA: Yes. LINDA: But Amelia, do you have any vivid memories of maybe what you did for fun? AMELIA: As a child? LINDA: As a child. AMELIA: I really don't know, because when I left Fitchburg, I was about 3 or 4 years old, and then we did come back there during the summer months in our teen age. Prior to that, we didn't. Uncle Joe used to come down with Grandma during the summer months when we lived in Naugatuck, but not until my late teens, probably. LINDA: How did you travel back and forth? AMELIA: Uncle Joe used to come down and pick us up. Uncle Joe would come down and pick us up in Naugatuck. LINDA: What kind of car? What kind of automobile was he using? AMELIA: Uncle Joe always had a Chrysler. ANNA: We were young, and we thought that was special. AMELIA: And he always got a Chrysler because I think he had stock in the Chrysler. RACHEL: Could be. LINDA: When he came down to Connecticut to pick you up, how many of you were there? AMELIA: Well, my brother Joe was always working to support us. There was Christine, Connie and I, Tommy and Donald, and Mama. ANNA: Anne.9 AMELIA: Oh, and Anne too. Yeah, we used to come summers for a couple of weeks or so and then go see an aunt. The youngest of the Scaranos was Aunt Rosella. Do you remember her, Anna? ANNA: I do. AMELIA: She played the piano. RACHEL: She was the most Americanized than the rest of them. She played the piano… AMELIA: Well, she was the youngest and had more schooling than the older ones. LINDA: And where are you in relation to your siblings? Are you -- you're in the middle, perhaps? AMELIA: There's Joseph, Christine, and then I. I'm about the middle, the third. There were seven in the family. Two boys are gone, and there are four sisters, three are in Phoenix. No, two are in Phoenix, and I'm with them, too. So there will be three in Phoenix and one sister is still in Naugatuck, Connecticut. And Donald, the youngest -- actually, his name was Dante. Papa called him Dante. But when they went to school they Americanized it to Donald. Donald is in Phoenix also. LINDA: How was it growing up in Connecticut? Did you see… maybe you didn't get to Fitchburg enough to notice any differences, but do you recall any differences? AMELIA: In what? LINDA: On just growing up in your area in Connecticut and then coming up to Fitchburg, which is probably booming at that time. AMELIA: In Fitchburg? LINDA: A lot of different people. AMELIA: No, we lived in this tenement house that we bought, and my father ran a grocery store and a bakery shop on the first floor. You know, I have a lot of pictures that -- did you say that you wanted them? I could send them to you. I don't have them with me. And there's a picture of the family is standing in front of the grocery store and going to school in a two-room schoolhouse on Groveside School and going to the Naugatuck High 10 School. Christine and I were very much interested in books and studying, and we spent a lot of time in the library. So the years in Naugatuck when we didn't come to Fitchburg were not very interesting. It was mostly studying and being with my brothers and sisters and my mother, because my father left -- well, he went back to Italy when Donald was a baby, and my brother, Joe, being the oldest went to work. So Papa left when I was in the 7th or 8th grade, and when I was a sophomore in high school we found out that he passed away. So he's buried in Italy, and I've gone to visit him many times when I went to Italy with my husband. LINDA: Did you live in a predominately Italian section? AMELIA: Yes. We lived on what they call Little Italy. And speaking about Italian section, for the past couple of years when I go back to Connecticut, to Naugatuck, we have a little reunion. We had it last year, and all the Italian Americans from that Little Italy section, we get together and I entertain them to dinner. We had a trio come and play for us. We've done that for several years, but because my two sisters didn't come with me this year I'm not going to do it. I'm spending more time in Fitchburg. LINDA: So tell me a little bit about growing up in your family with seven children, your father's a baker, then he leaves to go back to Italy… AMELIA: Well, the reason for going back to Italy was that he wanted to claim his share of the inheritance, but unfortunately it didn't work out that way because his brother, his oldest brother, Pasquale… Oh, hi Kathy. This is Rachel's daughter. LINDA: Hi, I'm Linda. KATHY: Hi, Linda. [Crosstalk - 00:24:04] RACHEL: So, what have you heard from the last half hour?11 KATHY: Well, you know about the Pentagon? And now they just said there was another plane crash outside of Pittsburgh about 30 miles. They don't know if it's related. Pittsburgh, a big aircraft went down. ANNA: Another building? KATHY: No. It crashed. RACHEL: That's too bad. KATHY: Are you crying? AMELIA: No. I have tear duct blockage, so I've got -- no, no. I'm fine. KATHY: Well, don't let me interfere. [Crosstalk – 00:24:38] LINDA: Are there any reports of who's responsible? KATHY: What's his name, Arafat there, he said he thought it was a horrible thing, and he would never ever have caused such a turmoil – but who knows if you can believe him? But that's what he said. A lot of people. I called [unintelligible – 00:25:19] because she had worked there at the Trade Center, but she and her husband are okay. They weren't there at the time. [Crosstalk – 00:25:27] KATHY: Hopefully all the planes are now secure. All right, ladies. RACHEL: Where are you going? KATHY: I'm going to the dentist now. I'm getting my teeth cleaned. I'll see you. Take care. Goodbye. Nice meeting you. AMELIA: So you asked me about what was it like growing up in a family of seven? LINDA: Yes. AMELIA: So where was I now? So my father went to Italy to claim his share of the inheritance. The family came from a business family, and they were well to do, and Papa was one of four. So he went back, and his brother, who was the oldest in the family, and he evidently didn't get along, so he didn't get anything. He just passed away in '31 when I was a sophomore and Christine was a senior in high school. We were a very close-knit family. We worked together and studied together, and as I said Christine and I 12 were very much interested in the library. We worked at the Naugatuck Public Library, and we got a scholarship that summer, both Chris and I. RACHEL: And she lived in Spain. AMELIA: Well, Christine studied Spanish. This is after I got married. LINDA: Which town was your family from in Italy? AMELIA: My mother was from Lacedonia. Her mother was born there, and of course Rachel's mother. Lacedonia [unintelligible – 00:27:45] Cavallino, Italy. And I've been to there. When I went with my husband after we married and lived there for two years, we were coming back to America and he said, "You've got to see where your mother was born." So we went to Lacedonia, and we met some relatives. I have pictures; that was back in Connecticut. And then we also went to visit my father's home place. My father came from [unintelligible – 00:28:13] in Italy, and we went to visit the family home. And at that time we met this aunt who I asked if I could visit my father's grave, and she had a niece of hers take me to the cemetery, and he was not buried in the family mausoleum. He was buried just as a commoner. She didn't want him there. So we visited… LINDA: What region is that in? AMELIA: Pardon? LINDA: The region. AMELIA: Well, it's all Campagna, it's all that region, it's Campagna, but it's [unintelligible – 00:28:55]. Mama's was Campagna also, but it was [unintelligible – 00:29:00]. It's a little inland from Naples, right. And you know, right at the foothills, going up to [unintelligible – 00:29:10], it's in the mountains, it's a little town by the name of Galluccio. It ends in an "o." Our name was Galluccio. When Papa came to Ellis Island in about 1902, the immigration authorities couldn't spell it, so they left the "o" out. So "Gallucci" means roosters, it's the plural. And "Galluccio" is the singular rooster.13 LINDA: That's interesting. AMELIA: And we have roosters all over the house. LINDA: Did your parents ever share with you their trip to Ellis Island? AMELIA: No. I don't remember, but I know my mother said that when they came to America with Grandpa and her sister Filomena, it was a rough crossing on the French ship Nuestri, N-U-E-S-T-R-I. Mama did tell me that. And she said it was a very rough crossing. LINDA: The courage… AMELIA: Oh yeah. I don't know what ship my father came on, but he must have come about the same time. LINDA: It's really simple now. There's a website, although it's impossible to log on. AMELIA: Oh, I know. My brother Donald had a hard time getting that information. Grandpa came on May 27, 1902. He did get that information. LINDA: So it sounds like you're a very educated family, or at least you and your sister. And musical, too. Who instilled those qualities? AMELIA: Pardon? LINDA: Who instilled those qualities? AMELIA: Well, when we came to visit Grandma in Fitchburg there was always music, you know. Uncle Joe played the violin, Bella played the piano, and the [Guiliamus] were all musicians in their family. The four girls all played an instrument. Did you know that? Yeah. Her sister Lena played the piano, Anna played the violin, Mary played the… LINDA: The saxophone. AMELIA: Saxophone. LINDA: And Helen, drums. AMELIA: Right. And Helen the drums. And then my father learned opera. We had an old mahogany victrola that you used to wind up, and we had all the records of Caruso and [Jean B.[ and [unintelligible - 00:31:45], so we grew up in a family that was always moving. [Crosstalk] So in fact, even now, they're still very much interested in music. The opera season starts 14 in Phoenix during the second week in October; that's one of the reasons I want to get back. LINDA: Yeah. Where do you go for opera? AMELIA: [Unintelligible - 00:32:19] LINDA: Yeah. They do have opera. I think the music season begins in mid-October. AMELIA: October, yes. Pavarotti is coming to Boston. Oh, I'd love to hear him. He came to Phoenix one season but we just couldn't get tickets. ANNA: [Unintelligible - 00:32:41]. It's a movie. AMELIA: Oh, that's right, yeah. LINDA: Well we'll have to make a copy of this if this is okay. ANNA: She's responsible. AMELIA: Oh yeah, I'm the family historian. I think that was my graduation. ANNA: I hardly recognize her. AMELIA: No, that was Peter's wedding. There's Aunt Rosella. My mother was the oldest. Aunt Clair was the next, then Aunt Fil was third, and Uncle Joe, and Aunt Rosella was the baby. Yes. Filomena, that's Rachel's mother. My mother and Aunt Fil came with Grandpa. Unfortunately, I don't have any pictures of Grandpa. ANNA: That's Joe the violinist. AMELIA: Yeah, Uncle Joe. ANNA: I know. Clair and Rosella. LINDA: So how do you feel about Andrea Bocelli? Is he too much of a pop, more than opera? AMEILA: Well, I listened to him, and he hasn't come to Phoenix, but I still like Pavarotti, old days, more polished singing. Yes. LINDA: I went to see Andrea Bocelli when he was in Connecticut probably two years ago. AMELIA: He was in Connecticut? LINDA: It was at the Hartford Civic Center, and people were actually crying, waving Italian flags. It was quite an experience.15 AMELIA: I've seen him on television when they had that program, what was it? New York? LINDA: Radio City? AMELIA: Mm-hmm. LINDA: So mostly, I usually talk to interviewees about Fitchburg, but maybe what we should do -- actually, why don't we stay with Fitchburg a little bit since you attended school here, and you graduated in 1938? AMELIA: Yes. LINDA: So that means you began in '34? Was it a four-year program? AMELIA: It was a four-year program. I graduated from high school in '34. I got a scholarship for $150—that was money in those days—so I came to Fitchburg. LINDA: What was the tuition? Do you remember how much it was? AMELIA: Oh, I don't think tuition was -- well, being an out-of-stater was the reason why I had to pay more, and I think that the tuition was about $150 to $200. What I -- the scholarship I got in Naugatuck took care of that. But then the second year, being a resident of Fitchburg, I don't think there was much of a fee. LINDA: And was there any question of you attending college, or did you always assume that you would go on? AMELIA: Oh yeah, I always assumed that I would go on to college, and of course my sister, Christine, was very much interested going to school, but she and my brother had to work to support a family of seven and my mother, so because I had gotten a scholarship and Christine was working and Peter Paul at the time, right after high school, but she wanted to go to college so bad. So after I married, my husband said to me, "We've got to help your sister to go to school." So Christine after working for 26 years at Peter Paul went to college. She graduated from the University of Connecticut with a bachelor's, and she went on to study Spanish—she majored in Spanish—and she studied in Madrid and Mexico City. LINDA: What a nice story.16 AMELIA: And she's a retired teacher now. She doesn't teach now. Yeah. LINDA: So there were two of you from your family… AMELIA: Yeah, Christine and I, and my youngest sister Anna, she was interested in commercial, and she went into bookkeeping and that sort of thing. She went to a business school for a couple of years. And Donald too, the baby in the family -- oh dear, Rachel's going to take it out of me -- Christine, Connie, and I, we took that in Las Vegas. Yeah. ANNA: That's a nice picture. AMELIA: We're so close to Las Vegas; we go there a couple of times a year. Yeah. LINDA: So now getting back to Fitchburg, you came in 1934. AMELIA: Right. Four years. LINDA: Did you consider going to college anywhere else, or did you consider only Fitchburg? AMELIA: No, I considered -- maybe it's because we had relatives there. You know, my grandmother was still there and mama said, "It would be nice if we could come and visit you," and so on. ANNA: Was that a normal school then? AMELIA: Well no, it was the Fitchburg Teacher's College. It was known as a teacher's college. It trains teachers and industrial arts teachers. LINDA: That's right. AMELIA: But now they teach everything, don't they? Amazing. LINDA: And who did you live with? AMELIA: I lived with my Uncle Joe and grandmother at 82 Blossom Street. LINDA: Did you and Anna and Rachel go to visit? AMELIA: Oh yeah. Always together. LINDA: What kinds of things did you do together for fun activities? AMELIA: Oh, we used to go to Whalen. We used to go to Whalen Park, we went swimming. We used to go on picnics and family gatherings. Anna's mother was a great cook. LINDA: All of you were unmarried at this time?17 AMELIA: Yes. We were all single. I married late in life. I think it was 37 when I got married. ANNA: I still remember that time. AMELIA: Yeah, you were still in high school, Anna. And we attended concerts. Uncle played with the -- what was it? ANNA: The symphony. AMELIA: No, that was in Boston. He played with a band here in Fitchburg. What was it called? ANNA: It was a marching band, Fitchburg Community Band. They had Sunday afternoons at Caldwell Park. AMELIA: Yeah, Caldwell Park. Right. So we used to go to that. LINDA: Tell me more about that, about the concerts at the park. Was there a bandstand? ANNA: Gazebo, right? On Mirror Lake. LINDA: It's still there? I played there too. AMELIA: Do they still have concerts there now? ANNA: Mm-hmm. Sunday afternoon. AMELIA: Tell me what it was like going. For example, did you dress in your Sunday's finest to go? AMELIA: Oh yeah, we always did dress on Sunday. ANNA: We didn't wear jeans and sneakers unless you were in your own backyard. And if you had to go downtown, you had to change your clothes. AMELIA: Right. And girls always had to wear stockings. ANNA: And skirts or dresses. On Sunday you'd have your hat and gloves and bag. AMELIA: Oh yeah, and attend church first, right? LINDA: And when you would go downtown and it wasn't Sunday, would you wear a hat and gloves, or was that primarily… AMELIA: I think that was mostly for church on Sundays. ANNA: But you always dressed to go downtown. AMELIA: Oh yeah.18 ANNA: I think they had more pride in their appearance than they do today. I used to pick up my mother as well, and she always had the hat and the gloves, and they had to match. Every Easter you had to go out and buy a new hat. LINDA: Would you go downtown by yourselves, or would you travel with girls? ANNA: We would walk most of the time. A mile and a half was nothing, right? There were no cars. You'd walk downtown, and I think the main activity was going to a movie once a week. I liked going to the movies. And then you'd stop and have an ice cream on the way home. AMELIA: Uh-huh, and wasn't there a movie at Blossom Street theater where Uncle used to play? The Cummings Theater. That's right. And they always had music there, and it was live music. ANNA: Right. Because Uncle Joe played the violin there. AMELIA: Oh, but Blossom Street has changed so. ANNA: Oh, it's terrible. LINDA: What was it like then? Your memories? AMELIA: They were nice-looking buildings, there were some -- what was that building where your mother worked with Mr. [Burren]? That brick building. ANNA: [Chimmers]. AMELIA: And then there was an apartment there next to that, and Dr. Ames, who lived right next to Uncle Joe, that was a nice building. And across the street from Uncle Joe's building was the -- what was that funeral home? ANNA: No, that was the Knight of Columbus home. AMELIA: Oh, the Knights of Columbus home was next to that. So they were good-looking buildings, and they have taken me up there last year and this year, and I just don't… ANNA: Oh I know. It's sad. LINDA: What happened? AMELIA: I think a lot of Puerto Ricans have come in, haven't they? And a lot of blacks have moved in. And for some reason or another, the buildings are not kept up. You should see what they did to Uncle Joe's building. Now,19 Uncle Joe's—the house that he lived in—was a beautiful classical building. The man who built it was a contractor. I can't think of his name. He was a contractor and had beautiful columns on the porch, and whoever lives there now boarded it all up. It's not the same Blossom Street. ANNA: They were mansions, I think, on the street at that time. Beautiful mansions. Big homes and huge homes. And there are other things now. AMELIA: Right. Although, the upper part of Blossom Street is not as bad. It's still very -- it's still a nice neighborhood. And that's where Mike lived didn't he? Mike, your son? ANNA: Yeah. I think it's still nice. AMELIA: And I used to walk from Blossom Street along Pearl Street all the way to teacher's college every morning. ANNA: We did a lot more walking in those days than we do today. AMELIA: Ann, didn't you walk down from where you lived to go for your violin lesson with your violin in your hand? ANNA: Yeah. AMELIA: And your mother always walked to church, every morning. LINDA: I imagine that you're talking pretty much great distances? Like a mile and a half. AMELIA: Oh, I would say a good mile and a half, two miles, yes. ANNA: And I walked that to high school. A couple of miles. LINDA: You must have felt very safe. AMELIA: Yes. There are a lot more cars now than we had, too. ANNA: Especially in Coggshall Park. Nowadays they warn you not to walk alone. Walk as a pair. AMELIA: Right. And it was even safe at night walking. You can't do that today. LINDA: We can't have any movement on the table. I'm just afraid that we're not going to -- I feel bad telling you, but I don't want the tape to be… [Crosstalk - 00:44:50]20 ANNA: They would freeze it in the wintertime, and we used to walk up there for skating, ice skating. We'd come home at 9:00. There were no lights on, you know. But we had no fear. LINDA: When would you say things start to change? ANNA: After the '40s, I think. LINDA: After the '40s? ANNA: After the '50s? AMELIA: I know sometimes in Connecticut, when I used to go to meetings in Waterbury and I wasn't driving, I would take the bus home at night, even as late as 11:00, and walk up the hill to Culver Street where we lived then, and it was still safe. I would say, yeah, maybe I would say starting with the fifties, it wasn't safe, you know, to walk, to be alone. LINDA: So what happened though? Did people lose a sense of pride? ANNA: I think so. In the city we have the hippies and the campus unrest in the '60s. LINDA: But did anything like that happen specifically in Fitchburg? ANNA: Well, you read of accidents and crimes, and they would happen in the areas like Coggshall Park, for instance, and there were crimes up there. And then, you would, be wise not to go, and you wouldn't walk alone. And now, I don't think you'd even go up there in the daytime by yourself, never mind at night. LINDA: Well, I'm wondering is it a gradual feeling to see your city decay a little bit? I'm not from Worcester, but I've lived in Worcester since 1978, and that was certainly after the heyday and the booming industry, and things started, I suppose, or had already gone downhill. Now there's a real rebirth, but I was wondering, how do you feel living in a city you're so proud of and that your parents came to make a better life, and they worked so hard to make your life better, and they worked very hard to own their own home and they probably took very good care of it and had a garden in the back, whatever. And how do you feel, just being part of that generation that saw both ways of life: the working hard, striving hard, 21 having to work for every penny, to perhaps new ethnic groups coming in and being given money and not working? ANN: That's right. That's happening. AMELIA: I know when our parents came, a lot of them went to South America because they weren't allowed -- the immigration laws today are a lot more lax, I think. They allow everyone to come in, but at the time that our parents came to the United States, the laws were a lot stricter. A lot of them went to South America. Now, Grandpa's brother emigrated to South America, Argentina. He couldn't come here to the States, couldn't come to America. A lot of them went to Argentina and Australia, too. LINDA: Did your dad have to come -- so he must have tried to come later. AMELIA: Yeah, a little later. That's when the immigration laws, I think they were a little strict. But today they're allowing all types of people to come in. I don't know why, and… ANNA: There's a lot more crime. Either that or we're hearing about it. AMELIA: Well, I think when we were brought up we didn't have television. If we had radio, we were lucky to have a radio, and we were taught to knit, and to crochet, and to sew. Children are not taught that today. Our parents were at home. When we came home from school our parents were home, and they taught us all these crafts. Today, parents are working, they're not at home, they have television. I think we have a lot more outside influences that affect our way of living. And with the drug trade, too -- we didn't have that when we were growing up. I think that's why we had such change. LINDA: When you were growing up and you came home from school, your mother was there cleaning, cooking, washing. AMELIA: That's right. Washing clothes or getting ready for -- uh-huh. LINDA: And you were probably expected to help? AMELIA: Well, Mama would say to me, "You do your homework, and afterwards you can help me." And she taught me how to sew. I used to make all my clothes through high school. Of course I don't have time now, but yeah, 22 young people were taught crafts. They were taught to knit and sew and crochet. Kids don't know how to do that today. LINDA: What about values? ANNA: We were taught to say "Thank you," [unintelligible - 00:50:23]. AMELIA: Yeah, that, too, has changed, and I think it's all because of the fact that mothers are not at home to teach their children, and there are a lot more outside influences that affect children, and they don't have mannerisms. I don't know why but… ANNA: Well it all comes from the family background. AMELIA: Yeah, well that's true. ANNA: It's a changing world. LINDA: As I sit here and record, I'm interested in my own family history too, and that's really how I got involved in this project: because my great-grandmother and my great-grandfather came from Italy. AMELIA: Really? What part? LINDA: Calabria. AMELIA: Calabria, yes. LINDA: Sometimes I wish—and I know a lot of people from my generation—almost wish we could go back to a more simple time. And a lot o f times what I hear is that we have too many choices today, and that confuses people. Do you feel that you had choices growing up? AMELIA: Yes. I think they were restricted. There were certain things that we had to do, and after we completed those, then there were choices. ANNA: A handful. AMELIA: Well, I didn't have to be told to do my homework but if I hadn't done my homework and if I hadn't helped my mother with some of the cooking, then I was rewarded on Sunday. We were given five cents, and we could do whatever we want. And she would take us shopping and buy us a new pair of shoes or something that we don't usually have at home. But today I think the children have too much. At the age of 16 they're taught -- they're given a car. At the age of 16.23 LINDA: Now, if someone from your generation ever had a car at 16, would they have to work for it? ANNA: I don't think that would happen. If you had your license you may borrow. If you had to do an errand, borrow your parents'. For your own benefit? I don't think that would happen. AMELIA: I think that children are given too much today by their parents. Look at the parking lot, the high school parking lot. The cars that are there, I think that creates a lot of trouble. I think the parents are partly to blame for the shenanigans of the young people. They're not fit for them; they haven't taught them the value of… ANNA: Even bus transportation, you know, they were all bussed to school, then they join the gym for exercise. AMELIA: Right. LINDA: I never thought of that. ANNA: They could walk, save a lot of money. AMELIA: Of course, they use the excuse that there's a lot more traffic, which is true, and there is a lot more traffic and more dangers, that's true. ANNA: We have a lot of traffic here. Worse, isn't it? LINDA: But as I talk to second-generation Italian Americans and, again, just going back one generation, everyone had to work hard, and all of you seem very happy and stable and have good values. Are those being promoted in your own families? ANNA: In my family, I think I passed it on to my children. They're all good. And I think they are passing it on to their children. But they're still young, and you wonder, as they grow up are they going to get into other things. You don't know. There's a lot of outside influences now. AMELIA: That's right. Going to school and intermingling with other children, other children that haven't had the upbringing and are taught the values that you have taught yours, and they're influenced by them, you know. LINDA: How much of that is an Italian-American experience? ANNA: I think it is a Italian-American experience.24 AMELIA: Oh, definitely. I think there is that among the Italian-American families. ANNA: There's that spiritual and moral life. AMELIA: And helping within the family. ANNA: They're helping their family by helping other families too. AMELIA: As well, yeah. ANNA: You see that need and you try to alleviate the problem if you can, lessen the problem. AMELIA: And the fact that they're Catholic religion helps, you know, from the start, and you can bring it on to your children. ANNA: Loads of people don't go to church like they used to. AMELIA: That's true. ANNA: I think that should help a lot. Truthfully. LINDA: Speaking of church, did all of you -- perhaps not you, but you probably attended St. Anthony's? AMELIA: Oh yeah, my mother was married there. Rachel's mother, your mother. St. Anthony's of Padua, is that the St. Anthony's… ANNA: St. Anthony of Padua. I was there until I married, and then I moved to Leominster. LINDA: So you think that that was a great influence on people? ANNA: Definitely. AMELIA: Oh yeah. I think it's up to the parents to instill that in their children, and I think among the Italian Americans it's far greater than maybe in any other group. Don't you think, Anna? ANNA: I do, yes. It probably came from the old country too. And if you go to Catholic school, that all helps. LINDA: Now, did both of you go to Catholic school? AMELIA: No. There wasn't any. No. ANNA: The only reason I was able to go to St. Bernard's for eight years was because Uncle gave them lessons. AMELIA: Oh, at St. Bernard's school? ANNA: You don't remember that?25 AMELIA: No. ANNA: I think that helped them to get that in. AMELIA: Grammar school? ANNA: Grammar school. Eight years. LINDA: They didn't allow Italians, or there wasn't enough room for Italians? Which was it? ANNA: I think it was mostly their own parishioners, right? The children of their own parishioners that would attend the St. Bernard's school. And it wasn't until the mid '60s that the other parishes built their own schools. AMELIA: But did you have to pay anything to attend? Oh you did. There was a minimum. Uh-huh. I know that the Catholic school that we have in Naugatuck, they have a lot of the children from not necessarily the Irish or the Italian, but a lot of the Protestants are going there too. They feel that they're doing a better job teaching than they are in the public schools. ANNA: I think it is that way now. I think there are Protestants of other nationalities who go to, for instance, St. Anna's school, which is a mostly Italian parish. But I'd say half of the students at the school are of other nationalities. AMELIA: Yeah, and the tuition is very high too. ANNA: Yes. It's not affordable for many, many people. AMELIA: I know my sister Christine, she made a donation to the appropriate school in Naugatuck, and she gets thank-you notes from parents saying "Thank you, we appreciate the scholarship that you gave to our child so he could attend a Catholic school." LINDA: So tell me: what it was like going to St. Anthony's? ANNA: Church. AMELIA: I don't recall, because I was a little girl when we left Fitchburg, but we went to Naugatuck. And as Anna said before, we would dress up in our finest, you know, and attend mass. And then after that go home and have a nice big Italian dinner with the family. ANNA: The whole family would go to church together.26 AMELIA: Father and mother and children, yeah. LINDA: And when would you go to confession? AMELIA: The day before, Saturday. ANNA: About two in the afternoon, you'd be called in. "Clean up, get ready for confession. Dress. Go to church." Confession, I haven't gone in years. AMELIA: And we always dressed up. Isn't it a shame to see children in shorts going to church? ANNA: The parents sometimes are worse than the kids. LINDA: If you weren't going to a parochial school and you were Catholic, where did your Catholic education come from? AMELIA: They had classes. ANNA: They did? AMELIA: Yeah. ANNA: The parish had nuns, and Saturday would be catechism. Saturday morning. And in fact, a lot of -- we spoke of knitting and crocheting and embroidery. They would have classes taught by the nuns. AMELIA: The nuns would teach, yeah. ANNA: And your summer was not spent out on the street. You'd go to a school where you would learn to embroider and crochet and knit. Cutwork, beautiful cutwork. Nuns would teach. And this is how summers would go. LINDA: Every day? Every day of the summer? ANNA: Every day. You'd have either the morning session or the afternoon. Or both. If your parents -- especially if the mother was working, the nuns would take over. LINDA: When you were kids or even when you came to college here in Fitchburg, did you ever go to any of the social clubs with Anna or Rachel, or…? ANNA: Marconi Club. AMELIA: Oh, that's right. Was that in Fitchburg? ANNA: Yes. AMELIA: I don't remember.27 ANNA: They still have it, but you weren't [unintelligible - 01:02:36]. AMELIA: Your father was really [unintelligible - 01:01:44]. Oh yes. ANNA: He built that club. AMELIA: Oh really? ANNA: He built the building, and all the Italians that came from that region would meet with him. AMELIA: Do they still have…? ANNA: The still have it. AMELIA: They still have it. Isn't that nice? LINDA: Did you belong to any social clubs in Connecticut? ANNA: There weren't that many there. AMELIA: Yeah, they did have a social club. I remember going to high school with my sister Christine and some of the other Italian girls living down with [Litley], that's where we lived, we would get together every Saturday night, and we would knit or sew or crochet or do something. ANNA: Parishes had social clubs. We had the Children of Mary that all the young girls that were not married would belong to that, and they would meet maybe once a week, and they would have breakfasts, trips; they would organize trips. Then they had the Lady of Mount Carmel for the married women, and they would have the Sacred Heart of Jesus for the men, the young boys. And they would organize trips, and there would be a bus going up to Caldwell Park -- not a bus, they would walk there -- but there would be a bus maybe going to some other distant park where they would take a picnic lunch. I remember going up to Simon Park… AMELIA: Oh, the family. ANNA: Yes. We would cook the dinner at home and bring it up there and eat with all the friends at Simon Park, right? That was… AMELIA: Still around? ANNA: Yes. So I think that was the social life. It was all within the parish or the Italian-American community. LINDA: Amelia, when did you get your interest in art?28 AMELIA: Interest in art? Well, that started in high school. I was very much interested in art. Our high school, Naugatuck High School, had a lot of Roman statues throughout the corridors, and they took -- it was through the library that we took courses, my sister Christine and I. We would go there and they would have different people in the community talk about art during the time of the Romans, during the time of the Middle Ages and so on. LINDA: So when you came to Fitchburg was the art museum established? AMELIA: No. I wasn't down; I don't know if it was established at the time. I had become interested in the art museum just recently after Fitchburg State College, last year when I told Mr. Peter Chin, who is the Director of the Fitchburg Art Museum, that I was very much interested in Western civilization, and that's when we became involved In Fitchburg State College working with the museum. LINDA: Do you ever wonder how your life would have been different if you perhaps fell in love and married someone from Fitchburg? AMELIA: Not necessarily, no. I think that the man that I married was a businessman and very much interested in Italian culture. Even though my father and mother instilled in me the love of Italy and the love of Italian culture, I still feel that he got me more interested. We've traveled to Italy and saw a lot of art, architecture, and learned more about our background. LINDA: How did you meet him? AMELIA: Oh -- did you ask me that question the other day? Someone asked me, "How did you meet your husband?" LINDA: Maybe I did. AMELIA: Well, I was studying here at -- it was during the time I got my master's at BU, and Uncle Joe played with the Boston Symphony in Boston. And they were having a concert, and -- oh no, I was teaching in Naugatuck -- and they were having a concert in Boston, so I took a train from New Haven to Boston. I was supposed to meet my uncle. And on the train, I went into the dining car, and there was a gentleman sitting across, and he 29 looked over and he said to me, "May I join you?" I said yes, so we had dinner together, and it was my husband whom I had met. ANNA: She was getting the idea. AMELIA: Yeah, so we started correspondence, and that went 'til he came to see to visit my mother and the family and so on. And the summer of '52 we got married. 1952. That's a long time ago, isn't it? LINDA: Did he live in Boston? AMELIA: No, he had a -- his place of business was in Brooklyn. He was originally from New York, and he had a vending repair shop and did very well. And he was going to Italy in '92, and he said to me, "Why don't we go together?" LINDA: In '52? AMELIA: Yeah, in 1952. So that's when I got married. And we married and then we went to Italy on honeymoon on the Conta Bianca Ma, on the ship that my father sailed on, never returned. And we stopped in North Africa, in Casablanca and all those beautiful places, Algiers, and -- with the ship, you know, Conta Bianca Ma, it took about 12 days and many of the passengers aboard that ship were World War II veterans. So we had a lot to talk about because my kid brother, Tommy was… ANNA: In the service. AMELIA: In the service, right. And then we got into Sicily and then went to Naples and disembarked and traveled all over Italy. We lived in the Busi area for two years, and in '54 we returned to America, and then that's when I went to see, visit my mother's home place. My husband said, "You can't leave Italy without seeing your mother and father's birthplace!" and that's… LINDA: So had he sold his business in Brooklyn and went to… AMELIA: Yeah, he sold his place in Brooklyn and wanted to get married, and he always wanted an Italian-American girl, so that was it. LINDA: Was he older than you? AMELIA: Yes. He was about nine years older than I. He died in 19 -- very bright man. He had a lot of money. He went to Phoenix and invested in 30 property, but we came back every summer because it was hot in Phoenix, temperature of 107, 108, 110, and we used to come back to Connecticut and then we went to Italy. I've been on all the liners: the Sistulia, the Independent, the Lucania, the Julius Caesar. LINDA: So did you enjoy taking a liner instead of -- do you still do that? AMELIA: No, we fly. The only liner, really, is the Queen Elizabeth, and then you go to London. I took that in '92. My sister, Connie, on the Queen Elizabeth about five days, and then we flew back on the Concorde. Nice experience. LINDA: What was that like? AMELIA: Oh, in 3 hours, 19 minutes, we were at Kennedy from London. LINDA: Do you feel differently when you're on that plane? AMELIA: It was wonderful. There was absolutely no turbulence, and my sister Connie is definitely afraid of flying. And even on the Concorde she said, "Are we all right? Are we all right?" Lovely, smooth flight. LINDA: What was it like taking off? AMELIA: You hardly know you take off, and we did not aboard the Concorde from the outside. They have a beautiful reception room where you go in from the airport. Let's see, what was it? What was the airport? ANNA: Kennedy? AMELIA: No, in London. Heathrow. Right. And you approach it from the inside, a beautiful dining room where they had all kinds of food, breakfast and all kinds of drinks, champagne in "orange," as it's called, boxes, which is mimosa, it's a mimosa. And all kinds of things. So actually, we boarded the Concorde from the inside. I wanted to get on from the outside so you could see her, you know. A wonderful experience. LINDA: But do you feel yourself really reaching great heights? AMELIA: No, you don't. You don't feel a thing. In about five minutes, we had climbed 26,000 miles. LINDA: Incredible.31 AMELIA: I have all those pictures in an album with all the notations. Yep, it's such a voluminous thing that I didn't want to take with me. But that was lovely. I'd like to do it again. LINDA: Well on July 17th, I was leaving London and there were cameras everywhere and I thought "Oh no," and we pulled into the airport and I thought there was a plane crash but it was the first Concorde taking off after that crash, I think from Paris. AMELIA: Yeah, Paris. Right. LINDA: They're rebuilding. AMELIA: Oh, they're rebuilding it? Have you been on a Concorde? LINDA: No. AMELIA: Oh, I see. Quite an experience. I think we reached the height of 58,000 feet. LINDA: Incredible. AMELIA: Wonderful. You don't feel yourself descending at all. And the food they serve, everyone has an individual table, there's all kind of linens and sterling silver. There are only 96 passengers. We tried -- Christine was supposed to come with us. She said, "No, I don't want to come." But she said she'd like to go on the Concorde. ANNA: Sounds like Connie. AMELIA: Yeah, I think British Airways -- what is it? About nine hours to cross? I think it's a long flight. LINDA: Well, it's longer coming back because of the wind. Actually, I think it's a little bit less now, maybe seven. So did you ever feel different being Italian? AMELIA: No, I don't. I'm very proud to be an Italian. LINDA: Yeah, I know. But ever growing up, did you ever feel discriminated? AMELIA: No, because at home my father always talked about Italians and what they've contributed, you know. And he was an educated man. In fact, did you know that my father was supposed to be a priest? LINDA: No, I didn't know that.32 AMELIA: Yeah. He attended -- what do they call it? Gymnasio was their high school. Was that right? LINDA: Gym -- AMELIA: Gymnasio. Is that the word for gymnasio? Papa attended the… yes, Papa attended the gymnasio, which was the high school, and then he attended Luceo, which is the junior college. ANNA: This is where? AMELIA: In Italy, in [Salunca]. Most families that had visited, they were bakers and they had a nice -- most families sent one child to study to be a priest, and my father was chosen. He was there two years and he didn't like it. What he saw, he didn't like. So he got on his horse and ran away, and the horse was riding along, went galloping up along a body of water. And he was so afraid that the horse was going to go into the water, so my father threw himself off and he had a great big gash here. Yeah. I remember him telling me that. Now there was always -- my father always told us about things of Italy, you know. Things Italy had done and the records that we played so that there was always culture at home. I was always proud to be an Italian. LINDA: So you're hoping that Alba Program, is that what you… AMELIA: Yes. LINDA: What does Alba mean? AMELIA: Alba means dawn, and since these young people are young, they're just beginning, the beginning of the day, Alba. And I gave it that name, and we've been doing that for five years in Waterbury. And I have an appointment at the University of Connecticut, where my sister graduated, and I have three nieces, all graduated from the University of Connecticut, majored in Italian. They have their doctorate in Italian. So I want to set up a center for the study of Italian culture there. I'm meeting with them on Monday of next week. LINDA: At the University of Connecticut? AMELIA: Yes. UConn, we call it. 33 LINDA: They have the Oral History Project. Like, at the Dodd Center I think they call it. AMELIA: I don't know. I'm meeting one of my nieces who teaches at UConn. She teaches Renaissance art, and she's going to take me there. Do you know any of the professors there? John Davis, I have an appointment with him. LINDA: So what was the turning point for you to start donating? AMELIA: To what? LINDA: Start donating money and trying to establish… AMELIA: My husband was always interested in doing something for -- in the school system, and it was he that said I should contact the Italian-American community in Waterbury when they advertised they wanted money for the Italian classes. Remember I told you? So shortly after he died, I decided to do that, and he was a very smart man at buying property, and I have sold property that has run into the millions, and I want to donate it to the school. So that's why I'm donating to the Center for Italian Culture, to Fitchburg State, to Post College in Waterbury, and to UConn. And also, the Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies in London, I am a lifetime member there, and my husband was always interested in that. LINDA: How did that come about? AMELIA: I just love Western civilization. Done a lot of reading, and then there are -- the Romans occupied London for almost -- let's see, about 500 years, and they are very proud of what the Romans had given to London. In fact, Queen Elizabeth, when she visited Italy and she attended one of the sessions of Parliament, she got up and said, "I want to thank you people for bringing civilization to London." So we are members for the Society of Promotion of Roman Studies, and they will be a contributor upon my death. I mention them in my will. It was he, really, my husband that started all this interest in Western civilization. LINDA: Truly admirable. /AT/pa/rjh/es

Part one of an interview with Anna Mazzaferro. Topics include: Anna's grandparents lived in Italy. Her father moved to the United States around 1910, settled in Fitchburg, and joined the military in 1917. How her parents met. The work her father did. Her father's death from a brain tumor in 1947. How life changed for her mother after her father died. The importance of family meals. The food Anna's family would prepared and can with produce from the garden. The chickens her father kept. Neighborhood blackouts during World War II. What life was like during World War II. The importance of education to Anna's parents. Anna went to college after her children were grown. Memories of Fitchburg from her childhood. The band she played in. Her father's bocce games on Sunday afternoons. How Anna learned to drive and how she got her first car. The trip she took to Italy in 1998. Her mother's relatives in the United States. What her mother was like. Her father built the Marconi Club Hall in Fitchburg. Social clubs and the community created by parishes. The values Anna grew up with and how she carries on traditions. The family newsletters she writes. ; 1 LINDA: I can never remember the date. ANNA: It's the middle of November already. LINDA: I know. It's amazing. So this is Linda [Rosenwan] with the Center for Italian Culture. It's Wednesday, November 14th, we're with Anna Mazzaferro at 575 West Street in Leominster. This is actually her second interview. The first interview unfortunately didn't come through. There was a corrupted smartcard. So good morning, Anna. ANNA: Good morning, Linda. LINDA: So, we're going to try not to reinvent the second interview and just make believe this is the first one. So if I ask you the same questions, don't wonder, don't wonder why obviously. ANNA: Okay. LINDA: So I believe that you'd like to start with your grandparents. Is that true? ANNA: My grandparents never came to America, they were in Italy. And I have most of the information about my grandparents from my cousin who was living in Rome. She tells me how my grandfather, Alphonso [Guglielmi] was a great mason and bricklayer and a builder of homes. She tells me he built a little palace in Rome. The family, my sisters and I visited this area of um Italy, which is Pina Santovani in Lemarca, the province of Lemarca. And we saw the homes that were built in 1902 and 1913 that the family used out there. The homes were still standing; they're stone homes and they have -- the keystone has the dates on it, so this is how we can remember the dates that the houses were built. Now, my father and his father worked on the 1902 home, but my father had left for America in 1910 or 1911, so he never saw the 1913 home that his father and his brothers built. And from what my cousin tells me, they traveled a great deal between Pina Santovani and Rome to do construction work. Also my, my grandfather did other work like making olive oil. 2 They would go to Rome, make olive oil, and bring it back to Pina Santovani to sell. They did a lot of trading at that time. This was 1900 up to 1910 that my father was involved with. After that it was my grandfather and my uncles. So my father came to America in 1910, 1911, and that date is the date we think he came because going back to my grandfather, he kept a journal. Every day he would say, "Today I went to such a place," "Today my son Dario did this," "Today we bought shoes for Oreste." And he kept this journal. In 1910 there were no more entries pertaining to my father, so they felt that this was when he left for America. LINDA: It's strange that that wasn't an entry. ANNA: I know. I know. I haven't seen that part of the journal, and maybe it's there and maybe pages have torn out; it's a very old one. But in 1918, the journals relating to my father appear again, and they say that they received money from America that my father had sent back to his family. So this was of course during the First World War, and my father… LINDA: Did your father join the service? ANNA: Yes, my father was here in 1910 or 1911. He became a United States citizen, and he entered the war in October of 1917. I have a copy of the newspaper article that it said the second 40 depart from Fort Devens. And the 40 I think refer to a 40 percent. I think each area had to send a certain percentage of the males to Devens, and Fitchburg sent their second 40 percent, and the picture was in the newspaper. My father of course is the most handsome man in that picture. But how we happened to find that newspaper, my husband Aldo was at a meeting at the City Hall in Fitchburg, and at that time in the waiting room the walls were being painted, and all the framed pictures from the wall were on the floor. And waiting for his turn my husband saw this newspaper that was framed on the floor. He picked it up and started reading it, and the date was October 8, 1917. And he's looking down the 3 list of about 40 or 50 names that were in that picture, and he comes across the name Oreste Guglielmi. So he knew that my father's picture was in that newspaper. And I did go up to the City Hall and ask for a copy of it so that I could make copies of that, and I have one now. So it's quite a nice… LINDA: A nice treasure, yeah. ANNA: A treasure, a great remembrance. LINDA: Now, getting back to your grandfather, how many children were there in the family? ANNA: Five children, I believe there were four boys -- there were six, two girls and four boys. Some of them died in infancy. LINDA: Four girls and… ANNA: Four boys and two girls. LINDA: Okay. Now, was your father the only one… ANNA: He was the oldest. He was the oldest boy in the family. LINDA: Now, did he ever have contact with his brothers and sisters again? ANNA: Yes, he would always write to them, but he never got back to see them. In 1917, 1918 when he was sent to France, from what my cousin tells me, he requested permission to go to Italy, and apparently it was not granted. He never went back to Italy. LINDA: And they never followed him? ANNA: Well, one of the journal entries from my grandfather's journal said that he prepared passports for himself, his wife, and the children. The whole family was to come to America. But shortly after that my grandfather became ill, then my grandmother became ill, and they never came. They both died. LINDA: Now, do you remember any stories that your father may have told you about Italy? ANNA: My father died in 1947, and we were quite young. We really didn't get into too many stories about Italy. But he said he had come because the streets of the United States were supposed to be paved in gold and there 4 wasn't much work other than their own construction, and they felt that he could do better if he came to Italy. And he was to come and see how it is and then fly back. I do have some of the letters that my father wrote to his parents when he got back from the war in the 1920s. When he was married, he would send money to them. In fact some of the entries in my grandfather's book show that in 1920 he would send over 10,000 lira to Italy. And at one point in April of 1920, he sent back to ask his parents to get a marriage certificate that he had married in the United States, and I guess they wanted it recorded in the church out there where he was born. So that's in my grandfather's journal. LINDA: Interesting. Now, how did your father meet your mother? ANNA: My father came and boarded on Third Street. The Lily family had a boarding house. Apparently there were other young men that had come from Italy, and they came from the area that the Lily family had come, and they knew that there was a boarding house here in Fitchburg, and they did board with them. Now, when my mother came, which was in 1919 -- I recall her saying that she landed in New York on Labor Day, September 1919. Her brother was here already, was married, and lived on Second Street in Fitchburg. And my mother came from New York to Fitchburg and lived with her brother and his family, and I'm sure there because Second Street and Third Street were only a block away, my father and mother met. And they were married in April of 1920. So my mother was here about six months, six or seven months before she married. LINDA: Seems unusual that your father was here about nine years, eight to nine years, although he spent a few years, I guess… ANNA: In the war, right. LINDA: Yes. So what kind of jobs did your father have?5 ANNA: He had construction work. He was an artist in building fireplaces, chimneys, brick homes, stucco work, plastering, and he was very much in demand. Many contractors would call and ask my father to work for them; and as far as I can remember he worked just about every single day, except Sundays, of course. But it was always beautiful work. And as children, during summer vacation if he worked in any area that was within walking distance we would carry his lunch to him at noontime, and we would sit with him and have a sandwich while he ate his lunch. They would have a half an hour for a break at noontime, and my mother would make sure that we were there by twelve o'clock so he got time to eat his lunch. He was a wonderful man; I have great memories of my father, and my mother, but especially my father. I seemed to be closer to him probably because I was the middle daughter. The oldest one, my sister, who's only a year and a half older than I am, but she helped my mother more. And my other two sisters were twins, and they were probably two or three years younger than I, and they were always considered younger. So I was the middle one, and I was the boy of the family more or less. LINDA: Now, did he ever teach you anything about laying brick? ANNA: No. No, I never did any of that work. LINDA: But do you suppose if you were a boy you would have? ANNA: I would have been, I definitely would have been. I know many young men that were taught under my father. He always had an apprentice with him, somebody who was learning the trade. In fact my brother-in-law, my sister's husband, learned the trade under my father. And there are other men that worked with my father and then they brought their sons in to learn the trade. There are many people that still remember my father and his work, and they speak to me about telling me well, the fireplace is still in my home that your father built, or the chimney is still standing that my father built. He died in 1947, so that's quite a few years ago. 6 In fact he died as a result of an accident on work. He and an apprentice were working on a roof this particular day, and they were carrying pails and bricks and other things up to the roof, up and down the ladder. Well, at this particular time my father was at the bottom of the ladder and the apprentice was climbing and dropped something, which hit my father in the back of the ear on his head. And shortly after that my father started experiencing dizziness, and he thought it was his eyes or his teeth, and everything checked out fine, but apparently it was a start of a tumor. So when this became obvious that he was having this dizziness was the month of July. And my father had one cousin, only one cousin that came from Italy; all the rest of the family stayed out there. So my father and this cousin were very close, it was David [Potheti] who lived in Quincy, which was at that time maybe an hour and a half or two-hour drive from Fitchburg to Quincy, and we would often visit. But this particular day in July, my father wanted to go to visit his cousin, and my sister Helen was preparing for a wedding in October, for her wedding, and my sister Lena was already married. So my father asked me to go with him to Quincy and he asked me to drive, which is very unusual, especially going out of town. He would never have asked me to drive, so I sort of thought he wasn't feeling well. But he and I went to Quincy, and on the way back he was telling his cousin that when he looks up into chimneys and all he gets dizzy, so he was going to have his eyes checked, thinking there was something wrong with his eyes that was causing the dizziness. And on the way back from Quincy he told me, he says, "Well, I'm going to go to the doctor and have my eyes checked because this dizziness is bothering me." 7 So that was the month of July, but he never complained. He did end up getting reading glasses, but everything seemed to check out okay. And apparently the test was not as thorough as they are today, because there was a tumor growing in the back of his head on the side behind his ear, and they didn't discover that until October. It was at my sister's wedding reception that my father collapsed. He had gone through the wedding ceremony, the dinner, the receiving line, and during the reception he just collapsed on the floor. And the next day when he saw the doctor, after a few days they admitted him to the hospital for tests, and they found that he had a tumor in his brain. And from October to the time he died in March, he never got out of bed. I recall him saying, I drove him to the hospital and he said, "You know," he says, "I never packed a suitcase for a vacation." He says, "But here I am packing it to go to the hospital." He said that when he got out of the hospital he and my mother were going to take a nice vacation. Then he went to the Burbank Hospital in Fitchburg, and from there to Mass General in Boston, back to Burbank, back home and from October to March he never got on his feet again. So he died the end of March, March 29, 1947. LINDA: So 1947 or '48? ANNA: '47, 1947. LINDA: Okay. How was life different for your mother, let's say, after that? ANNA: Well, she relied a lot more on me, because I was driving and my other sisters were not. My sister Lena was married, and my other two sisters were at home, the three of us were at home. Well, Helen had just got married in October, so she wasn't there. But my sister Mary and I were at home with my mother. So it was different, it certainly took a lot out of my mother because she aged, I think, 10 years in just a few months. LINDA: Now, how was she able to get money to live?8 ANNA: Well, we were working, and there was Social Security that my father had left for her. And we owned our home. This was the home that my father built when I was two years old, and we'd been living in that house all that time. He built the house in 1924, and it was a stucco house with shingles on top and a two-family house. LINDA: Now, why did he build a two-family house? ANNA: For economy, I think, you know, collect the rent, and it paid for your own. LINDA: He rented to other Italians? ANNA: We rented to one family that lived with us until their family got too big and left. That was the [Mendosi] family. They remained close friends all the time. Then we rented to a family, the Levanti family, and they stayed there for 60 years. LINDA: Sixty? ANNA: Fifty years, yeah they liked it so much that they stayed. They have a small family, so they were able to -- they had two boys, and there's four rooms upstairs, and they loved the house so they just stayed there. Downstairs we had four girls, so it started out to be a four-room house, but he added on a two-car garage and made two rooms above that garage, so he had an extension to the first floor where we lived. So, the six of us were very comfortable there. We felt very comfortable. You know, we weren't rich, but my father had a car and worked every day. We never felt any want for things that we could not have. There was always food on the table. It was different than it is nowadays I think, my mother would be at home, she'd have supper ready at five o'clock, you know, for my father when he came home. And the family always ate together. We would all be home from work at that time. So it was a nice family. LINDA: Do you think it's important to eat together? ANNA: I think so, I think it is. Although I could not do it when my children were growing up and my husband had very bad hours as far as getting home, he 9 never got home at five o'clock, you know. And my children, when they were in school, they were involved in sports, and one would have a four o'clock game, the other one would have five o'clock, the other one at six, you know, pick one up, drop the other one off and always had something to eat, but it was never sitting together. It was a rare occasion rather than the common thing to have supper all together. LINDA: So how did you keep your family together? ANNA: Well, it was a challenge, but we managed to do that. We stayed together, certainly. Just took care of all their sports, all their school activities, all their sports activities. There was always a time where we would come together Saturdays, Sundays we'd be together, holidays. LINDA: Did you keep those days sacred? One day? ANNA: Sundays. Sundays was always a church day; we'd go to church as a family all together. LINDA: And then share a meal after? ANNA: Yes, yes. LINDA: Was it a traditional Italian meal? ANNA: Usually, yes. It was always pasta and chicken on Sundays. Then as they got older, Aldo was at home at that time and after mass we would go for breakfast in some restaurant, and that would be a family affair. We did this quite often with my own family, of course not when I was a child because we didn't get into restaurants in those days, you know. But my family, I recall almost every Sunday going to breakfast at Howard Johnson's or someplace, you know, that they would pick. LINDA: So getting back to growing up in Fitchburg, you had told me what street that you had lived on and there were gardens, perhaps? ANNA: Yes, our house was the last house on the street. And beyond that, there were gardens and woods. And the neighbors would lease a lot of land from whoever owned the property, and they would grow their tomatoes and beans and potatoes, carrots, all the vegetables they could fit there, lettuce and all kinds of produce. And this would be their activity during 10 the summer. They would go up there and take care of their garden and collect whatever fruits there were. And the children early in the morning, all the children of the neighborhood would meet say at 6:30 in the morning and go pick blueberries up in the woods. We'd come back and we'd be making blueberry pancakes or muffins or something like that, you know, with our blueberries. And even freeze, not freeze them in those days, you had to can them, so we would do that. And many of the vegetables that were grown in the garden, tomatoes and all, would be canned. They would be bottled for the winter. It was not unusual to find a cellar that had all the provisions for the winter, the homemade tomato sauce and all that all packed. LINDA: Did you ever sell any of the produce? ANNA: Yes, if you had too many tomatoes you would call one of the markets and see if they could use some of the fresh fruit, some of the tomatoes, green peppers, green beans. If you had too much you would sell it to the stores; they would give you something for it, and they would sell it to other people. LINDA: So who was in charge of the garden? For example, who was responsible to weed it and plan for its harvest? ANNA: My mother and father did most of it. I would say they did all of it, yeah. We would probably help a little but not that much. I don't recall doing too much. We also had chickens, and I do recall that as my job to go get the eggs and to feed the chickens every day, and I did that until the rooster sniffed me one day and then I wouldn't go in there anymore. LINDA: Now, where were these chickens kept? ANNA: We had another garage that my father built, and we had that as a chicken coop. We made a chicken coop out of that garage, yeah. LINDA: Someone had told me that sometimes at these gardens someone would build a shack. ANNA: Yes.11 LINDA: And I forgot, there's an Italian term of course, and I can't remember what it was called, but evidently sometimes there was a woodstove in there so that people could cook their sauce. Did you have anything like that on your property? ANNA: No, we didn't. No, we had that garage that my father had built. That was not the two-car garage that he built for our cars with the bedrooms over; this was another garage separated from the property. There was also another two-car garage, and one of them we used as the chicken coop. LINDA: So it must have been abutting your land? ANNA: No, it was on our land but it was separated from the house. LINDA: Is it still there? ANNA: It's still there, yeah. And now it's used for a garage, you know. My sister lives in the house now, my sister and her husband, and they rent the garage. They have a car, one car, and the other three stalls are rented. So the stalls were very well built; they're still being used today. LINDA: Now, did your family have another kitchen, maybe in the basement, a stove? ANNA: Yes, yes, we had -- not a stove, we had a sink down in the cellar so that when vegetables or whatever was brought in, we'd be -- in fact this is funny, but we had this sink with a mirror on it, and many times there were four daughters, we had four girls in the house. And he would go downstairs to shave so that we could use the bathroom; he was very accommodating. He would go down into the cellar where the sink and this mirror were set up, and he would shave down there. LINDA: Did your family ever use the cellar in the basement to eat? ANNA: No, no. No, it was just for storage. It was cold; a cold cellar, so you could keep vegetables down there, you could have a barrel full of apples that would last you all winter. We'd have a wine barrel, but it was cool enough to store apples. And I recall many times we'd go down, fill up our fruit bowl with apples from the cellar. We didn't have to go to the store or to the farm to buy apples. We'd do it once, and it would last for the winter.12 LINDA: I'm noticing that different regions where Italians are from, that Southern Italians rarely utilize their basement. They actually have a kitchen in the basement, but I think it's probably because it's so much warmer in Southern Italy, so they just grab that tradition here. ANNA: Yes, probably. Ours was just storage. In fact my father built cabinets down there that -- one of them he made like a cedar cabinet that we would put our woolens in there and keep our clothes there that were out of season. And with four daughters, he provided all this for us. But we had the furnace down there, you know, then -- and for a while it was coal, and then it was converted to oil, you know. So it wasn't a place to have a meal, but it was a place for washing your vegetables and anything that wasn't clean enough to come upstairs, you have to wash it first downstairs. LINDA: Now, do you feel as though because there were four daughters that perhaps come of you did what would be called a boy's jobs? ANNA: Yes. Yes. And I was the one to do that. Yeah. Yeah. LINDA: Well, tell me about that. ANNA: Well, I recall during the Second World War when we had blackouts in the area, you know, they would put all the lights out in homes and in streets, then they would assign people to join the civil defense, and they would have various jobs to do. Well, my father and a few of the men from that neighborhood had to go out and patrol the streets to make sure that everything was all right during these blackouts, and I would go with my father. I would accompany him on these blackouts. Then also women were asked to do things. We had Rosie the Riveter at that time, and we also had a motor corps, which is what I joined. They would teach us how to change tires, how to look under the hood to see if anything was wrong with the car, and things that, you know, might go wrong with cars and they weren't -- the men were all in the war, so the women were supposed to know how to do these 13 things. But today I wouldn't change a tire. [Unintelligible - 00:31:42] I wouldn't know what to do today, but in 1941, '42, we did that. LINDA: So let's get back to the blackouts. Was that typically what a son would do? ANNA: Yes. Yes. LINDA: Accompany his father? ANNA: Yeah. Mm-hmm. Yeah. It's the men that did that. Yeah. LINDA: Mm-hmm. So what would happen if you noticed the neighbor wasn't turning off the lights? ANNA: You'd have to go tell them turn off your lights, you know, you got to knock on the door and tell them. It's blackout. And most of them, I think, most of the people really cooperated. If there was a blackout, you'd find the street black, you know, and all the lights were out. LINDA: Mm-hmm. So do you feel that your generation was defined by World War II and the Depression? ANNA: I think so. World War II was -- started right after I got out of high school, and the boys from my class went to war, and the women were doing the work around that the men should have been doing if they were there, but there weren't any men around. I worked for an attorney at that time, Thomas [Duling], in the Park building in Fitchburg, and I started working -- well, the day after I got out of school I started working at Fitchburg State College in the registrar's office. They were taking summer registration, and I was asked if I could go up there and help with the registrations, and I did for about two weeks but then Attorney Duling's secretary was going on vacation, so he called to see if I would help him out for two weeks, and that sounded interesting, you know, to work in the law office. And I did, but those two weeks extended to nine years. I stayed there with him for nine years and really helped him with the legal work. I would go to court with him, take down a lot of the 14 testimony in [unintelligible - 00:33:49] like quote stenography and worked on many cases. The hours were long. There was no 9 to 5 job. It was like get there at maybe eight o'clock in the morning. You might still be working at eight o'clock at night if there were a case that were coming up the next day, a new trial, or you'd have to be there interviewing witnesses and getting ready for the next day. I did a lot of traveling with him between Worcester and Boston to go to the various courts. LINDA: Was there ever a time that you wished that you had gone to Washington? ANNA: Yes. Yes. There was. [Unintelligible - 00:34:32] get there. LINDA: But you had mentioned before that your parents thought that education was very important. ANNA: He did. Yes. But they also felt that they could not send me to college. The money was not around for a college education, and I think at that time too it was felt that a girl was going to marry, raise a family, and stay at home. It wasn't as necessary for a girl to have the college education as it was for a son. And that was the situation when I got out of high school. There wasn't any money for college. But when my sisters, my two youngest sisters got out, he was -- he wanted to send them to college. They were -- I think they got out three years after I did, but they didn't want to go. So I always felt that I wanted go further into education, and I went back to school after I married, and I had six children. One of them died in infancy. But after the five children were grown up, the youngest was then in junior high school, I did got back to Fitchburg State College, and that was in 1973, I believe it was. LINDA: So you were about 51 or so? ANNA: Yes. Yes. Yep. I would call -- the math teacher in one class was showing averages. And he says, "Now, the average student, the average age of this class is," and he's going up and down the aisle, you know, and this one 15 was 18, that was 19, and I was 20 now, and he got to me and I said 50. And I brought that average way up there. So they laughed at that. LINDA: Well, good for you though. And I bet you were an inspiration to all of them. ANNA: I enjoyed going. I found -- you know, there was a lot of young people that, you know, sometimes they have the reputation that they're just going to college for the fun of it, but there were some there that were really into getting an education, and it was nice to see that. LINDA: So during the time that you were going to college, did you have children in college? ANNA: Yes, I did. Yeah. My oldest son had already started. He was, I think, in his sophomore year, and my second son was in his last year of high school. He was ready to start the following September. And my other two children were in high school, and my last daughter was just going to start high school. She was in her last year at junior high. She was in the 8th grade. She was going to go in the 9th grade. So I had a 9th grade, 10th grade, 11th grade, 12th grade, and one in college. LINDA: Well, did you take a full course load? ANNA: Yes. I did. In fact, I took an accelerated course because I wanted to get through as quickly as possible knowing that I had family responsibility. So I did finish in three and a half years. I got through in December of '76. LINDA: That must have been a big family graduation party? ANNA: No. LINDA: No. ANNA: I didn't want any party. I was just glad that I had finished, and I did graduate magna cum laude, so I felt good about that. That was good. LINDA: So did you feel as though you growing up in a household of girls and your parents really didn't have enough money, and they thought you're a woman, maybe didn't need an education, how did you feel that you had two daughters and three sons? ANNA: Three sons. Yes. 16 LINDA: Did you treat them differently? ANNA: No, we wanted education for them. They knew from day one they were going to go to college, and knowing that they were so close in age that I knew that I had to prepare for this, you know, and I did. My husband, of course, knew how to save money, too. He knows how to spend it, but he knows how when it's necessary to save it and start investing, and we were able to do it. There were four in college and one in graduate school all at the same time. So that was quite a hefty bill to pay, you know. But we managed it. LINDA: So getting -- I want to still talk about your childhood in Fitchburg. I remember you talking about a sled and a tricycle. ANNA: Yes. We had one sled and one tricycle, and it was passed down to all four of us. Yep. Yeah, there were no bikes. No, nothing. Nothing else, you know. We had this one tricycle, and that was it. Lena had it first, I would have it second, and then the two twins had to share it. Yeah. And the sled the same. SPEAKER 1: Hello. Good to see you. LINDA: So actually, more about the sled and tricycle. I was just wondering if you could tell me a little bit about your leisure time. We know that your generation had to work so hard, you know, just to make ends meet. But what did you do [unintelligible - 00:40:03]? ANNA: Just in our last years of high school when I formed an all-girls band. I think I -- I don't know if I mentioned that before, but we called ourselves the Melody Maids. And we played for our church events, the dances that they would have, the Catholic youth dances, at that time. We played for that. The girl scouts held a prom, and they hired us to play at their prom. I think we got paid a dollar for the evening. One dollar. LINDA: A dollar apiece. ANNA: A dollar apiece. Right. And there were six of us. We had a piano, violin, a saxophone, a trumpet, an electric guitar, and the drums. So we had a nice band. We would practice at my house, open all the windows. The 17 neighbors wanted us to -- they heard us practicing and they wanted to hear the music. So we would play in our living room and entertain as much as -- if they call it entertainment. But we played for the neighbors. Then that didn't last too long, long enough for us to have a few jobs and have somewhat of a reputation around the churches that we could play for them. LINDA: Are you referring to a few years, or… ANNA: Yes. A few years. But then, with the war and girls going off with boyfriends and getting married, we didn't continue anymore. LINDA: So was it typical for your generation to learn a musical instrument? Was that considered important? ANNA: I think it was, especially among the Italians. In our neighborhood, there were mostly Italian families, and there were several that played violin that I know. If they happened to have the piano, somebody would always play the piano. But again, it costs money, and many families could not afford the lessons. In our Melody Maids band, the only Italians -- that were not Italians in the band were -- there were three of us Italian, my two sisters and myself. My sister Lena had her boyfriend, and she didn't want to play with us, so she felt we were too young for her. And she was only a year and a half older, but she didn't want to play with us. So we had another pianist who was very good. But we all played in the high school band. And I didn't play in the band; I played in the orchestra because I played the violin. My sisters both played in the band. One played the sax and one played the drums. And they happened to pick up those instruments because when I was forming my band, I didn't have a sax player and a drum player. So I got the two of them to take lessons and learn our songs quickly. So they did, and they played with us. We had lots of courage, I guess, to get out and play like that. LINDA: Yeah. Did you know of any other girls who [unintelligible - 00:43:40] could play in bands? 18 ANNA: No. That wasn't even in style at that time. They had all boys, you know, they had -- some boys would get together and play in groups. You know, they have jazz bands and things like that, but no girls. I says, well, why not? So we formed the all-girls band. LINDA: What kind of music were you playing? ANNA: Well, our favorites were Glenn Miller songs. It was just the time of Glenn Miller. So we would play many of his songs, and then it was the Polka, "Roll out the Barrel." I don't know if you're familiar with that song. I remember one New Year's Eve; this was all they wanted to hear. The people wanted "Roll out the Barrel," and we had to play it a dozen times. LINDA: Now, did anyone sing? ANNA: Not in our group. No. LINDA: Now, you talk about having money for lessons. Were lessons given at the high school level? ANNA: I took lessons from third grade through high school, and then I didn't take lessons anymore. I gave up playing for about 50 years, and then I got back to it. LINDA: [Unintelligible - 00:44:53] and I hope you want to do that again. But getting back --I don't think that I phrased that question correctly. Did the school's department offer lessons? ANNA: Offer lessons. No. Not that I know of. They probably did, but I don't know. I took lessons from some Joseph Scilano, who is a violinist, and a very good violinist, played with many symphonies in the area. LINDA: So why is it that you chose the violin? ANNA: There was a group, a conservatory that came through the neighborhood to see if there were children in that age group that wanted to take up a violin. And I think that's how it started. I started going to this conservatory for about a year. They would give lessons uptown in Fitchburg, and that's how we started. And a year after that, Joseph Scilano was giving lessons, and he was related to the family too. He was a good friend of ours, and I took lessons from him. 19 LINDA: Yeah. How did you recruit some of these band members? LINDSEY : I put an ad in the paper for an all-girl band, and I received these other three calls for a piano player, the electric guitar, and a trumpet. So it was a good start. It was encouraging to get the girls to answer the ad. LINDA: And then they would join you at your home? ANNA: At my home, right. And we played. Yeah. That was fun. LINDA: I bet. Did anyone every make a tape of you playing? ANNA: No. LINDA: No. ANNA: In fact, one fellow did. He came to the house one time, and he had just got this microphone and he was going to record us. Well, every time someone came to the melody, he would put it on bass. He didn't know who he was recording, and the tape was so awful. He didn't -- he would just pass around from one to the other no matter what we were playing. If we were playing, you know, just an accompaniment, he would record that. So he didn't know what he was doing. But anyway, we don't have that tape. We didn't want it. LINDA: You didn't want it. So tell me about Sundays. I think that Sundays were special days for you and your family. I'm talking about your mom and dad. ANNA: Yes. LINDA: And siblings. ANNA: Yes. It was going to church every Sunday, and Sunday afternoons my father had a bocce court in his backyard, and many of the men from -- his friends would come to our house, and they would play bocce, and this was a favorite game among the Italians. And this would be two or three hours on Sunday afternoon. However, we would always end up going out for a Sunday afternoon ride. My father would take the whole family out for a Sunday afternoon, and before we got home, we would stop and buy three pints of ice cream, which was a special treat in those days. Go home, slice 20 the ice cream boxes, and everybody would have half-pint of ice cream. Half of a pint. LINDA: Wow. ANNA: So that was a special treat. But every Sunday, on Easter Sunday, and then still came up to play bocce, but they would play with hard-boiled eggs. And the one who could play bocce and not get his egg cracked was the winner. So the four daughters would be up on the porch saying, "Pa, are we going for our ride today?" "Yes, we'd go for our ride," and he would have to dismiss the men at one point, and he would take his family out for a ride. It was very special. I think we were the only family on the hill that had a car. So that was quite nice. He needed the car for his work. He always had to carry a truckful of tools with him, and to get to his job he always needed a car. So he always had a car. Every two years he would buy a Chevrolet. And when I was married, he would buy a Chevrolet at Matthew's Garage, and Mr. Matthew knew me through my father, and that was where I had taken the motor car course. So when I was married he had a car for me. This was 1949, and you could not buy cars. I don't know if you recall that. You had to put your name on the list and wait for cars to come in because there was such a demand for cars, you have to [unintelligible - 00:49:55]. So in 1949, he knew I was getting married. So about two weeks before I was married he called and says, "I have a car for you." So that was quite special, and I was working for Judge Duling at that time, and I think my car cost me, like, $800 or $900. It was a nice Chevy. LINDA: Now, was it unusual for you to have your license? ANNA: Yes. It was. Yeah. I worked for Judge Duling, and my father was working building a gas station, very close to the park building and my cousin, [Claude Gimarino], was not working at that time. So he said, 21 "Why don't you and I teach Anna how to drive?" He says, "I'll pick your car up while you're working, she gets out of work," and at that time I'm getting out at four o'clock. He says, "And then we'll be back at five o'clock to give you your car," he would say to my father. So that was arranged. So he gave me a total of three lessons, about three hours, and then he took me out for my driver's license. And I passed. I passed the test. So I had my license immediately, you know. There were no learner's permits at that time. LINDA: And how old were you then? ANNA: I was just working. I must have been 18. It was 1941, so I [unintelligible - 00:51:28] high school and started working for Judge Duling. So I got my license right away. LINDA: Sound like quite the trailblazer in many ways. ANNA: Yeah. So Claude will talk about that now. He said, "My cousin could drive in three hours." LINDA: Now getting back to your parents, did they both speak English? ANNA: My mother spoke broken English, but my father spoke very well. Yeah. I don't recall my father ever having an Italian accent. He spoke very well. LINDA: Now, were they both citizens? ANNA: Yeah. Yes. LINDA: Do you remember hearing of any stories of them going to the American… ANNA: No, I don't. My father, of course, before he was married he was a citizen here because he went into the war. He probably became a citizen very soon after he got to the United States. I haven't been able to find any records on him from Ellis Island. I don't know why, but they don't seem to have his name there at all. They have many Guglielmis, but nothing within their time frame I think he came. I did find some records on my mother, [Carmela Gimarino], but they have the wrong date. They have her coming in 1909 when she was probably 16 years old, and she tells me she came 1919, so her record isn't there either. Not accurate anyway. So I have to do some research on that to see if I can find anything. 22 LINDA: I don't remember what you said, did you check the website? ANNA: Yes, I did. LINDA: You have. And… ANNA: No. I got this wrong information. So I've written to my mother's two sisters in Italy to see if they can tell me anything. And they're -- one of them is in her 90s; the other one is late 80s, so I don't know how much they can tell me. But when I met them in Italy they seemed to be -- they have it all together, so I'm hoping that they can come up with some dates. LINDA: So explain that to me -- the trip to Italy, in what year was that? ANNA: This was in '89. Well, '98. My three sisters and I went to Italy for that express purpose, to meet my aunts, my mother's sisters, and my father's relatives. And this is when we went to Salerno, which is where my aunt lives, my mother's sister, and her other sister lives in Milan, but she was going to visit with her in Salerno during the time that we were there, so we saw both sisters, and they were wonderful. These two sisters are the youngest in the family. My mother was the oldest of the first mother who died at my mother's birth, my mother's. Very soon after my mother was born, her mother died and her father remarried. He had had eight or nine children with his first wife, and he eight or nine children with a second wife. So there are about 18 of them. And now only these two are left, these two sisters. So we met them, and they were a joy to meet. They were wonderful, this 92-year-old, the oldest one, would have her supper and then go out and have her cigarette. The younger sister, who was probably 88, would say, "You're not supposed to be smoking." She says, "It hasn't hurt me for 92 years," she said, "well, why should I stop now?" So she was quite modern. And the other sister was wonderful too, the one that's in her 80s. They have a family out there that I've met, two cousins, you know, are out there, but 23 they're not planning to come to America. Maybe the next generation will. But they all [unintelligible - 00:55:49]. LINDA: Now, did your aunts look like your mother, or did they have any characteristics that were familiar? ANNA: Yeah, they did. One of them, the one in Salerno that I had met probably two years before that when my son Anthony and I went to Bologna for a trade show for our [unintelligible - 00:56:10] business. We went to Bologna. He needed an interpreter, so he thought I would be good to have along there. So I did go with him to Bologna, and then we took the train from there down to Rome and then down to Salerno to meet this aunt, and my son told me, my son thought he was seeing his grandmother all over again, you know. He could see such a resemblance in her to my mother. So that was nice. The other one, too, you can see the family resemblance, but she looked probably more like my grandfather, the old man up on the wall there. Yeah, that's my mother's father. He lived to be in his 90s. My mother had come here in 1919, and she never went back to see him until 1953. All those years. Then she made her first trip back to Italy, and he said at that time, he says, "Now I can die." He says, "I waited for you to come back." And he did. He died. LINDA: [Unintelligible - 00:57:24] ANNA: Yeah. Yeah. He died a few years after that, or a short while after that. LINDA: So did your mother just go back to visit? ANNA: To visit. LINDA: She didn't return to live there? ANNA: No. She just went back to visit her family. LINDA: Did she ever talk about missing her homeland? ANNA: No. I don't think she -- well, she would write to her family, her parents and her -- not her mother, her mother had died. But her father and her sisters and brothers, they would correspond. But there was never a trip, never talked about going back until in '53 when, you know, I was married. All my sisters were married, and she felt she could go back, and she did. 24 There's always a question of priorities. Where is the money going, you know? So in '53 it got to be easier for her when we were all on our own. LINDA: She made the trip by herself? ANNA: Yes, she did. LINDA: So she had only a brother here. So the brother…? ANNA: No. She had more. She had one brother in Fitchburg. But she had another brother in Springfield who had a family out there and we would visit between Quincy, my father's cousin, and Springfield in Massachusetts. We would spend many Sundays going to visit one or the other. Yeah, so they remained close. She also had a sister who lived in Brooklyn, New York, and that wasn't a trip that we made too often but we did make that trip as, you know, six of us in the car, the four girls and my mother and father, we'd go to visit her, the aunt in New York. And she would take a bus and come up to Fitchburg and stay with us for a while. LINDA: Now, I imagine life was very different for the aunts that stayed in Italy compared to here. ANNA: Yes. Yes. LINDA: But I doubt that the aunt living in Brooklyn also had a much different experience. ANNA: A very different experience. She was very modern. We would love it when she would come from New York to visit us, and she would always bring sometime from New York, either some clothes or some scotch. I think it's -- not pantsuit, they were more like pajamas. They started wearing them in New York, and she would come for a summer [unintelligible - 00:59:59] that we would have here in Fitchburg, and she would be dressed with a big hat on, the big sun hat and the pajamas, and she would show up at these outings. I said that's my sister from New York, my mother would say. She would have beautiful jewelry on, you know. She wasn't married at that time. She married later in life. And her husband died in a very sad accident. They had no children. 25 They were both married later in life, but he was working for the trains, and it was 4th of July and his friend who was scheduled to work, said, "It's a holiday. Could you take my place?" because he was going to take his children somewhere. And Aunt Rachel's husband Sal says, "Why, sure. I don't have any children at home." Apparently one train hit another train, and he was caught in-between. So he was decapitated. Very sad. Yeah. So that was the end of their married life. They hadn't been married very long. LINDA: So tell me what kind of person your mother was. ANNA: Well, she stayed at home, always did housework. Always took care of the family; didn't drive. She had twins. I recall many times she would have to go uptown to pay a bill, maybe, and she would have the double carriage with the twins in it, you know, one of these wide carriages. She'd push it all the way uptown, which was a good mile or more, you know, but didn't faze them at all to do that walking. I recall I was going to take my violin lessons, walking more than a mile to go take my lessons. I was given a scholarship when I was in the 8th grade to go to the art museum to take some lessons, and this was on Saturday morning—and that was probably two miles away from my house, or almost two miles—and I would walk on Saturday mornings to go up there and have those lessons, walk back, you know. It didn't faze us at all to do this walking, and -- but then when winter came my mother said I had better stop going to the art museum, so those lessons didn't last too long, so. LINDA: Did your mother have any friends in the neighborhood? ANNA: Yes. They were all friends. Yes. Every house on the hill, we would know them. You know, and many times they would just gather on one another's porch, and most of the times it would be up on our porch because we did have a front porch then, and we were the last house on the hill. They would walk up the hill, and they would gather there. There was a 26 streetlight right across from our house, and all the children would play under that streetlight, hide and seek or anything you could think of that, you know, you could see with the one streetlight. But because there was no traffic, they would just play out there. And as children, all the neighborhood children played together. They all went to the same school because it was their neighborhood school. All belonged to the same parish. So whatever came up as a social event, just have your whole neighborhood doing it, you know. LINDA: So I hear you refer to the neighborhood as "the hill." Did people in Fitchburg refer to it as that? ANNA: It was Belmont Street, and we lived up at the top of the hill. Yeah, it was. It was our hill. And ours was the last house. LINDA: Now, were there a lot of Italian families living in that area? ANNA: Yes. Yes. Everyone in that -- very few other families, there were some. There was on O'Connor family. There was a [Ketteridge] family that I recall, but all the others would be Italian. LINDA: Now, were they basically from the same region? ANNA: No. Somewhere, in fact, they built -- my father built a place anyway. He built the Marconi Club Hall. They called it the Marconi Club because these were people that came from [Le Marche] in Italy. And they all seemed to congregate in this St. Anthony's Parish of Fitchburg in the Water Street, and then coming up the hill they would come up to where the parish, the church, and the school was, which was Salem Street; and then going up the hill a little further you'd come up to where we lived on Belmont Street, and going further on, Hayward Street. But this whole area was Italian area, and this was the Italian parish, and most of the children in the school were Italian. And they formed a Marconi club for the people that came from Le Marche. I think Water Street had another club for people that came from another area also, in Fitchburg. But the Marconi Club was right there behind our church, 27 behind our school, and the people they called the [Marchedioni], they would meet there, they would have all sorts of events there. They would rent the hall out for dances, weddings; wedding receptions would be in this hall. They even had a restaurant, would go in and have their Italian supper, and the club still exists today. Not the club. The clubhouse exists today. I don't think the Marconi Club exists. But it was a place where these people would have picnics. They would -- at least an annual picnic would be up at [Sima] Park, and all the ladies would cook their Sunday specialties or what. It wasn't sandwiches, you know; they would bring their pasta and their chicken or whatever they were going to cook for Sunday dinner, and they would go eat outdoors at the Sima Park. They would have a band up there. They would have dancing. There was just a day out for that whole group that belonged to the Marconi Club. LINDA: What does Marconi refer to? ANNA: Guglielmo Marconi, who invented radio, the wireless. In fact, all the wireless things we use today probably originated from the first wireless, and they called it Marconi in honor of Guglielmo Marconi. LINDA: He was obviously from this Le Marche region? ANNA: Yes. I think so. I'm not sure if he was, but he was from Italy. LINDA: There's a beach on Cape Cod, Marconi Beach. ANNA: Marconi Beach. Yes. LINDA: And that's named after him. ANNA: After Guglielmo Marconi? LINDA: Mm-hmm. I wanted to talk about the boundaries of neighborhoods, let's say, in Fitchburg. Was there ever a period of time where people didn't get along with each other depending on where they lived or what ethnic group they were? ANNA: I don't think -- it wasn't that they didn't get along with each other. I think they felt closer to the ones that came from their own region. But I can't 28 recall, you know, anyone being looked down on. I think if there was any group that was looked down on, it might have been the Sicilians. At that time, they probably felt, you know, he's a Sicilian. But tenant that I spoke of that lived in our house was a Sicilian, and he was a wonderful person. But I don't think anyone, you know, had any hard feelings, or it was -- you're closer to your own region but friendly with the others too. LINDA: It seems like these neighborhood clubs or these region clubs helped bring people together? ANNA: Yes. LINDA: Did the parish also do this? ANNA: Yes. The parish did. The parish had societies for women, for men, for their unmarried women, from the time they made their first communion, which would probably be seven or eight years old, up until the time they married they belonged to the Children of Mary Society. Once they married they joined the Our Lady of Marcomo Society. And the men always had the Sacred Heart Society for the men. Then once the kids get into high school, they would have the Catholic Youth Organization, and they would have functions to keep them, you know, which, you know, many parishes today don't have that. They may have a society or a men's group, but I think the youth are probably more reliant on schools, on their high school, to have group activities rather than the parish. Maybe because the shortage of priests, no time, you know, that could be it. I know our parish today doesn't have anything for youth. LINDA: And what is your parish today? ANNA: St. Anna's Parish here in Leominster. They do have the ladies group, and they do have the men's group, men's club. LINDA: Now growing up though, you belonged to St. Anthony's. ANNA: St. Anthony's in Fitchburg. Yes. And I belonged to The Children of Mary's [unintelligible - 01:10:10] until I married. 29 LINDA: So what kinds of things would you do as part of the…? ANNA: There would be picnics. There would be outings. We would form a group to go to an amusement park. In the winter we would go skating. Probably get a group to go up to near a lake at [Cod Shaw Park], and even younger than the Catholic youth, when you were in the earlier years, the summer activities were keyed around the parish. We had the Venerini nuns there, and the girls would go up there to learn how to do embroidery or cutwork or crochet, any of that work. When the youngsters would go on what they call the [asilo], the kindergarten, and they would learn the, you know, writing and songs or how to write their name, things like that. But this is like a summer school so you didn't look for other things to do in the summer. Your family planned your going to the convent and take these lessons. LINDA: Now, who would teach the lessons? ANNA: The nuns, the Venerini sisters. LINDA: The Venerini sisters. ANNA: Yeah. Yeah. LINDA: Now, are they still present? Do they still have a presence in…? ANNA: Yes, they do. They do. Yes. They -- some of them. I don't know if they still teach, but they did teach at St. Anna's School. We don't have any nuns there now. And they did teach at St. Anthony's School, and they might have one or two nuns teaching there now. But there is a shortage of nuns, too. Yeah. I think now we have two Venerini nuns that are working with the Beacon of Hope here in Leominster, which is a respite care for challenged adults, I think they call them, and mentally retarded. The two nuns take them for outings. Take them to games, take them on swimming in the summertime, and they try to give the families some free 30 time, you know, because it's a constant 24-hour care, you know, you have to -- they need that attention, and they need the activities too. So they take them to dances and to suppers, and they invite them to play games. So, two nuns are doing that here in Leominster. They have their mother house in Fitchburg on Prospect Street, and I'm not sure what activities they have there. I think they're still quite active. They're certainly active in ministry, in teaching religious education, in visiting nursing homes, things like that. LINDA: Okay. So what are the values that you grew up with and you tried to keep those traditions? ANNA: Yes. Our family, my mother, father, the four children, always went to Mass on Sundays. Holy days and Sundays. It was a family thing. We would go to Mass all together. And I did that with my family, too. You know, we'd go to Mass all together as they were growing up. Now, they go on their own. They go. They don't go. They, you know, but some of my family are still keeping that up with their own children, Mass every Sunday and holy days. Some of them break away which is sad, you know. It's sad to have that happen, but you hope that they will get back. But faith and family was foremost in my mother and father's time than it was in my time and my husband's time. Education was very important, and I always feel that you never get enough education. Even if you have a college degree I feel, you know, get more because there's so much out there, you know. If it isn't in the college. It's other things that you can learn, you know, in the arts and music and things like that. There's so much. And don't ever feel that there's a limit to what your brain can absorb. You know, I think if you can do it, this is the time to do it while you're still young enough to do it, you know. LINDA: What kinds of messages do you try to send to your grandchildren? ANNA: That faith -- I write a newsletter every week. I think I'm over, like, 112th newsletter that I've written, so it goes over a two-year period now. LINDA: And this is a family newsletter?31 ANNA: A family newsletter, and I send it to all five families. My children. And I always try to put a message in there—birthdays are coming up, it's a family affair, you know, and if someone had accomplished something, like this week my granddaughter, Laura, got the MVP in soccer. She's a sophomore in high school. So she got the MVP. So I sent that in my newsletter and let everyone know. And if someone has played football and is, you know, scored a touchdown, I tell them that. I always tell them what's going on at church. I always try to bring something in that has to do with faith, you know, and values, you know. Things that you look for, you know, and things that would be good for them to do. And they're very young. The grandchildren, I think, always looks forward to that letter. In fact, if I should mail it one day too late, they're, "Where is it?" you know. If the mail is one day too late in arriving, they look for it. And I try to keep them abreast of what is happening in the family because they're all so busy that they don't communicate like they did when they were younger, you know. They see each other quite often, but now, one has a game and the other one is going somewhere, and now one family lives in New York, so. But they're doing -- I like to help the others here in Leominster what's going on. LINDA: Did you ever foresee that? ANNA: No. To write a newsletter? LINDA: Not just that, but that your family would be so widespread and so busy that you had to write a newsletter to keep up. ANNA: To keep up. Right. Yeah. No. But I think it was bound to happen, because the two boys are now running the two businesses, and they're as busy as they can be. And my daughter has her own little business, my daughter, Rose Mary, which is just a small phase of the comb business. She has the side combs, the decorative combs that they use in their hair, 32 bridal salons, especially. And my daughter Mary Ann is in real estate, and she is busy with that. And the grandchildren, living in different parts of the city, go to different schools, so they don't see each other as often. And of course, the one in New York comes out for holidays usually. If the children have an extra day off from school, they'll make a trip, or we can get out there, we visit them. But they also -- they look forward to the newsletter. And as long as they like it, I'll keep writing it, you know. LINDA: I think it's a wonderful idea. ANNA: Yeah. LINDA: What do you think your parents would think of the new generation? [Unintelligible - 01:18:43] ANNA: Yes. I think they would say that it certainly is different. At that time, they'd go to school, they'd come home from school, and mother and father would be at home at supper time, and mother would be at home all the time. But we didn't have the cars that they have nowadays, so any activities would be within your area. You had to walk to it. Now it's from Leominster you can get to Worcester in no time. You can get to Boston. Drive to New York. So I think they would say times have changed. LINDA: You think they'd be happy about it? ANNA: Yes. I think they would because it seems to be better. We have more opportunities, but it's, you know, I hope it is better. Sometimes they have too much and they appreciate less. If you can get everything, you know, nothing means too much to you. AT/pa/my/mfb/es

El huracán Ike dejó al menos 64 muertos y miles de damnificados en Haití, cuya fuerza al golpear la isla de La Española fue de 4 en la escala Saffir-Simpson (de un máximo de 5). Con este balance, se eleva a más de 600 el número de víctimas fatales que han provocado entre los cuatro fenómenos, Fay, Hanna, Gustav y Ike en las últimas semanas. En la vecina República Dominicana, Ike obligó a la evacuación de 44 mil personas. Ike avanzaba este lunes frente a la costa sureste de Cuba con categoría 2 y vientos máximos sostenidos de 170 kilómetros por hora. Ante la alarma que han traído sus vientos y sus olas de siete metros, las autoridades cubanas han ordenado la evacuación de un millón de personas, el 10% de la población total del país. "El País" de Madrid: "Ike amenaza Haití, República Dominicana y Cuba convertido en un peligroso huracán: La región, en alerta máxima, ha iniciado evacuaciones preventivas.- Hanna provoca inundaciones en el sureste de EE UU y el área metropolitana de Washington": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Ike/avanza/Bahamas/convertido/peligroso/huracan/categoria/elpepuint/20080906elpepuint_5/Tes "El huracán Ike obliga a evacuar los cayos de Florida tras golpear Cuba: El ciclón avanza hoy frente a la costa sureste de la isla caribeña con categoría 2. -Ha dejado 64 muertos en Haití": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/huracan/Ike/obliga/evacuar/cayos/Florida/golpear/Cuba/elpepuint/20080908elpepuint_4/Tes "Cuba rechaza la ayuda de EE UU por los destrozos del huracán Gustav": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Cuba/rechaza/ayuda/EE/UU/destrozos/huracan/Gustav/elpepuintlat/20080907elpepuint_2/Tes "CNN": "Ike roars over Cuba; 900,000 evacuated": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/US/weather/09/08/hurricane.ike/index.html "Ike's floods kill dozens, cut off aid to parts of Haiti": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/weather/09/07/ike.haiti.ap/index.html "Ike looms as Haiti counts the dead from 3 storms": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/americas/09/06/Haiti.floods.ap/index.html "CNN" publica sitio con links relacionados a la temática: "Hurricanes and Cyclones": http://topics.cnn.com/topics/hurricanes_and_cyclones "La Nación": "El huracán Ike golpea a Cuba: Afecta a las provincias orientales y centrales con vientos máximos sostenidos de 160 kilómetros por hora; inundaciones, evacuados y destrozos": http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1047744 "Máxima alerta en Cuba por la llegada del huracán Ike: El ciclón se dirigía anoche hacia la isla; miles de personas fueron evacuadas": http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1047645 "BBC": "Cuba hammered by Hurricane Ike": http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/7603319.stm "China Daily": "Hurricane Ike weakens to Category 2 over Cuba": http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/world/2008-09/08/content_7008890.htm "Times": "Four killed as Hurricane Ike rakes Cuba": http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/us_and_americas/article4715379.ece "El Universal": "Abandona Ike Cuba, se dirige al Golfo de México": http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/notas/536977.html "Time": "Haiti Gets No Mercy from Hanna, Ike": http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1839710,00.html "El Tiempo": "La Habana se salvó, pero los daños son enormes en Cuba tras el paso del huracán 'Ike'": http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/latinoamerica/home/la-habana-se-salvo-pero-los-danos-son-enormes-en-cuba-tras-el-paso-del-huracan-ike_4519836-1 "El huracán 'Ike' deja cuatro muertos y grandes destrozos en el oriente y centro en Cuba: Con ráfagas de viento de hasta 261 kilómetros se abatió este lunes sobre la isla, lo que obligó a la evacuación de más de un millón de personas. Petroleras del Golfo de México toman medidas.": http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/latinoamerica/relaciones/el-huracan-ike-deja-cuatro-muertos-y-grandes-destrozos-en-el-oriente-y-centro-en-cuba_4519213-1 "Embates de 'Ike' someten a La Habana a un "estadio de sitio"": http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/latinoamerica/relaciones/embates-de-ike-someten-a-la-habana-a-un-estadio-de-sitio_4519787-1 AMERICA LATINA El pasado Domingo 7 de setiembre, Cristina Kirchner participó junto a Lula de los actos por la independencia de Brasil. La jefa de Estado asiste como "huésped de honor" de Lula a los desfiles militares. Luego de la reunión de los mandatarios, en el Palacio del Planalto, se reunieron para firmar acuerdos comerciales y de cooperación. Llegaron a un acuerdo sobre términos de intercambio en lo que respecta al comercio bilateral: los brasileños podrán utilizar el real y los argentinos el peso, en las importaciones y exportaciones. "La Nación" informa: "Afirmó Lula que el comercio bilateral sin dólares es un avance hacia la integración monetaria regional: El brasileño celebró el acuerdo firmado para que el intercambio entre ambos países se haga en pesos y reales; "es el paso inicial", afirmó; Cristina defendió el modelo económico y abogó por la llegada de capitales del país vecino": http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1047751 "JB" anuncia: "Brasil e Argentina farão trocas comerciais em moeda local": http://jbonline.terra.com.br/extra/2008/09/08/e080910876.html "Globo" publica: "Brasil e Argentina assinam convênio para comércio em moeda local": http://oglobo.globo.com/economia/mat/2008/09/08/brasil_argentina_assinam_convenio_para_comercio_em_moeda_local-548127507.asp "El País" de Madrid analiza: "La cuerda floja de las remesas: El dinero de los emigrantes bolivianos supera la inversión extranjera, espantada por la caótica situación, y puede hacer peligrar el crecimiento económico": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/cuerda/floja/remesas/elpepuint/20080908elpepuint_3/Tes "La Nación" informa: "Golpe a una de las mayores organizaciones: Detienen al jefe de un cartel mexicano. Se trata de Alberto "El Tony" Sánchez Hinojosa y se sospecha que controlaba las operaciones del Cartel del Golfo; está acusado de secuestrar y extorsionar a empresarios y policías en Tabasco, en el sudeste de ese país": http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1047823 "Time" informa: "Behind Mexico's Wave of Beheadings": http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1839576,00.html "CNN" publica: "Russia, Venezuela may hold joint naval maneuvers": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/europe/09/08/russia.venezuela.ap/index.html "Time" anuncia: "Russia to Send Ships, Planes to Venezuela": http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1839692,00.html "CNN" infroma: "Police seize 2.75 tons of cocaine in Peru": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/americas/09/08/peru.drugs.ap/index.html "La Nación" anuncia: "Prepara Brasil un plan para fortalecer el sector de defensa": http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1047647 "El Tiempo" de Colombia informa: "Ingrid Betancourt gana Premio Príncipe de Asturias de la Concordia 2008; se lo dedica a secuestrados": http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/europa/home/ngrid-betancourt-gana-premio-principe-de-asturias-de-la-concordia-2008-se-lo-dedica-a-secuestrados_4521623-1 "El Universal" de México publica: "Reclama Betancourt reconocimiento a víctimas de terrorismo: La ex candidata presidencial colombiana hizo pública esa petición durante su intervención en la primera reunión mundial de víctimas del terrorismo convocada por el secretario general de la ONU": http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/notas/536851.html ESTADOS UNIDOS / CANADA "El País" de Madrid informa: "El primer ministro de Canadá convoca a elecciones anticipadas para el 14 de octubre: El primer ministro Stephen Harper busca afianzar su poder.- Serán los terceros comicios en el país en cuatro años": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/primer/ministro/Canada/convoca/elecciones/anticipadas/octubre/elpepuint/20080907elpepuint_5/Tes Fannie Mae y Freddie Mac son compañías que cotizan en la Bolsa estadounidense y que están patrocinadas por el Congreso para brindar financiamiento en el mercado de la vivienda. Los gigantes hipotecarios, cuyas acciones perdieron casi la mitad de su valor en la bolsa de Nueva York, se encuentran en el corazón del mercado de la vivienda de Estados Unidos. Ellas garantizan o son dueñas del cerca de la mitad del mercado hipotecario de EE.UU., que en total asciende a US$12 billones. El pasado Domingo, en la mayor operación de rescate financiero de la historia del país, el gobierno de Estados Unidos asumió el control directo de los gigantes hipotecarios Fannie Mae y Freddie Mac, y destinó hasta 100.000 millones de dólares a cada una, con el fin de estabilizar el mercado inmobiliario que amenaza con colapsar la economía del país. Varios Medios informan: "El Mercurio" de Chile: "Monto de US$ 200 mil millones es el más grande rescate federal hecho por el país del norte: EE.UU. activa histórico plan de salvataje para las dos mayores hipotecarias": http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/09/08/_portada/_portada/noticias/91BD8ACD-123B-43D2-B988-88E9FBE6C2DC.htm?id={91BD8ACD-123B-43D2-B988-88E9FBE6C2DC} "CNN": "U.S. seizes Fannie and Freddie: Treasury chief Paulson unveils historic government takeover of twin mortgage buyers. Top executives are out.": http://money.cnn.com/2008/09/07/news/companies/fannie_freddie/index.htm?cnn=yes "China Daily": "Fannie and Freddie shares dive, debt rallies": http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/world/2008-09/08/content_7009080.htm "El País" de Madrid: "EE UU inyectará hasta 140.000 millones para salvar a las hipotecarias: Bush evita la quiebra de Freddie y Fannie, que controlan la mitad del mercado": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/economia/EE/UU/inyectara/140000/millones/salvar/hipotecarias/elpepueco/20080908elpepieco_4/Tes "La Nación": "Gigantesco rescate financiero en EE.UU.: El gobierno asumió el control de las empresas hipotecarios Fannie Mae y Freddie Mac; para Bush, suponían un "riesgo inaceptable"": http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1047689 Continua la carrera a la Casa Blanca: "El País" de Madrid informa: "El 'efecto Palin' catapulta a McCain en las encuestas: Un sondeo de Gallup sitúa al candidato republicano cuatro puntos por delante de Obama": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/efecto/Palin/catapulta/McCain/encuestas/elpepuint/20080908elpepuint_6/Tes "Le Monde" anuncia: "John McCain repasse devant Barack Obama selon un nouveau sondage": http://www.lemonde.fr/elections-americaines/article/2008/09/08/john-mccain-repasse-devant-barack-obama-selon-un-nouveau-sondage_1092555_829254.html#ens_id=1089564 "La Nación" publica: "McCain supera a Obama por primera vez: Según la última encuesta difundida, el candidato republicano obtendría una ventaja de cuatro puntos": http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1047746 "BBC" anuncia: "White House race enters high gear The US presidential rivals have begun campaigning in earnest, as a new opinion poll put Republican John McCain ahead of Democrat Barack Obama": http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/7604333.stm "Time" publica sitio con links a artículos relacionados con las elecciones estadounidenses: http://thepage.time.com/ MOISÉS NAÍM analiza para "El País" de Madrid: "La carrera hacia la Casa Blanca: La telenovela más importante del mundo": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/telenovela/importante/mundo/elppgl/20080907elpepiint_2/Tes EUROPA "El País" de Madrid informa: "Los socialdemócratas de Alemania nominan al ministro de Exteriores como candidato a canciller: Frank-Walter Steinmeier enfrentará a Ángela Merkel en las elecciones del próximo año.- Kurt Beck renunciará como presidente del Partido Socialdemócrata (SPD)": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/socialdemocratas/Alemania/nominan/ministro/Exteriores/candidato/canciller/elpepuint/20080907elpepuint_6/Tes "El País" de Madrid publica: "El SPD elige a Steinmeier para competir con Merkel en 2009: El vicecanciller liderará a los socialdemócratas en Alemania": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/SPD/elige/Steinmeier/competir/Merkel/2009/elpepuint/20080908elpepiint_7/Tes "Le Monde" anuncia: "M. Steinmeier sera le candidat du SPD à la Chancellerie contre Mme Merkel": http://www.lemonde.fr/europe/article/2008/09/08/m-steinmeier-candidat-a-la-chancellerie-contre-mme-merkel_1092518_3214.html#ens_id=1059312 "La Nación" publica: "España: otra noche de incidentes con inmigrantes: Cuatro personas fueron detenidas a raíz de un nuevo enfrentamiento con la Guardia Civil durante una protesta por la muerte de un senegalés": http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1047797 "Times" informa: "Gordon Brown to invite Gaddafi to London": http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/politics/article4712488.ece "El País" de Madrid informa: "Brown reúne a su Gabinete para relanzar su discutido liderazgo: El primer ministro británico ha convocado a sus ministros en Birmingham, donde la crisis económica será el asunto prioritario": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Brown/reune/Gabinete/relanzar/discutido/liderazgo/elpepuint/20080908elpepuint_9/Tes "El País" de Madrid anuncia: "La UE reconoce a Ucrania como país europeo: Bruselas ofrece a Kiev un Acuerdo de Asociación que no cierra ninguna puerta": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/UE/reconoce/Ucrania/pais/europeo/elpepuint/20080909elpepuint_18/Tes "Times" anuncia: "European Union fails to offer Ukraine membership": http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/europe/article4719154.ece Continua el conflicto del Cáucaso: "El Tiempo" de Colombia anuncia: "Rusia amenaza bases de E.U. en Europa del Este y crece tensión en Georgia": http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/europa/home/rusia-amenaza-bases-de-eu-en-europa-del-este-y-crece-tension-en-georgia_4521659-1 "New York Times" publica: "Russia's Recognition of Georgian Areas Raises Hopes of Its Own Separatists": http://www.nytimes.com/2008/09/10/world/europe/10separatists.html?ref=world "El País" de Madrid informa: "Rusia mantendrá 7.600 soldados en Osetia del Sur y Abajazia: Moscú establece relaciones diplomáticas con los dos territorios independentistas y anuncia que firmará tratados de ayuda militar": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Rusia/mantendra/7600/soldados/Osetia/Sur/Abajazia/elpepuint/20080909elpepuint_15/Tes "El País" de Madrid informa: "Rusia retirará en un mes sus tropas de Georgia: Medvédev y los dirigentes europeos, encabezados por Sarkozy, confirman que unos 200 observadores civiles visitarán la zona de conflicto": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Rusia/retirara/mes/tropas/Georgia/elpepuint/20080908elpepuint_8/Tes "Le Monde" publica: "Moscou accepte une mission de l'UE aux compétences limitées": http://www.lemonde.fr/europe/article/2008/09/08/la-russie-s-oppose-au-deploiement-d-une-mission-de-l-ue-en-georgie_1092878_3214.html#ens_id=1036786 "CNN" informa: "Russia agrees Georgia withdrawal deadline": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/europe/09/08/russia.georgia.eu.sarkozy/index.html "BBC" anuncia: "Russians 'agree Georgia deadline'": http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/7604376.stm "China Daily" publica: "Medvedev: Russia ready for Georgia buffer pullout": http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/world/2008-09/08/content_7009103.htm ASIA – PACÍFICO /MEDIO ORIENTE El viudo de la asesinada Benazir Bhutto, Asif Alí Zardari, ha conseguido auparse a la Presidencia de Pakistán y suceder a Perez Musharraf (quien dimitió el pasado 18 de agosto para evitarse un proceso de destitución) al imponerse con una clara mayoría en una votación parlamentaria. El copresidente del gubernamental Partido Popular de Pakistán (PPP) ha jurado defender la Constitución del país en un acto que se ha desarrollado en inglés. "Que Alá me ayude y me guíe", ha pronunciado el presidente al finalizar de su jura. Varios medios informan al respecto: "Times": "Asif Ali Zardari sworn in as Pakistani President": http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/asia/article4714467.ece "Time": "Pakistan's Unlikely President": http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1839935,00.html "El Universal" de México: "Jura viudo de Benazir Bhutto como presidente de Paquistán: Asif Ali Zardari ya es oficialmente presidente paquistaní tras una ceremonia realizada en el Palacio Presidencial de Islamabad, el mandatario de Afganistán presenció el evento": http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/notas/536756.html "El Tiempo" de Colombia: "Nuevo presidente de Pakistán, Asif Alí Zardari, asume el poder en un país en pleno caos": http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/otrasregiones/home/nuevo-presidente-de-pakistan-asif-ali-zardari-asume-el-poder-en-un-pais-en-pleno-caos_4519323-1 "New York Times": "Widower of Bhutto Takes Office in Pakistan": http://www.nytimes.com/2008/09/10/world/asia/10pstan.html?ref=world Corea del Norte ha celebrado el pasado martes su 60 aniversario con múltiples eventos entre los que ha destacado un multitudinario desfile militar, el mayor de su historia, según funcionarios del Gobierno. Corea del Norte cumple 60 años sumida en la hambruna, crisis del proceso de desnuclearización, y ante la incógnita sobre la salud de su líder, Kim Jong-il, quién lleva semanas sin ser visto en público. La salud del máximo mandatario norcoreano, que oficialmente desempeña sólo el cargo de presidente de la Comisión de Defensa Nacional, está íntimamente relacionado con el destino de Corea del Norte, ya que Kim heredó el liderazgo del régimen comunista de su padre, Kim Il-sung. Varios medios informan al respecto: "CNN": "North Korea prepares for 60th anniversary": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/asiapcf/09/08/north.korea.60th.anniversary.ap/index.html "Los Angeles Times": "North Korea's Kim Jong Il may be gravely ill": http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/world/la-fg-kim10-2008sep10,0,7264304.story "Times": "Has anyone seen the Dear Leader Kim Jong Il?": http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/asia/article4720013.ece "El Universal" de México: "Celebra Corea del Norte 60 años en crisis de hambruna: al menos 60 millones de dólares en los próximos tres meses evitarían que se derive una hambruna generalizada, alerta Programa Mundial de Alimentos": http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/notas/536527.html "Time": "Officials: N Korea's Kim Possibly Ill": http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1839884,00.html "New York Times": "Kim Had Surgery After Stroke, South Koreans Say": http://www.nytimes.com/2008/09/11/world/asia/11korea.html?ref=world "El País" de Madrid analiza: "Afganistán se hunde en el caos: El elevado número de víctimas civiles de las fuerzas internacionales y la falta de desarrollo del país dificultan la lucha contra los talibanes": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Afganistan/hunde/caos/elpepuint/20080907elpepiint_3/Tes "Le Monde" anuncia: "L'Inde obtient un feu vert international pour importer de la technologie nucléaire": http://www.lemonde.fr/asie-pacifique/article/2008/09/08/l-inde-obtient-un-feu-vert-international-pour-importer-de-la-technologie-nucleaire_1092682_3216.html#ens_id=1077533 "CNN" publica: "Israeli police recommend charges for PM Olmert": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/meast/09/07/olmert/index.html "New York Times" publica: "Earthquake Shakes Southern Iran": http://www.nytimes.com/2008/09/11/world/middleeast/11iran.html?ref=world "CNN" informa: "Iran calls for oil output cut ahead of OPEC meeting": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/BUSINESS/09/08/opec.meeting.ap/index.html "China Daily" analiza: "Commerce minister: China to top Asian consumer markets in 2009": http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/2008-09/08/content_7008871.htm "Times" anuncia: " Hundreds missing in Chinese landslide": http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/asia/article4715978.ece AFRICA "CNN" publica: "Death toll from Egypt rockslide reaches 47, expected to climb": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/africa/09/08/egypt.rockslide.ap/index.html "BBC" anuncia: "Cairo rockslide death toll climbs": http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/7603690.stm "Le Monde" informa sobre elecciones en Angola: "Le parti au pouvoir en Angola se dirige vers une large victoire aux élections législatives": http://www.lemonde.fr/afrique/article/2008/09/07/le-parti-au-pouvoir-se-dirige-vers-une-large-victoire-aux-elections-legislatives_1092437_3212.html#ens_id=1088606 "CNN" publica: "EU: Historic Angolan election 'a disaster'": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/africa/09/05/angola.elections.ap/index.html "BBC" informa sobre situación política en Zimbabwe: "Mbeki bids to save Zimbabwe talks": http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/7603532.stm "Los Angeles Times" publica: "Zimbabwe bloggers shine a light on their troubled country": http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/world/la-fg-zimblogs10-2008sep10,0,1482204.story "CNN" anuncia: "Mbeki tries to resolve Zimbabwe political deadlock": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/africa/09/08/zimbabwe.mbeki.talks.ap/index.html "CNN" informa sobre visita de Condolezza al continente africano: "Rice meets with Libya leader": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/africa/09/05/libya.us/index.html ECONOMIA "The Economist" publica su informe semanal: "Business this week": http://www.economist.com/displaystory.cfm?story_id=12073648 "CNN" informa: "Oil flat as mortgage rescue boosts dollar: Investors also worry about slumping global demand ahead of the OPEC meeting and eye Hurricane Ike's threat to Gulf of Mexico production.": http://money.cnn.com/2008/09/08/markets/oil/index.htm?cnn=yes "Times" publica: "Oil falls below $100 a barrel ahead of Opec meeting": http://business.timesonline.co.uk/tol/business/industry_sectors/natural_resources/article4714253.ece "Miami Herald" anuncia: "Oil prices slip even after inventories US shrink": http://www.miamiherald.com/news/top-AP-stories/story/679959.htmlOTRAS NOTICIAS "CNN" publica: "U.S. cancels nuclear deal with Russia": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/europe/09/08/us.russia.ap/index.html?iref=topnews"La Nación" informa sobre reunión de la OPEP en Viena: "En vísperas de la reunión en Viena: Busca la OPEP estabilizar el precio del crudo: Mañana se reúnen los representantes de la Organización de Países Exportadores de Petróleo en la capital austríaca; podrían recortar la producción para modificar los valores":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1047745 "El Tiempo" de Colombia anuncia: "Tribunal exime a Holanda de responsabilidad en el genocidio de Srebrenica": http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/europa/home/tribunal-exime-a-holanda-de-responsabilidad-en-el-genocidio-de-srebrenica_4521629-1

I«rt*\tmiw**$*n**t+mt*0m*m*0tmm***** PRGOHV MARCH, 1906 YOL. XIY. BTO. 1 GETTYSBURG COLLEGE GETTYSBURG, PA. I ! GETTYSBURG "NEWS" PRIWT. ■ • HELP THOSE WHO HELP US. The Intercollegiate Bureau or Academic Costume. Cotrell & Leonard, ALBANY, N. Y. Makers of Caps, Gowns and Hoods t" the American Colleges and Universities from the Atlan-u tic to the Pacific' Class contracts a specialty. I^i'cli .eir, bv any b"y or fir! in the re'mo e>t I anilct. or ai.y / teacher or otiiuul anyvvnere, and * prepaid firand new, complete alphabetical t atalogue^/r^.of school books at a// (i publisheri, it you mention this ad. HINDS & WOBLE -31-33-35 W\ loth St., New York City. r PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS. dJIIIIIIIIIIMIIIIMIIIIIIIIIIMIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIMIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIILi I Scligman I I & Brehm [ I Are Gettysburg's Most | | Reliable | I TAILORS I And sbow their appreciation of your patronage by giving you full value for your money, and closest attention to the wants of every customer. r / | Give Them J | YOUF Patronage J ^iiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiMiiiiiiiiiiiiiMiiiiiiiiniiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiuiir? PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS. Weave** Pianos and Organs Essentially die instruments for critical and discriminating buyers. Superior in every detail of construction and superb' instruments for the production of a great variety of musical effects and the finest shades of expression. ::::( Price*. Eajv Term:. Old Isitrameats Ixehi»£ed. WEAVER ORGAN AND ?PIANO CO., MANUFACTURERS, YORK, PA., U. S. A. Students' Headquarters —FOR-HATS, SHOES AND GENT'S FURNISHING Sole Agent for WALK-OVER SHOE Eckert's Store. Prices always right The Lutheran puMicafajSocietiJ No. 1424 Arch Street PHILADELPHIA, PA. Acknowledged Headquarters for anything and everything in the way of Books for Churches, Col-leges, Families and Schools, and literature for Sunday Schools. PLEASE REMEMBER That by sending your orders to us you help build up and devel-op one of the church institutions with pecuniary advantage to yourself. Address HENRY. S. BONER, Supf. ' THE MERCURY. "ODE ALGERICAS CONFERENCE." H. BRUA CAMPBELL. '06. ON January 16th, 1906, at Algericas, a Spanish town of about 13000 inhabitants, six miles west of Gibralter, the opening session of the conference of the Powers with re-ference to the Moroccan question was held, and at this writing the conference is still in session, only matters of secondary im-portance having as yet been adjusted. The Moroccan affair is one that is of vital importance from an international standpoint and the questions pertaining thereto have been a matter of dispute for a number of years. Several decades ago the powers of Europe found it necessary to call a halt to the abuses that existed in Morocco, and to that end summoned a conference at Madrid in 1 880 to consider the re-forming of that country. At this conference the Powers form-ally undertook the work of improving Morocco's condition. But this convention, however, was not successful in finally ad-justing matters. Since that time France has continued to in-crease her influence and power in Moroccan affairs. At first with the tacit approval of all the powers, but lately to the great dissatisfaction of her bitter rival in colonization, Germany.— In the fall of 1905 events reached a crisis and in order to settle the discussion, the Algericas conference was called. At this conference are represented, France, Germany.United States, Austria, Italy, Great Britian, Sweden, Holland, Spain and Por-tugual. Denmark and the new kingdom of Norway refused to enter, the Austrian delegate is also acting for the Pope, who desires to present a proposition for freedom of worship in Morocco. The subjects which are now being discussed at the confer-ence are : " The organization of a police force, regulations for the surveillance and suppression of the contraband trade in arms, financial reforms, consisting chiefly in the establishment of a State bank, in the study-of the best tariff measures and in the creation of new revenues, and finally, in the fixation of certain principles designed to safeguard economic liberty."— THE MEKCURV. These in brief are the reforms which are being debated upon by the envoys, and there is not the slightest doubt but that they are badly needed in Morocco, the internal affairs of that nation approaching a loose and even chaotic condition. There-fore the question of paramount importance is, not whether these reforms mentioned shall or shall not be provided for, but who shall carry out these reforms. Let us look at the attitude of the various powers with refer-ence to this all important question. Finance has been and is predominant in Moroccan affairs. She regards Morocco " as an island surrounded by French influence and destined inevit-ably to be absorbed in the French African Empire." Germany on the other hand recognizes the interests of the French in the policing of the frontiers but is unalterably opposed to French control over the cost regions, which she claims' should be guarded by an international police. Germany likewise desires to exercise control over the crown dominions which were given as securitv for the loan of two million dollars made by Spanish banks to the Sultan of Morocco. However Germany, as I have said, while not attempting to deny that France should have the right to police the Moroccan territory adjoining her Alger-ian possessions, is firmly opposed to giving France regulative control over the rest of the Sultan's domain. The attitude of Great Britian may be stated as being in favor of the French' contention, that France and not an international gendarmerie should police Morocco. Great Britian in 1904 resigned all her claims in Morocco to France,in consideration of the relinguish-ment by France of her right in New Foundland and Egypt. With respect to the positions of Spain, France can count on that nation's support in view of the convention of April 8th, 1904, in which France gave to Spain a number of concessions, the particulars of which were not made public. The support of Italy was won,by an agreement made with that country ,in which France was to keep Italy in Tripolo in return for aid given to France in Moroccan affairs. Thus France is assured of the support in the conference, of Great Britian, Spain and Italy. With respect to the attitude of other powers, nothing certain is THE MERCURY. 5 known. It is believed that Austria is not concerned with the political aspect of the question, but only with its commercial side. With respect to the position of the United States much has been said, the subject having only recently been exhaust-ively discussed by the U. S. Senate. Our government can be considered merely as a disinterested party in the conference, and as having no political axe to grind. It is thought that our representative will insist upon the " open door " in Morocco and will stand for the protection of the Jews and naturalized citizens of foreign countries. Then the stand taken by the Sultan of Morocco is of importance. The Sultan's delegates will make no proposals to the conference and are not endowed with powers to accept finally,the reforms adopted by the conference. It has been declared, however, that these delegates will approve all of the unanimous findings of the conference, provided that they do not affect the soverign rights of the Sultan or the in-tegrity of the country ; and that the introductions of the re-forms and their execution likewise be not entrusted to any one country. As a result of this position we can easily see that Germany, Austria, or in fact any one power, may very success, fully block the whole conference. Having seen that the point at issue is whether France shall have the right to police Morocco or whether that power shall be placed in the hands of an international gendarmerie, let us inquire into the relative strength of these two claims. When we consider the lact that Algeria, France's possession, which borders Morocco on the east, has for a number of years been troubled by disorders along the boundary, by some lawless Moroccan tribes ; and that France has been attempting to ex-tend her influence over Morocco,primarily to maintain order in Algeria, and secondarily to secure influence and trade in Morocco, we cannot fail to admit in part at least the justice of Frances' claims. In 1904, the French minister of Foreign Affairs, M. Delecasse duly communicated the scope of the agreements, made by France with Great Britain, Spain and Italy, to Germany and explicitly made known the intention of France to place Morocco within her sphere of influence. At THE MEKCLKV. that time the German embassador at Pans declared that France's declarations,with respect to Morocco, were " sound and reason-able." But very soon after Russia's serious defeats in the East by Japan, the German Kaiser, evidently eager to supplant France in Morocco and to acquire a controlling influence in this " priceless pawn on the chess board of world power," stepped in. and declared that Germany would protect her commercial inter-ests, and the integrity of Morocco must be preserved. This-action of the Kaiser has deceived no one. His uncalled for interference in the matter can be attributed to no other cause-than jealousy of France's growing influence in Morocco. Sur-rounded as that country is by French possessions, it is but just and reasonable that France should strive to establish a protec-torate over the territory of the Sultan. Germany on the other hand bases her claims upon no other grounds than the fact that German commercial interests, aggregating in all a few mil-lion dollars, are located there. This does not seem a good and sufficient reason for seeking to frustrate France's ambition to acquire control over Moroccan affairs, inasmuch as the latter country undoubtedly is supported by international law. At present France and Germany have deadlocked the con-ference by failure to agree on this most vital point, the polic-ing of Morocco. What the outcome will be it is difficult to say, but it is to be hoped that justice will prevail and that sel-fish greed for territory, unsupported by any valid and reason-able claim, will not prevail over the manifest validity of France's contention. THE MERCURY. / SOME ESSENTIAL CHARACTERISTICS OF A SALESMAN. E. G. HESS, '06. HAVING made a somewhat extended study of the funda-mental principles underlying successful salesmanship, I regard this an opportune moment to share with you a few in-significant fragments of what investigation and experience teach as some of the essential characteristics of a salesman. My definition of the term does not include the easy going automaton, measuring silks and satins in a department store. Neither do I refer to him, who dressed in snowy white, on a sunshiny sultry summer day manipulates the soda-water foun-tain or hands the refreshing " Moxie " to the ever-thirsting crowds, and with ease, registers the cash. Nor do I refer to any, to whom the prospective customers, with bulging purses, come, having a definite intention to purchase. But the parti-cular class concerning whom I shall speak are those who solicit buyers and generally meet their customers determined not to purchase. Perhaps nothing portrays the situation more accu-rately than that old and well known Jewish saying.which reads as follows: " To sell a coat to a man who wants a coat, that is nothing: but, when you sell a coat to a man that don't want a coat, that is business." This, paraphrased and expressed in more refined language, reads : offer not merely what people want, but offer something better and convince them of its value. To have conscientious convictions concerning the goods to be sold, stands as a pre-eminent requisite. The salesman must feel, from the depth of his heart, that the article offered is use-ful and better than any other of its kind ; that, while it may have imitations, there is no substitute ; in short, that it stands unique. Have you ever noticed the vast difference there is between something good and something just a little better ? For ex-ample, there is a trotting horse that covers a mile in 2.10. You say, that is a fine animal and valued highly. But there is 8 THE MERCURV. another horse trotting a mile in 2.08. You say, what difference can two seconds make in going to church ? Before you can look at the clock the seconds.are gone. The latter horse is, however, valued about $10,000 more than the former, for the simple reason that it is just a little better. So with the goods, they must be just a little bit better. He must also conscientiously believe that the article is worth the money received for it. For who could be so scandulous as to rob people in every business transaction ? Also it is evident that a thorough knowledge of the goods is absolutely necessary. The salesman needs to know at least a hundred times as much as he expects to tell any customer. Goods handled by drummers are either entirely new or posess some new and especially valuable property. People generally of their accord recognize the common properties of goods ; therefore it becpmes the salesman's business to differentiate and demonstrate conclusively the superior merits of his goods. He represents a new idea expressed in material form. Conse-qently he must introduce into a community that new idea. He necessarily must expect other people's ideas to differ from his own. He becomes an educator or a missionary, and this determines the spirit in which he engages in his work. There are some, however, who consider salesmanship trick-ery. It is absolutely foolish to try to sell by tricks. A sales-man can be known, in a large measure, by the controlling prin-ciples of his business. There is, perhaps, no characteristic that manifiests itself so clearly as a powerful will. Let us, however, not mistake stub-borness, obstinacy or temper for strong will. Such demonstra-tions and characteristics are the result of an uncontrolled will. The true will has the force and the continuity to stick persistently to a purpose and steadily perserve until it is accomplished. This gives ability to throw great energy and enthusiasm into the work and keep it there until the end is attained. One may have spasmodic outbursts and throw enormous energy into one special effort. But this is no cri-terion and does not indicate strength, which is tested by the THE MERCURY. ability to carry out a continuous course of so strenuous a character. He must also be able to make immediate and final decisions. A salesman cannot afford to doubt or even to hesitate betweert two opinions. He must sometimes, instantaneously, decide to do or not to do, and having thus-decided, his determination must become invincible, his purpose fixed, and then death or victory. Those who study this department of activities find some who fluctuate from one opinion to another. These opinions are usually furnished to them gratuitously by some kindly-disposed person, who had rather he were transacting business elsewhere, lest perchance, some money might be taken out of that partic-ular vicinity. They drift upon the free thought of the com-munity and are tossed about like a cork on the rolling billows t)f the mighty deep. These generally complain of being buf-feted by the world, and they erroneously conclude that they are not adapted for this particular sphere of business activity. Let us, therefore, consider what adaptability has to do with successful salesmanship. When one transacts business in New York he must have the Democratic spirit of a New Yorker; when in Boston, that of the Puritanic Bostonian ; when in Phila-delphia, that of brotherly love of the Philadelphian. Emerson says: "Nature is not slow to equip us in the prison uniform of the -party to which we adhere. We come to wear one cut of face and figure. But for non-conformity the world whips us with its displeasure. Therefore, a man must know how to estimate a sour face. It becomes easy enough for the firm man, who knows the world, to brook the rage of the cultivated classes." This principle of conformity, nevertheless, also has its limita-tions. It must be adhered to until the salesman has found a point of contact or mutual interest. But, when he presents his cause, he must know his own worth and keep things under his feet. He then becomes himself. So logically and forcibly does he argue, that the prospective customer loses his vantage-ground and is uplifted to a new and more beautiful realm of thought. In this happy state it is infinitely more easy for him to compensate by handing you a check than to see you go empty-handed. A good salesman is said to be like a good cook; he can create an appetite when the buyer isn't hungry. IO THE MERCURY, "CHINESE" GORDON. HESSE, '09. EVERY truly great man exerts an influence for good, and becomes a public benefactor. He', who aids another to conquer his own evil nature, or who rescues the plains and forests of the earth from barrenness and unfruitfulness, de-serves the highest praise and an undying fame. Each nation of the dim past, as it raised to prominence, dis-closed some man, who, by his genius, his energy, or his self sacrifice, stood preeminent among his fellows. The nations of antiquity have not alone become famous for their great leaders ; for the nineteenth century and modern Europe have contributed in Charles Gordon, "The hero of three continents," a man, who as a soldier, a statesman, an explorer, and a Christian missionary, brought light to darkest Africa, relief to oppressed China, and by his unselfish devotion to duty, became a worthy example for all succeeding ages. Gordon stands to-day the product of freedom and Christian morality, the son of an illus-trious race. The history of his ancestors is the story of man on the altar of self sacrifice, and the deeds of his illustrious Highland clan have become famous in the annals of Scotland. When a young man, Charles Gordon entered the Loyal Mili-tary Academy, but with no desire of becoming a soldier. He first entered Her Majesty's'service at the out break of the Cri-mean war, where, by his bravery and soldierly bearing, he won the confidence of his superior officers. During the one year's siege of Sabastopal, incessant guard by day and night, hard labor in the trenches, scarcity of food, and an unhealthy climate, tried his courage and disclosed that endurance which, later made him famous. At the close of this bloody struggle the young soldier was appointed to locate the boundaries between Russia and Turkey, and while there, got a glimpse of an infamous trade which later was to receive from him such a deadly blow. Four years thus spent in active service and travels, gave Gordon such knowledge and wisdom as seldom comes to one so young. He had seen and lived with both the oldest and THE MERCURY. II newest among the nations of men, and his thoughts, running •deep into the unwritten volumes of nature, equipped him well ' for his later and more difficult tasks. Our hero next appears in China, that ancient and solitary nation.which for centuries had been consuming all its wealth in the producing of a terrestial paradise. As an officer of the English arm}- he took part in the so called " Opium War," but when the capture of Pekin put an end to hostilities, and the Chinese government found its very existence threatened by the great Taping rebellion, this obscure Englishman, an enemy, was chosen to lead the Imperial Army and to protect the three hun-dred million inhabitants of China. The service he rendered to the Empire of China we can not fully estimate. He gave vigor to their plans, thought to their councils, rapidity to their action, and courage to their soldiers. His indomitable resolu-tion, inexhaustible resources, and sleepless activity, prevented the spread of the insurrection, and the overthrow of the oldest empire in the world. Honest sincerity, love of justice, humility and a superior knowledge of mankind were his master quali-ties ; and yet, while the government and ruling classes of China honored Gordon as the saviour of their country, the people of England looked upon him as a fanatic or mad man. At the close of the rebellion he returned to England, and for six years devoted himself to the aiding of the poor in his native land. In the year eighteen hundred and seventy four, this unselfish soldier accepted an offer from the Khedive of Egypt to penetrate the upper regions of the Nile, to explore that unknown land, and to overthrow the power of the slave dealer. There, in the pit of man's lowest degredation, in that region made dark by the long absence of Christian civilization, were displayed an intense feeling of sympathy toward the de-graded black man, and a bodily energy or power of endurance, which made him a master of physical toil. The course of the river led him due South into the very heart of darkest Africa. Day after day, and month after month, he traveled on through that vast rainless region, and then came to the home of the African negro, who had so long been the spoil of his stronger 12 THE MERCURY. brother. All his companions soon died, and by the last of December Gordon was the only white man in that vast region called the Soudan. Where is there a more pathetic picture than that of this lonely solitary being, fighting both man and nature, and hoping almost against hope for the overthrow of slavery ? After enduring untold sufferings and exposure, Charles Gordon accomplished his mission of organizing that region,, more vast than all Europe, and returned to the Khedive at Cairo. A second time, as Gov. General of the entire Soudan, he penetrated those vast equitorial wastes and day after day he could have been seen, mounted on a fleet camel, traversing the long wilderness of ridge and gorge, plain and valley, and seek-ing in every possible way to thwart the Arab slave traders and check their nefarious traffic. Gordon aimed to lighten the load of human misery wherever he might find it; to establish order where there was anarchy ; to unbind the slave and restore to him his lost manhood. The wretchedness of the poor people of the country was beyond description, for war, famine, and slavery had truly made it the Dark Continent. It seemed at that time that Gordon's long and speedy jour-neys about the country, and his ardent toil, were all in vain, but no: no sacrifice for the sake of humanity is ever in vain. The African slave trade, with its attendant evils, has now been overthrown, and all Christian nations vie with each other in opening Africa's fertile regions to the civilization of the world. Now Charles Gordon was not permitted to reap this hard earned reward of his labor, for jealous officials reported to the govern-ment of England, that this great son ot hers was not only in-solent, disobedient, and insubordinate, but that he was mad. His knowledge and outspoken convictions regarding England's-foreign policy in India, Egypt and South Africa soon placed-him in disfavor with all political parties, and this man, who had devoted his life to the service of his fellow man, was appointed as a mere secretary at the legation in Bombay. Deserted by - his countrymen, and ignored by his fellow-soldiers, Gordon • THE MERCURY. 13 again went to China, and while there, succeeded in preventing the threatened war with Russia. When this friend of the oppressed again returned to England, he came face to face with the most unnatural system of slavery ever tolerated by a Christian nation, and in his bold and fear-less way, urged the English people to right the wrongs of Ireland. He was listened to, when he spoke in the cause of some distant race in Central Africa ; he had legions of admir-ers, when he painted the road to right and justice for some? nameless tribe in the remote Soudan; but was ridiculed when, he told the people of England, that within twelve hours of the capitol there existed a deeper misery and a more unnatural injustice. Such bluntness of speech and honest expressions of conviction were not pleasing to either people or government; so Gordon was again forced to retire from public life. How-ever, he was soon sought and urged by a helpless ministry to again take up the burden in the equitorial regions, and rescue England's garrisons from impending destruction. The appalling mismanagement of affairs in Egypt, and the numerous successes of the fanatic, Mohammedon Mahdi, were threatening to cause the complete destruction of Britain's au-thority in Africa; so, bidding a last farewell to the land of his birth, Gordon set out to rescue the garrisons he himself had es-tablished in the Soudan. Having advanced into the upper re-gions of Egypt, he made his headquarters at Khartoum, and with half a dozen Englishmen and a few thousand Egyptians soldiers, sought to stem the tide of Mohamedian fanaticism, and rescue the land he had so often sought to save. Month after month the forces of the Arabs increased, but daily the food supply and the number of his faithful followers lessoned. De-serted by many of his" Egyptian troops, and abandoned to his fate by his government at h/>me; this lone hero fought on, hop-ing against hope for the success that never came. After a siege often months, when every morsel of food had been ex-hausted and every hope disappointed, the city fell; and this king of men, the greatest of England's heroes fell—a martyr at the post of duty. 14 THE MERCURY. Many a year has gone by since the kith of Charles Gordon first heard from Highland hilltop the signal of battle ; but never in Celtic hero's long record of honor, has such answer been sent back to Highland or Lowland, as when this great heart ceased its beating in the dawn at Khartoum. The dust of Gor-don is not laid in English earth, nor does the ocean hold in its vast and wandering grave, the bones of England's greatest hero. Somewhere, far out in the immense desert, whose sands so of-ten gave him rest in life, or by the banks of that river, which was the scene of so much of his labor, his ashes now add their wind-swept atoms to the mighty waste of the Soudan. IS THE PRINCIPLE OF CONTEST BEING RUN TO EXCESS? SAMUEL E. SMITH, '07. THE life of man is a continual struggle. From the cradle to the grave he is always fighting for his very existence. In childhood his frail physical organism is battling all the time with the diseases which blot out the lives of so many before they reach their teens. As a young man he is ever striving against the forces which would destroy him. And how many do succomb to the temptations and ambitions of young man-hood ! When he is married and has a home of his own, it is again a never ceasing struggle to provide bountifully for his dear ones and educate them properly. No wealth, no position can guarantee to a man a life free from struggle. With the rich it is a constant fight to keep from being defrauded, while with the poor it is an every day struggle to procure the neces-sities of life. Since the question is of such breadth it will be impossible for us, in the space allotted, to present anything like a conclusive argument, unless we»will limit ourselves to some particular period of life and examine its relation to this ques-tion with much thoroughness. An understanding has been reached with the negative to this effect, and in pursuance of such an agreement it is the purpose to debate,—is the principle of contest being carried to excess in college life ? THE MERCURV. I 5 Even narrowing the question down as we have narrowed it, there are so many phases of college activity, that it is almost a problem to find a proper point for our argument to begin. However there are four worlds, as it were, in which the student with normal tendencies moves, and these will serve our purpose for an outline. The intellectual realm is the first to be considered. The chief occupation of the student is, or should be, study. How is the principle of contest affecting the intellectual pursuits of the student? In a very vital way to be sure. Indeed the entire education of man is a contest of his higher self with the plastic materials of his lower nature; that the strong and beauti-ful fabric of a vigorous mentality may be fashioned. The word education is most significant in this respect, being from educo, whose root means the one who leads an army. Our present system of education makes study a continual con-test tor most students, and it is well that such is the case. The student must be careful or he will make poor recitations and* that means poor marks. He must keep the examinations in view and for a week before the last of the term the contest becomes more strenuous. Then there are prizes to be con-tended tor, and the love of intellectual war, so to speak, is felt so little that only a few ever struggle tor prizes with real effort. Inter-class debates and inter-society debates afford a further means of contest. However, so few are interested in these, as a rule, that the principle of contest is practically inoperative in the intellectual realm. On this account the regular college re-quirements should be higher, in order that the great majority of students would be required to fight harder for success. As we pass from the intellectual to the physical world we find the principle of contest operative to a greater degree. This brings about many and beneficial results. The athlete has ever, and justly so, received great honor, although we can scarcely approve of the almost universal custom of making more of physical prowess than of intellectual supremacy. At college a man must work hard to reach a high place in the athletic world, and in striving for success in sports certain very i6 THE MERCURV. definite results are achieved. Many a boy who is too lazy to do any useful work, enters the field of athletics, thinking of glory only and never considering the work. Soon he discovers that there is a great deal of hard work, but under the excite-ment of the principle of contest he keeps on and finally a change is produced ; he forgets his former aversion to effort of any kind and at length becomes a useful member of society. Thus the principle of contest is beneficial. In the social circle the principle of contest is a real problem with the student and is of a decided benefit to him. Some are born gentlemen and associate with men and women, and never feel the slightest embarassment. But the great majority of young men find it, for a time at least.a veritable struggle to ac-quire the little niceties and the tact which society so rigorously exacts from those who would become factors in a college com-munity and have entrance to the best homes of college towns. Many a student has developed from a bashful, uncouth, and vulgar country boy into a master of men and a perfect gentle-man. through his continual struggle for social recognition. It may seem surprising that the principle of contest should be considered as applicable to the religious life of a college. But we believe it to be a very important element in religious 'growth and consider its absence in the present age, to be in a great degree responsible for the indifference toward sacred things. In other words it is too easy for a man to be a Chris-tian. He has nothing to directly oppose any religious tenden-cies which may be present in his nature Everyone about him believes in a Divine Father, etc. To be brief there is no direct opposition to strengthen his religious nature. There is no open battle for him to fight as there are in his other spheres of life. To be sure there are temptations and evil ambitions, as no doubt by this time you are ready to suggest, but they are like the rust which slowly gathers upon the steel unbright-ened by frequent encounters with direct opposition. If the principle of contest were more in evidence in religious life, if it meant a direct fight, with tangible forces of evil, to be a Chris- THE MERCURY. 17 tian, there would be more out and out Christians than there are under the present circumstances. Until this point we have only mentioned the possible bene-fits of, and as it were, the conditions under which, the principle of contest is in evidence to-day in the college world. You may-say what have we proved? There has been no final argument as we admit. We have just been making the staves and heads, if we may liken our argument to a barrel on which we will now place the hoops.in order that you may see the finished fabric of our argument. Taking all the ages of the past for examples, we may affirm certain things which are so evident that ex-tended proof is unnecessary. The general truth may be stated thus, where the principle of contest has been operative to the greatest degree, the finest types havebeen produced. Thus, in Athens, whose great men possessed the mightiest intellects of all times, such rigorous methods ot intellectual culture were resorted to as would notbe endured today. The Indian, pro-bably the finest type of physical manhood ever produced, at-tained his perfection in the wilderness where it was a constant struggle with nature. To day when conditions are changed and the principle of contest is no longer operative, the Indian is rapidly dying out. In social intercourse the masters of men are those who must deal most with their kind in a constant stru-ggle. The truest Christians were those whose faith led them to the stake. We believe we have shown you, first,the possibilities of im-provement which the student has in struggling with the forces about him, and second, that such a principle of contest is nec-essary to the highest culture as demonstrated by the experience of men from immemorial lime. ^HMHUHBI iS THE MERCURY. FIRE BY NIGHT. BY W. WISSUSR HACKMAN, 'OS. Hark, hear the bells boys, Hear the terrible sound Fire, fire, fire, fire, Hurry the engine along. Clang, clang, wild alarm and clang of bell, Clamor of men and shouts across the twilight fell, Clangor of bells, with iron knell, Wild agonies their tones foretell, And shrinking fears their shrill alarms compel. Now thru streets but late so silent, Bursts the crowd all turbulent, Cries, the peacefull twilight rend And to the night their panic lend. On swerving wheels The engine reels, Its strident gong hurls warning peals, And over all the deepening darkness steals. Oh, Fire ! Thou art a fearful thing, What carest thou that wild bells ring, Thou, thou alone art king, And to the world thy challenge fling : " Ring out ye bells for what reck I, I'l fling my banners to the sky, All now that dares athwart my path Shall bow its crest before my wrath. Ring, ring ye bells for I am nigh, Your petty strength I may defy, Nor heed your harsh alarm ; so ring, ring And to the conflict all your forces bring. My flashing hosts gleam fiercely bright, Their flashing light Shall put to flight The dusky warders of the night— King, king am I And boldly do defy Aught that would stay my reign, Or check the ardor of my flame." Fierce the joy in the muffled roar Of the wild flames that heavenward soar, The lurid gleams wierd shadows throw, And cast an elfish light on all below. THE MERCURY. 19 With wild exultant leaps it glides along. Its fitful flare reveals the throng Of upturned faces silent and subdued, Awed to silence by the ruthless power viewed. Yet he, that one whom thou disdain, Shall overthrow thy fiery reign, Shall bind thee with an icy chain, And quench the ardor of thy flame. The sovereign mind of man shall halt thy sway, And conqueror shall steal thy blazing crown away, To dust and ashes shall thy reign descend, Already is thy vaunted fury spent. Thy gorgeous canopy of smoke is rent, And with thy allabsorbing ether blent, Only smouldering coals—hissing hate— Are left to testify thy fate. A few faint sparks, A smoking wall Thy pathway marks, And over all The black night pitying throws her pall, And Silence, Nights twin sister, over all, Her mantle of oblivion lets fall. THE RUINS OF TIME. KOPP, '09. HOW full of instruction are the wrecks, the ruins and the the revolutions of time! They are the oracles of ages ; they speak with a voice of thunder to the heart, with a voice more impressive than the tongue of Tully, more harmonious than the harp of Homer, more picturesque than the pencil of Apelles. Imagine you see the venerable shade of Time as he stands for a moment on the pedestal of years, his aged hand pointing to the ruins of empires, and his trembling form bend-ing over the tombs of Oriental genius. Roll back the billowy tide of time; unroll the moldering records of ages. What wonderful scenes are presented to the startled imagination of man! He beholds his own destiny and the doom of his nob-lest achievements. He builds a colossal empire of his renown ; he dedicates it to other ages ; but, behold, triumphant Time hurls it with all its grandeur to the dust. 20 THE MERCURY. So it is with man himself, and so it is with the nations oi the earth ; they rise, they flourish, and pass away as if they had never been. Where now is ancient Egypt, the land of science and of sacred recollections ? Where are her hundreds of cities, her Memphis, her Thebes, her oracle of Ammon f The strong red arm of the Vandal and Goth has leveled them with the dust; the serpent now dwells in the temple where the worshipper once bent a knee of adoration. The oracle has been silent for ages, and the priestess long since fled from her shrine. And where are the pyramids of Egypt that stretch into the upper light and mock from their cloud-capped pinnacles all objects beneath them ? Alas! they stand as mournful monuments of human ambition. The kings who planned them, and the millions of wretched slaves who erected them have gone down to their graves and the tall grass now waves over the sepulchre of their bones. And such shall be the fall of those pyramids which have stood tor ages as bea-cons of misguided ambition ; the wave of time shall roll over them and buryjhem forever in the general mausoleum of ages. Mournful to the minds oi men are the records of departed greatness. Imagine you are seated amid the melancholy ruins of Rome. Around you are strewn the crumbling fragments of other ages, and before you are the tumbling temples once hal-lowed by the footsteps of the Caesars. The cottage of Romu-lus, the golden palace of Nero, and the shrine of Apollo and the Muses are mingling with the wrecks of other times. But where is the great Roman Forum in which the thunder of Cicero's eloquence once struck terror to tyrants ? There the shepherd boy now roams with his fleecy flocks. There, where the Comitium, the Curia and the Rostrum once stood, the lean lizard now crawls, and the tall grass waves in the night breeze. And where is that stupendous pile, the Coliseum, which stood in ancient days like a mountain of marble, where the strong-armed gladiator bled and where the untamed tigers of the forest died ? Alas ! it still stands tottering in decay, but the thousands of spectators have departed. The footsteps of the solitary traveler now echo alone where THE MERCURY. 21 the mighty Caesars once applauded and where the clash of the combat sounded. But is this all ? Alas ! Rome is still eloquent in ruins: the City of the Seven Hills is strewn with the frag-ments of other ages. Go, muse over the fallen forms of Trajan, Nerva and Domitian; a few pillars of Parian marble alone re-main to tell the world that they once have been. Go, gaze on the ruins of the palaces of the Caesars; descend into the catacombs and ruminate amid the bleaching bones of the early Christians, persecuted by the demon of superstition even to death. Go, climb the lofty towers of Rome and survey the melancholy me-- mentos of other times and other men. And is this the mighty Rome that once stood against the legions of Carthage led by the victorious Hannibal ? It is the same, though fallen. Carthage too is buried in the vortex of oblivion. Such are a few instances of the ravages of time. And not less has our own loved country been the scene of desolation. Here may be seen the ruins of an Indian empire, more extended than the empires of the East; and though they left no monuments of sculpture, painting and poetry, yet great were they in their fall, and sad is the story of their wrongs. They once had cities but they are swept from the face of the earth. They had their Temple of the Sun, but the sanctuary is broken down. It is true, they worshiped the Great Spirit, but the sacred pages of revelation had never been unrolled to them ; the gospel of the Saviour had never sounded in the ears of the poor children of the forest. Here along these shores the council fires blazed, and the war-whoop echoed among their native hills. Here the canoe of the dark brown Indian was once seen to glide over his own-loved lakes. Centuries passed away and they still roved, the undisputed masters of the Western world. But at length a pilgrim bark came darkening on their shores. They yielded not their empire tamely, but they could not stand against the sons of light: they Bed. With slow and solitary steps they took up their westward march and yielded with a broken heart their native land to another race. They left their homes and the graves of their fathers to explore the Western woods, where never human foot had trod and never human eye had pene-trated. From time to time they have been driven back and the next move will be into the bosom of the stormy Pacific. 22 THE MERCURY. REMINISCENCES. " The late snow, with its crowd of yelling, snow-balling boys, brings back our own boyhood," said an old man as he sat be-fore the fire in the engine-house. " Yes, boys ain't what they used to be," sighed another, old geezer. " Aw, ring off," said a young fellow, who had been listening. " You make me weary. Why, I'll bet your ma tanned you mighty frequently in the dim and distant past, and you could have had more and not been imposed on." The old men looked at each other shame-facedly for a mo-ment, and then the elder said, " Well, I kinder reckon we did cut up a little, didn't we, Bill," and the two gray heads chuckled at the reminiscence. "I kin remember very well," said Bill, " when we used ter go out swimming.' At breakfast pa 'ud say, ' William, my boy, I want you to stay and help yer ma,' an' I'd say, ' Yes, pa,' so meek that Moses' chin-whiskers must have curled with jealousy. Then dad would hustle off to work, leavin' me to-the tender mercies of ma. . " ' Willie, just you go down and cavort around the woodpile, and don't you let me catch you outside.' " Of course, bein' full of virtue and worldly ambition, I'd hie me to the woodpile aforesaid and cavort. Pattin' myself on the back, figeratively speakin', I'd make chips fly like a good 'un. ' O, no, William,' says I to myself, ' you ain't hankerin' after no swimmin' holes ; you don't care for no nuts or no apples. You air an honest boy and will be President some day or own a hand-organ and a b'ar.' And says I, ' William, if those there Campbell boys come down the alley, you will treat them with scorn. You won't go swimmin'.' By this time the day is rather warm and somehow the charm of ownin' a hand-organ and a b'ar cant hold a candle to your desire to get into the cool water. Satan about this time through his per-sonal agents, as rna always believes, puts temptation before me in the shape of the Campbell boys and Bill Black. A shrill whistle, I look! Again the whistle, and there at the back end THE MERCURY. 23 of the lot you see Bill Black cautiously hold up two fingers like the forks on a shooting flappy. It is the sign, the great masonic highball, to boys in distress. It means, ' Will you go swimmin' ?' Even now I feel a queer feelin' of surprise and pleasure when I see it, and when I was a boy, wild hosses couldn't keep me still at the sight. Then ma's Willie would look at the house, then at the fence, then at the house again. All wuz still, no sight of ma. The ax dropped quietly, and away I'd sneak, along the grape-arbor, behind the barn, over the fence and then away." "You don't need to tell me what followed," said old man Strong. " You clawed your bare legs on briar bushes, treed a squirrel or two, ripped all the buttons off your trousers, fell in the swamp in the chase of bull frogs, ate Henry Igo's apples in the field by the Slate Hole and was well warmed if the old man caught you, and other things too numerous to mention." " Yep," said Bill, " that's me, only I never could see the use of goin' home to dinner nor why big rocks wuz always in my way to stub my toes on. Then, too, John, you fergit how we used to argie with Jim and Bill Mulholland, and I ain't for-got how my feelin's used to oppress me as the sun went into the west behind the mountains. At them moments my con-science 'ud become painful, and the thought of mother standin' lonely ' beckonin' me from the wigwam,' as that Longfeller poet says about Higherwather, would move me to tears almost. Mother'd be sure to overcome the ' almost' though. " She allus said it hurt her more than it did me, but I could never bring myself to look at it in that way. But we ain't allus got the making of the way and it wuz better to go home than to sleep in the woods. Somehow, the world didn't seem so bright jest then as it had in the mornin', this same darken-in' being produced no doubt by the idee of the whalin' you'd get when you'd arrive at your humble domicile. " But I put on a bold front, and when near home, I'd pick up a few sticks of kindlin' and carry them as if I wuz old At-las in the geography carryin' the world. Arrivin' at home, with the rest of the family at supper, and goin' in like a lamb 24 THE MERCURY. to slaughter, thinkin' thereby to melt the hard heart of a par-entess. It wasn't no use. The neighbors would soon think the Turks were murderin' some more Armenians, and I'd think a boy wuz the most abused and mistaken bein' alive. And I'd wish I wuz dead, and think how they would wail over me and say es how they never had appreciated William. And I thought if I could swear like Bill Black, how much better I'd feel. But it wa'nt no use. Next day wuz just like yesterday." " Do you mind old man Cassiday? " says old man Strong. "Mind him! Wall I wonder! Bill Black's stepdaddy? An old soldier? Yes! Him and Bill used to have some powerful tussles. Wait till I light my pipe," said old Bill as he produced a corncob about whose strength there could be no question, carefully tearing off a strip of newspaper, lit it at the fire, started it going, and began. " Yes old Cassidy war a terror. He war a beer peddler you know, and when Bill ud swipe a keg would hang him up by the thumbs for half a day. You can't expect none of the vices and all of the virtues from a boy raised in them surroundings. After old man Cassiday wuz arrested and fined he wouldn't stay in them parts, where good liquor weren't appreciated. So he buys a farm off in the hills about two miles out of town and moves there, chattels, personal property, wife, Bill and the goat." " I ruther calculate Bill wuz more trouble to the old man than them articles above mentioned." " Wall, Bill waren't constructed to do hard bone labor. He war a quiet, mannerly lad when your eye war glued on him, but all but that when it warn't. So when in the bootitul dawn, old man Cassiday would interduce Bill to a hoe and then inter-duce the pair of them to a twenty-acre cornfield, why, I am free to remark a field like that would discourage a youth with more grit than Bill had, and on Bill the effect was simply paralizin.' He hoed like the old man was after him fur a spell, and then'd resign and head for the icedam. This icedam were appreciated by boys. It was one hundred steps square with high banks and seven feet of clear cool water all over. A springin' board THE MERCURY. 25 *, wus rigged up, and there, guiltless of clothes, the boys would swim until their backs looked like b'iled lobsters. " All around the outside of the dam vvuz swamp where muskrats had bored until they let water out of the dam. " Hither Bill would come and be received with yelps of de-light. Bill wuz no believer in clothes, or if he wuz didn't prac-tice what he preached. After Bill hed shed his shift, a cap, and a pair of badly torn trousers held up by a string over the shoulders, he was ready for a swim. " It was not exactly Bill's ability as a swimmer that 'ud cause him to be welcomed, but we all knew that when old man Cassiday found out that Bill and the hoe had become divorced the icedam would be right in the fire-zone for a few minutes, sure 'nough, about the time Bill was divin' and jumpin out about the center of the dam, old man Cassiday would hie him in sight and there'd be a wild scramble by them as was in the water to get ashore. Old Cassiday allus come prepared. In one hand he carried a long, limber willow stick forked at one end (for he was a connussier on matters of discipline,) and in his other mit he had a few selected pebbles, gathered like David's , from the brook just beyond. "'Come hyer, you sneak, come hyer!' he'd yell. There wuz no attraction fur Bill on that there bank just then, but after considerable persuasion, aided and abetted by the pebbles lighting near his head, and because of the fact that he couldn't duck the rocks and swim all day, Bill he'd crawl out of the water an' make a rush for his wardrobe, grab it in one hand, and with old Cass arisin' a big welt at every jump, go flying through the swamp, across the crick, through a clump of briars .and away to the farm , Bill a little in the lead, with old Cass a good second, and a urgin' him on occasion'ly." " Ah, me," said old man Strong, " boys ain't what they used to be." And the young man said nothing. " Yes, and Bill would sometimes come back the afternoon of the same day. Poor Bill! He's gone now. It's gettin' dark now and my old woman has early supper so I think I'll be goin' now." " Me too," says Bill, and in silence they left the fire-house, tottering as they went. " Queer old codgers," said the youth. " Yep," said the fire captain. THE MERCURY Entered at the Postoffice at Gettysburg as second-class Matter Vol. XIV GETTYSBURG, PA., MARCH, 1906 No. 1 -Editor-in -ch ief WARD B. S. RICE, '07 Exchange Editor THOS. E.SHEARER, '07 Business Manager THOMAS A. FAUST, '07 Ass't Bus. Managers. HENRY M. BOWER, '08 H. WATSON DAVISON, 'OS Associate Editors GEO. W. KESSI.ER. 'OS J. K. ROBB, 'oS EDMUND L. MANGES, '08 Advisory Board PROF. J. A. HIMES, LITT.D. PROF. G. D. STAHLEY, M.D. PROF. J. W. RICHARD, D. D. Published each month, from October to June inclusive, by the joint literary societies of Pennsylvania (Gettysburg) College. Subscription price, one dollar a year in advance; single copies 15 cents. Notice to discontinue sending the MERCURY to any address must be accompanied by all arrearages. Students, Professors and Alumni are cordially invited to contribute. All subscriptions and business matter should be addressed to the Busi-ness Manager. Articles for publication should be addressed to the Editor. Address THE MERCURY, GETTYSBURG, PA. EDITORALS. To the members of the retiring staff we turn with a feeling of thanks and gratitude, in the name of both the friends of the MERCURY, and the newly elected staff. The editors have shown a keen interest in maintaining the standard of this publication, one which commands respect wherever it goes and is a credit to its alma mater. On the other hand the business management calls forth our highest admiration, when we consider the con-dition in which this department of the paper was found at the beginning of the school year, and the unceasing energy which must have been put forth to set it again on a firm basis. The MURCURY, on this its fourteenth birthday again finds it-self in new hands, which we hope will prove worthy of their THE MERCURY. 27 trust. It is of such tender age, and possesses such a high state •of development, that they, in view of the duties which must fall upon them and the lack of wide experience, have a tendency to shrink ; but memory steps in and recalls inspiring words : " Wherever there is a will there is a way." Therefore it will ever be their aim during the coming year, to train this child of literature, to the best of their knowledge, according to the maxims of the past and the growing wisdom of the future. ONE of the mottoes on the walls of the temple at Delphos was : " Know thy opportunity." How significant these words must have been in those ancient days when the loss of a single opportunity often meant a blighted career. An opportunity is the small moment, the exact point, the critical minute on which success in every good work so much depends. A latin writer has said: "She has hair in front; behind she is bald: if you sieze her by the forelock, you may hold her; but if suffered to escape, not Jupiter himself can catch her." The man of today has opportunities on every side ; indeed they sometimes appear to attempt to force one to seize them ; yet thousands of men die leaving the world unimproved by their having lived in it. They seem to have used this superabundance of opportuni - ties as children do at the seashore—They fill their little hands with sand, and then let the grains fall through, one by one, until all are gone. Today there is scarcely a person who does not have vast opportunities, and especially we who are college student^. The chance of having a college education has been made almost universal, yet how small a per cent, of the coming generation are taking this advantage. By a college education we do not mean the memorizing of books an'd the thoughts of others, but the development of our own inventive powers. There are dif-ferent institutions connected with a college career, which offer this opportunity: The literary societies, the Bible classes, the Y. M. C. A., and still another very importont one, the college publications. This last one is a branch of our work in which all should be very much interested. 28 THE MERCURY. Let us take tor example the MERCURY. It should be the pride of every student to have his writings published in it. There should be enthusiastic competition for its space. When such a spirit shall have been manifested, how much higher will the standard of the paper be raised, and how much wider will our literary experience be. Nor should we be discouraged if our contributions are not always used, but should try again ; many an ancient writer spent his whole life in literary pursuits, gaining the much coveted prize only a few times ; yet history heralds his name to the future. Therefore let us make this op-portunity to compare our work with others a prize; even though we often fail, we will be compensated when we suc-ceed. When we write even for class work, we should do it with the intention of giving it for publication ; in that way we would not only see them in print but would raise our class marks. Then do not wait to be asked for what you have written, but promptly give it to some member of the staff; nor should one be modest in doing this, for it is our com-mon interest and they will be glad to see you. WE have closed what may be regarded a very successful basketball season, although we have played a harder schedule than ever before. We also recall the unprecedented record of this year's football team. Now what has the baseball season in store for us ? Let us make it unusually successful too ; let us make the whole year one round of athletic success. In order to do this, a keen interest must be manifested, and some hard work must be done. There is plenty of work for all, do not think that you are not needed. If you cannot help any other way, do it financially. Be at all the games and show a lively college spirit; good " rooting " helps wonderfully. But {f.possible be on the field. Come put,for practice every day. If you don't make the' team, this year you may the next. Then do not think that it is impossible to make a position because another played it last year, his position is not guaranteed and each position is looking for one who can play it just a little better than the one who now holds it. Choose a position apd THE MERCURY. 29 play for it, even if you don't make it, you will make him work harder who does. If last year's players are made to feel that there are others to take their places, they will work harder and thus the team will be considerably strengthened. So you see that if a proper effort is put forth, even if you do not make the team, you have aided very materially in making it what it is, and you can justly claim a share of the honors in the event of victory. EXCHANGES. The Feb. number of " The Haverfordian," being the last in Vol. XXVII, contains a loose-leaf table of contents of the Vol. In glancing over this, one is surprised at the amount of material published by the magazine in the course of a year. In the volume there are nineteen essays, twenty pieces of fiction, twenty poems, seventeen sketches, and thirty-two editorials covering a wide range of subjects. In this number the article " Medicine as a Profession " by Dr. Tyson, '60, now of U. of P, while of special interest and value to those contemplating the study of medicine, is, nevertheless, interesting and instruc-tive to others also. This article is one of a series, written by prominent alumni on the subject of choosing a profession, which " The Haverfordion " has been publishing throughout the year. " Undergraduate Life at Oxford " is interesting to us as it brings out some ot the contrasts between English and American University lite. " The Philosophy of Optimism " is one of those " casual calls from a prophet of hope to rally round the standards of those who believe that 'all's right with the world.' " The issue contains some entertaining fiction also, among which is a good ghost story. The "State Collegian," of Feb. 22nd, contains in an ex-change an interesting summary of the cut systems employed in some fourteen colleges and universities. The number of absences allowed, average about 10 per cent, per term. Some striking exceptions are U. of P. and U. of N. Y, The former allows 20 per cent, absences, and the latter requires the student 30 THE MERCURY. to hand in a thousand-word theme on a prescribed subject for every fifteen cuts from chapel. " First American Newspapers " in the " Dickinsonian," of Feb. 21, is one of the most interesting articles that we have re-viewed this month. " The Mountaineer " contains several good stories and an ex-cellent translation in verse of Horace's " Ode to Thaliarchus." The article " The Poetry of William Collins " shows a fine ap-preciation of the poetical on the part of the writer and also the ability to express this appreciation in words. The "Lesbian Herald" is a magazine of superior quality— better this month than the general run of our exchanges. It contains strong articles on " Carlyle's French Revolution," " Browning as a Writer of Love Poems," " Schiller, the Man " (conclusion), and also several good poems, the " Sonnet " par-ticularly appealing to us. We have also reviewed with pleasure and profit the " Juniata Echo," the " Susquehanna," " Otferbein Aegis " and the "Mid-land." To the last named, we would suggest that a table of contents would, doubtless be a convenience for its readers! Editing a college paper is a nice thing. If we publish jokes people say we are fossils. If we publish original matter, they say we don't give them enough selections. If we give them selections they say we are too lazy to write. If we don't go to church, we are heathen. If we do, we are hyprocrites. If we remain at the office, we ought to be out looking for news items. If we go out then we are not attending to business. If we wear old clothes they laugh at us. If we wear good clothes they say we' have a pull. Now what are we to do ? Just as.likely as not some one will say we stole this from an exchange. So we did. .,.- ■■ " • ■ ' .'.,-■'-.,. ■ •',''/■!;; . . • :■-'-:,,'. .-■■■■ ': '.I'-'--:.;. ; I '; *■"■'■- . Fi ;;- ■ ■ .,:. : & i PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISER'S FURNITURE Mattresses, Bed Springs, Iron Beds, Picture Frames. Repair Work done promptly. Under-taking a specialty. ■* Telephone No. 97. £E& 13. Eerier 37 Baltimore St., Gettysburg, Pa. The Windsor Hotel 1217=2 Filbert St., Philadelphia. Headquarters for Students. Thoroughly Renovated, Refurnished and Remodeled FRANK M. SCHEIBLEY, Manager. Graduate of Lafayette College i8g8. Spalding's Athletic Library NO. 250. Spalding's Official Athletic Almanac EDITED BY FOR 1906. E. SULLIVAN All Intercollegiate and Interseholastic Meets and Records; Ama-teur Athletic Union Records ; A. A. U. Senior and Junior Champion-ships ; Swimming and Skating Records; A. A. U. Boxing and Wrest-ling Championships ; all Shot Putting and Weight Throwing Records; Official Report of the Lewis and Clark Centennial Athletic Games; pictures of leading athletes, American and foreign. Price by Mail 10 Cents. Send your name and address to our nearest store for Spalding's Catalogue of all Athletic Sports—it's*free. A. G. SPALDING & BROS. New York, Chicago, Denver, Kansas City, Baltimore, Philadelphia, Minneapolis, Boston, Buffalo, St. Louis, San Francisco, Montreal, Canada ; London, England. PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS. BEGKER & GOUINS • >CHAMBERSBURG ST., Dealers in Beet Teal, Lamb, Pork, Sausage, Pudding,. Bologna, Hams, Sides, Shoulders, Lard, Prime Corned Beef. SEFTON & FLEMMING'S LIVERY Baltimore Street, First Square, Gettysburg, Pa. Competent Guides for all parts of the Battlefield. Arrangements by-telegram or letter. Lock Box 257. J. I. MUMPER. 41 Baltimore St., Gettysburg, Pa. The improvements to our Studio have proven a perfect success and we are now better prepared than ever to give you satisfactory work. ICE CREAM Telephone Call 1612 SODA WATER (Sheads' (High (Grade (Confections 37-39 Chambersburg Street, Gettysburg, Pa. FRUITS RESTAURANT ATTACHED Under New Management ■"—> The Peoples Drug Store Invites you to visit them and select your needs from a fresh, new, and up-to-date stock. C. WM. BEALES, Ph.Gr., Prop. D. J. Swartz Dealer in Country Produce Groceries Cigars anfl Tobacco GETTYSBURG. Shoes Repaired -BY-US Baltimore St., near Court House. Good Work Guaranteed. PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS. 0 EAGLE HOTEL Rates $2.00, $2.50 and $3.00 per day. HAS A CAPACITY OF 400 GUESTS —r-*-^ GEO. F. EBERHART, PROP'R. iiriiPlffimi Picture Frames of All Sorts. Repair work done promptly. r^Tl will also buy or exchange any second-hand furniture 40hambersburgSt., - GETTYSBURG, PA. tne Gettysburg Mercury when inpiring for and lying WALL PAPERS FIRO:^ WATT & BROTHER CO. YORK, PA. 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The results of the research described above were obtained on a representative sample of Croatian youth from 15-24 years of age in the second half of 2002. The research was carried on in the context of a regional research project on youth under the auspices of the PRONI institute from Sweden. The main objective of the project was to provide empirical data on life, needs, attitudes and aspirations of young people as a means of assisting the process of youth policy review. The process was initiated by the Council of Europe with a view to strengthen youth participation in democratic changes of the countries in the region. This report is the most recent one in a long and well-established tradition of studying youth issues in Croatia. Therefore, it often includes comments and references to earlier research findings for the purpose of determining the changes in youth trends, as well as for the purpose of validity testing of our data. On the other side, the data presented in this report may, together with earlier studies, be used as a reference point in the process of reviewing the National Programme of Action for Youth, as well as in developing a comprehensive, efficient and youth-centred national youth policy. The core of the findings is probably that the criteria for determining the upper age-level of youth period should be reviewed and extended to include those who are 30 years of age. The fact that more and more young people remain longer in education, that they decide to marry and have children later in their life, that they consider changing their job and probably, if possible, enroll in re-training programmes for that purpose, as well as that they desire to reach full independence by relying on their own abilities and endeavour, speaks in favour of the need to redesign our traditional approaches to youth upper age-limits. Other findings that help us understand some important dimensions and trends of contemporary life of Croatian youth are summarised below. The most basic socio-demographic data demonstrate that very few young people from our research who are 24 and below are married and few think of having children before the age of 25. About half of them live in a two-child nuclear family in a house/apartment of their own that, averagely, comprises more than two rooms. Very few have an opportunity to live in an apartment of their own, although four fifths express desire to live separately. The aspiration towards such independence is mainly motivated by socio-economic and maturity factors: it is a prominent feature of young people who are university students, whose fathers have more education, and who are over 20. Since the chances of having their own apartment in a reasonable period of time are rather minimal, not only due to the difficulties in finding a job but due to extremely high prices in the housing sector, such prolonged co-habitation and dependency on parents and/or relatives is a frequent cause of young people' s frustrations and is probably related to, together with other factors such as poverty and limited capacity of pre-school child-care institutions, a constant decrease in the average number of children per family. On average, young people are satisfied with their present life and expect no change in the future. Despite a high unemployment rate especially among them, approximately three quarters assess their own present and future life, the life of their closest friends and their peers in Western Europe as good or excellent. Their optimism is somewhat even higher than it was found in the end of 1990s. When asked to imagine their life in 10 years ahead majority see it as a success, either in general terms or in specific terms of their professional advancement or family happiness. Dissatisfaction with present life grows with age and with opportunities to enter the world of work and become fully independent, since the young between 20-24 years of age, both employed and unemployed are more inclined to perceive their present life as unsatisfactory. Interestingly enough, the age does not have influence on the assessment of future, which means, in the context of this research, that young people in general, irrespective of age, equally believe that future brings better opportunities. In reference to their professional and educational aspirations, almost two thirds of the young want to continue education, while one fourth of them think of finding a job. The differences are mainly determined by residential, social, and age factors. Thus, a primary aspiration of pupils and university students, as well as of those who live in Zagreb or in families of higher socio-economic status, is to continue their education. Contrary to them, rural young people, those who live in low-income families, as well as those who are over 20 are more inclined to seek for a job or to continuing the job they currently hold. Over two fifths of young people plan to leave their present place of residence so as to be able to meet their professional and educational aspirations. Almost half of this group prefer to move somewhere inside the country, most often to a bigger city which is perceived as the place that offers better opportunities for career and social positioning, while other half think of going abroad. The percentage of the young planning to leave the country for good rose from 11% in 1986 and 18% in 1999 to 19% in 2002. Their migratory plans are connected to their residential status, i.e. to the conditions in the place or region where the young actually live. Young people from Zagreb are less willing to go somewhere else; rural youth and youth from Eastern Croatia wish to migrate to another place inside Croatia more than any other group, while all groups (except youth from Middle and Northern Croatia who want that somewhat more than others) equally (do not) want to settle abroad. Data on a desired place for living are quite similar to those on migratory plans. The number of youth preferring to remain in their present place of residence and the number of those having no migratory plans are almost identical. When compared to earlier studies, we see an increase in the number of young people preferring to live in large cities. In addition, almost one quarter express their preference for living abroad, majority of which opt for a Western European country. The fact that almost one fifth of all has plans and almost one fourth prefer to live abroad indicate the existence of two closely related but, nevertheless, separate dimensions of youth migratory thinking. While the preference for other counties may mean only an inclination, having plans on migrating abroad most certainly includes active search for such a possibility. In light of our findings it means that at least one fifth of Croatian youth not only dream of leaving the country but actually make plans how to make it a reality. Employed youth is far from being satisfied with their jobs. Every second confirms his or her disappointment. Approximately one fifth of both them and those that are still in the process of education desire jobs in the service or business sector; little less in number think of entering more creative and/or dynamic professions or professions related to education, health care and social services. This means that their professional aspirations are somehow higher that those of their parents, majority of whom have secondary school completed and are mainly employed as industrial, service and shop workers or clerks. Nevertheless, if their choices are compared to the structure of the employed force in Croatia and if we add to it a rapidly changing labour market in all transitional countries, their professional preferences seem rather realistic. This is probably why almost half of the young hold that their chances for getting a preferred job are high or very high. The data also confirm that their estimations are related to age and socio-professional status since pessimism increases with age (except for the university students) and is tightly linked to unemployment status. In any case, optimism prevails among the young and it, as well, may be linked to their strong motivation to succeed in life by relying on their own abilities despite unfavourable social and economic context in which they live. It is also possible, at least partly, that self-assurance of young people comes from positive educational experience. Over half of the young state they feel happy and satisfied when thinking of their schools or universities. However, it is not clear whether their satisfaction should be understood in terms of acquiring subject-matter knowledge and skills or in terms of developing certain personal qualities through participating in school life. Earlier studies on youth have proven that the young have complex relations towards education which are the outcomes of both institutional tasks and personal expectations. Moreover, our results document that feelings about school are correlated with sex and socio-professional status.Girls and university students, in general, are more satisfied with their education, while the unemployed are among the least satisfied. It is also possible that positive feelings about education also relate to school grades. Earlier studies have shown that female pupils receive somewhat better average scores than their male schoolmates, which may explain why girls have more positive feelings about school than boys. • On the other hand, it is clear that school is by no means a source of information about the events in the country and the world for young people since a great majority of them actually receive news through ordinary media (TV, radio, newspapers and magazines). Moreover, Internet has become an important source of information about the country and the world for approximately one fifth and over one fourth of them, respectively. This shift has to do with the fact that over two thirds of the young from our study are computer users and that more than half of them already have computer at home. It is, therefore, obvious that new information and communication technologies are becoming part and parcel of young people' s daily life what needs to be taken into account when policies and programmes of action for promoting their wellbeing are designed, especially in reference to underprivileged youth. Namely, our research confirms that the use of computer correlates with residence (urban environment), family background (parents with higher education and higher socio-economic status), age, and education factors (younger population and students). Nevertheless, young people are not enslaved by new information communication technologies. Most of them spend their free time associating with friends, engaging in sport activities, going to disco-clubs, watching TV or performing outdoor activities, while far less enjoy music, reading books or art exhibitions. In addition, many young people have no daily obligations, except in relation to school and spend their free time idling or sleeping. This means that the majority of youth either do nothing or engage almost solely in the so called passive and/or receptive activities for self-entertainment. Despite that fact, almost three fourths of them claim they are more or less satisfied with how they spend their free time what brings us to the conclusion that the main problem is not the quality of their free time activities but their lack of awareness that the quality itself is being at stake. However, it should be pointed out that their opinions are related to age and socio-professional status. Young people who belong to an upper age-cohort and who are unemployed exhibit far more dissatisfaction with their free time than the youngest. Overpronounced dissatisfaction among the unemployed seems to be an indicator of an overall discontent with one' s own life. For the unemployed, free time becomes a burden not only because they cannot perceive it in terms of an offduty activity but because they can not afford it financially. In reference to the use of psychoactive substances, it seems that tobacco smoking and alcohol consumption are the most widespread types of risk behaviour among the youth. Approximately one third of them smoke cigarettes or drink alcohol daily or weekly ; three fifths are non-smokers and one fifth never drink alcohol. Smoking increases with age and employment. Alcohol, on the other hand, is solely related to gender in a way that young women drink less than their male peers. Such trend may be the sign of a subtle male initiation rite de passage that has outlived its traditional context. Since the data on smoking are more favourable than those from earlier research it may be presumed that an anti-smoking media campaign, which has been going on rather aggressively throughout the country, has brought positive effect, whereas non-existence of similar anti-alcohol campaign may be the sign of a relatively high level of a social tolerance for alcohol consumption. As far as drug are concerned, Croatian youth is more inclined to the so-called 'soft' drugs. Over one third of the young have tried or used twice or more only marijuana ; hashish and ecstasy is mentioned by less than one tenth of them, whereas other 'hard' drugs have been only tried or are consumed by 1-3% of them. The consumption of marijuana is associated with a recognizable youth group, what confirms earlier studies. A group of highest risk is made of young people between 20 and 24, male, university students, the residents of Zagreb, Istria, Croatian Littoral and Dalmatia, and whose fathers have higher education level. A great majority of young people tend to see themselves in rather positive terms: they are self-assured, think they have a good number of personal qualities; believe in their capabilities when compared to other people and have no doubts that most people they know like them. This may be related to feeling of security they experience in the context of their immediate environment since a great majority of the young claim that they can almost always get warmth, care and support from their parents and support from their friends. On the other hand, only every second of them feel the same about their teachers. It seems that most Croatian families are characterised by an exercise of indirect and flexible control over their children in the course of their growing up. In over half of the cases parents or relatives hardly ever determine rules for their children' s behaviour although they do control the choice of their friends, as well as their evening outdoor activities. Moreover, young people claim that their parents are especially keen of their school progress since they almost regularly keep records on their children school situation. • When asked about the most serious problems of their generation, the majority of young people in Croatia mention socially unacceptable behaviour, such as drug abuse, alcohol consumption and violence, unemployment, low standard of living, the lack of life chances and mass migration of young experts abroad. Since unemployment was repeatedly displayed as the major problem of young generation in earlier studies, their present preoccupation with socially unacceptable behaviour may be related either to the sample structure (majority of them are students) or to a general social climate which is, due to predominance of media campaigns mainly geared against smoking and drug abuse (but not against alcohol consumption, except for safe driving), inducing an over-sensitisation to behavioural issues causing, on the other side, the lack of awareness of existentially important issues of young people that are of an utmost importance for their independence and self-satisfaction. Young people are inclined to attribute responsibility for solving these problems primarily to themselves, their parents and public authorities, i.e. firstly to those actors that function at the private level (personal and parents' responsibility), than to public sector (government, education system) and, finally, to the civil society (nongovernmental organizations, youth associations and religious institutions). This means that youth principally count on their personal strength and family support, as well as that they have explicit expectations of state institutions, whereas they think of receiving the assistance from the civil sector only exceptionally. Notwithstanding, since half of the young studied have failed to mention personal responsibility, it clearly demonstrates that both strong sense of self-responsibility and its avoidance stand side by side as two features of Croatian youth. Among the measures that Croatian youth see as the most efficient for solving their problems two are underlined: equal education and career opportunities, on the one hand, and strict punishment of drug dealers and restrictions on alcohol selling, on the other hand. Since the majority of youth consider socially unacceptable behaviour, including drug-addiction, to be the gravest problem of their generation, it is understandable that they see the way out in strict punishing of drug dealers, (rather than consumers), what is still inadequately determined by Croatian law. Other most frequently mentioned measure has to do with the youth quest for developing society of equal chances which is in line with their perception of unemployment as the second most frequently mentioned youth problem in Croatia. Although lesser in number, the young refer to their under-representation and require their participation in decision-making to be ensured at all levels. They also require better adapting of secondary and higher education to the needs of contemporary life, as well as better quality of education, in general; some speak in favour of establishing a ministry for youth affairs, developing national strategy for promoting youth well-being, setting up of funds for youth initiatives, better legal regulations of the places of youth entertainment, i.e., the issues majority of which have already been integrated into the recently adopted National Programme of Action for Youth that is seen as an initial step in developing a national youth policy. The values that the majority of young people hold personally important or very important are healthy environment, peace in the world, gender equality, and rights and freedoms of the individual. Second group of the most personally preferable values encompasses solidarity among people, social justice, economic security, respect for differences, rule of law, inalienability of property, civil society, free market, freedom of the media, protection of minorities, religion and democratic system. The bottom of the scale is occupied by social power, national sentiment, European integration, and high economic standard. The review of their preferences demonstrates a relatively respectable level of democratic potential of young people in Croatia. They are more oriented towards comfortable life based on key principles of democracy and civil society, which is in correspondence with earlier research that have documented the shift to a more individualistic value system, including youth' s preference for independence and their focus on self-realisation and material security. However, their relative devaluation of the importance of European integration may be, on the one hand, the sign of either their dissatisfaction with, or their criticism of the way new European order has been established, partly due to the fact that Croatia has been somehow unjustly left behind. On the other hand it may be the consequence of their perceiving the integration merely in terms of a political objective of which very little they experience in everyday life. This is not to say that they devaluate the importance of European integration for Croatia as such. It would be more accurate to say that Croatian young people are becoming more and more pragmatic in their social positioning of which many think not only in the context of Croatia but in the context of Europe and the world. Having in mind a long tradition of Croatian youth emigration to Europe and the fact that almost 20% of contemporary youth plan to leave the country for good (mostly for a European country), their relation toward European integration may mean that they see it only as an added value to an already established youth migratory pattern in Croatia. of young people about the determinants of upward social mobility in Croatia reflect their accurate perception of social anomalies that, if left unquestioned, threaten to deepen social inequalities and diminish democratic potential of the society. Namely, a great majority of the young see as important or highly important for social promotion in Croatia a combination of the following variables: adaptive behaviour, personal endeavour, knowledge and skills, and connections and acquaintances. University degree, money and wealth, and the obedience and submissiveness to the 'boss', are identified less but, nevertheless, reflect a combination of appropriate and inappropriate means of social promotion. Somehow more troublesome is the finding that one third to one half of the young consider belonging to certain nation or political party, as well as bribing and corruption as important determinants of one' s success in Croatia. These data present an index of youth's perception of Croatian society as the society of unequal chances since it, by allowing nondemocratic practice to play an important role in social promotion, actually discriminates against those who in this matter believe in, and rely on their own abilities and efforts. When compared to earlier studies, it is highly troublesome that almost the same factors of social promotion are estimated as important by both socialist and ' transitional' young people in Croatia. Overall examination of the above results may be seen as an indicator of a process of relative homogenisation of young people in today' s Croatia – certainly, within the issues here examined and at the present level of analysis. There is no doubt that young people here described have many characteristic in common, especially in reference to their marital status, family pattern, housing conditions, parent' s educational background, attitudes towards present and future life, professional and educational aspirations, desired accommodation, sources of information, satisfaction with free time, positive feelings about themselves, feeling of security in relation to their parents and friends, as well as in reference to their abuse of psychoactive substances. They also share their desire for autonomy and independence, and for the recognition by the society at large, as well as their dreams of a more just society in which life opportunities would match individual abilities and endeavour. When they differ, it is mostly due to their varied socio-professional status and age. Residential status, father' s educational background, gender, and regional background are less important. The tendencies that have been documented suggest that youth are divided primarily by their actual social status and stage of attained maturity, and only secondarily by socialization factors, such as social origin in a narrow and broad sense of the term, and a gender socialization patterns. However, further analysis of data should disclose youth dominating trends with more accuracy.

NDI President Derek Mitchell and NDI Board Chairman Secretary Madeleine Albright talk about her new book Hell and Other Destinations, and her experiences as Secretary of State. She reflects on U.S. foreign policy, democratic trends, and her hopes for the future.

This podcast was recorded May 27, 2020, prior to demonstrations in support of racial equality across the United States.

Find us on: SoundCloud | Apple Podcasts | Spotify | RSS | Google Play

Derek Mitchell: Hello. Welcome to DemWorks. My name is Derek Mitchell, president of the National Democratic Institute.
We indeed are honored to once again to have Secretary Albright join us. Madam Secretary first, thank you again very much for doing this. Do you want to share some opening thoughts? I want to turn it over to you. Perhaps some things that have happened since we last got together about a month back.
Secretary Albright: Terrific. Thank you very much, Derek. Two important meetings I've participated in the past weeks. What was very interesting, it was the ... First was a virtual hearing convened by the house foreign affairs committee. They couldn't have testimony, so this was a briefing, and I did it alongside Derek and Dan Twining from IRI, and the subject was authoritarianism, disinformation and good governance during COVID-19. And this was the first time that the committee had done this kind of a hearing, And I think it's a very important signal that they chose to focus on the subject of democracy. And I think that it's a great tribute to NDI that we were the first organization asked to debrief the committee.
What is very, I think, positive is that leaders in Congress, both Republicans and Democrats recognize that good governance is critical to responding to the pandemic. And they know that NDI therefore has a key role to play in helping the world overcome the challenge and others like it.
DM: We discussed it at that last town hall, featuring our chairman about how she was on the cusp of releasing a new memoir about her life. This one being about her very eventful life after leaving her job as the first woman vice secretary of state. Hell and Other Destinations was released in mid April. During my time in doors last month, I read her book and it really is funny, a funny and fascinating read. So my intention today is to open up another conversation with our chairman and do so first by asking some questions based on themes from her life that she discusses in her book.
You said in your book that everyone should write a memoir. Why do you say that? And do you, or did you, have you kept a journal yourself?
SA: Well let me say this. I have thought, because basically I come from an academic background that when one looks at what happened in a certain period of history, it's very important to read people's memoirs. Now what I have found as I've analyzed memoirs, and I have, is that people write it from a different perspective. And so it's important because often we disagree on the context or what we did or what our role was. But I think it is interesting to kind of have the memoirs and it's really worth the doing. And I think especially people that have been in public positions, but everybody, I think in terms of ...
So let me just say, I have tried over the years to keep a journal. And I haven't really, because at a certain stage I was made much ... Obviously when I was young and had met a lot of people, I thought, "Isn't this great. I have to write about it." And then it always kind of stops after one month. Then, I did actually not keep a journal when I was in the government, because as we know ... I don't know if you remember, everything was being subpoenaed. But I had a lot of scratchy notes. And then what happened as I was writing Madam Secretary initially, was that when I found the schedule it was like the Rosetta Stone, because I could identify what the scratchy notes actually has something to do with. But embarrassingly, my mind would wander, and all of a sudden in the middle of my scratchy notes it was say, "Buy yogurt." And so I was multitasking even then, but I didn't keep a journal. And in many ways I wish I did, but there are so many records of the kinds of things that we all did together that I think my memoirs have been fairly complete.
DM: I felt one of the most poignant chapters in the book was the story about how you discovered your maternal grandmother's journal. It was about five or six years ago while you're going through your father's artifacts. And it turned out your grandmother had been killed in the Holocaust in 1942, and the journal, you have excerpts with the journal in the back of the book and it was written as a kind of dialogue she had ... She wanted to have with your mother and maybe with you while you're all in England. It also reads like kind of a lonely mother who wanted to connect with an absent family alone and isolated and Czechoslovakia, as things happened around her. Dangerous world was swirling in 1942 ... Well, really it started in 42 for her in that journal.
Can you talk a bit about the experience of discovering this journal, and through it your grandmother, so late and what it meant to you? Because we're also being isolated with things swirling out our doors, but also just what it meant to you to discover this and discover your grandmother so late.
SA: Well, thank you for asking that. And I ... Just for people that don't know my story, I was raised a Catholic, married and Episcopalian, and found out I was Jewish. So I can have my religious discussions sitting in a corner. But basically, I did not know about my Jewish background until 1996. And I had gotten a letter from somebody that had the names of the villages and my grandparents' names and dates right, and that was just as I was being vetted to be secretary of state, and the White House lawyer asked all the questions about taxes and nannies and stuff, but then he said, "We always ask this question of everybody. Is there anything you'd like to tell us that we didn't ask you?" And I said, "Well, it's perfectly possible I'm of Jewish background." And they said, "So what? The president is not antisemitic."
And it was only later when I was already an office that I was visited by some reporters who started giving me this disgusting index cards. These Nazis were very good record keepers and they had names of my relatives that have been sent to concentration camps. So to get to the journal part of it is my parents, we left Czechoslovakia in March, 1939, or escaped frankly. My father was in the Czechoslovak diplomatic service, and we escaped to England. And they ... When I think about all the things that happened, I find it harder and harder to get my head around it.
My parents were in their 30s, they left their families behind and went to England, where they were isolated in many different ways. We came back and I won't go through the whole story, but my father died in 1997 and he had lots of papers, and then my mother moved to Washington and she brought all his stuff with her. And when she died, all of a sudden all of it got transferred to me. And I had some hesitation in looking at anything, frankly, because of how the memories, but then what happened is when I became a public official diplomatic security moved into in my garage and were around all the time and there were all these boxes. And they said, "You've got to put these in storage." So I put all these boxes into storage and I didn't look at them, and it wasn't until 2015 that I had to find something and I went to the storage and I start poking through the boxes. And all of a sudden, there's this old envelope, and inside it is a diary. A journal. And it kind of blows my mind.
I look at it, obviously it's a ... And it's from my grandmother, and it is something that she wrote to ... They were letters to my mother describing what was going on. And it was kind of an interesting mixture of just day to day kind of things. "I did this, I washed my hair and I went shopping." And then all of a sudden it began to say things like, "They're talking about Aryans and non Aryans. I've never heard that distinction," she says. And goes through the kinds of things that the Jews in the town we're not able to shop in a variety of places. Oh, they had to give up all their warm clothes to the Nazi soldiers, and ... Just stunning. And in the middle it would say things, "How was it [Mudlanka 00:08:45]?" Which was me. "She's so cute." And it just was unbelievable.
And it was really like a message in a bottle where all of a sudden it's hearing from a previous generation in terms of their hopes and their wishes. And obviously in the most incredibly complex time. And the other thing I try to figure out, how my mother even got this and I've tried to put together what the path of it was and how stunned she must've been when it showed up. And so I have translated it, and it is in the book. But it's really very meaningful and it has hope in it, which I think is such an important part. And one of my messages just generally is that we can't control everything around us. We can only control our behavior. And I think that that's something that also came through in my grandmother's journal.
DM: It also is you talked about the various identities you have in a way as a Catholic Episcopalian Jew, in terms of heritage. And that issue of identity is a big one that we work with at NDI. And there's a big question for nations nowadays, given your past and your family, that of your family, how has the question of identity shaped you?
SA: Well, I have definitely been a lot of different things. As a child, we spent the war in England then went back to Czechoslovakia briefly, and then my father was made ambassador to Yugoslavia. I think some of you've heard me tell this. The little girl in the national costume that gave flowers at the airport, that's what I did for a living. My father didn't want me going to school with communists, so I had a governess. And then I got ahead of myself, and as people know in Europe, you have to be a certain age to get into the next level. So my parents sent me to school in Switzerland, where I was finally told how I should spell my name, because my mother used to pronounce it [Mudlan 00:00:10:44]. And so anyway, I have the French spelling and I learned to speak French. And then we come to the United States.
And so I was recently asked to describe myself in six words, and it is, worried optimist, problem-solver, and grateful American. And I think those are my identities and I'm grateful to be an American, but I'm also grateful for the background that I've had in terms of trying to understand how other people see themselves. I do think identity is important. I think we all want to know who we are. We may get surprised, but it's worth it knowing. What I don't like, and this is what troubles me and I wrote about this in my previous book on fascism is when my identity hates your identity, because that then is obviously very divisive. And it's one thing to be proud of your identity, it's another, hyper nationalism, which we're seeing that is undercutting everything. And we know that the virus knows no borders. So there are an awful lot of paradoxes that are going on now in terms of wanting to know who you are, but not thinking that you're better than everybody else.
And my, as I describe, authoritarian leaders and fascists, I begin with Mussolini. It's a matter of the leader identifying himself. And by the way, they're all his, with one group at the expense of another and makes them scapegoats. And that's why I'm very troubled by the divisions that are being exacerbated now.
DM: There's individual identity and there's national identity. And the national identity, as you say, that's most pernicious is an exclusive identity, rather than an inclusive identity, which is what we're all about. We're all about an inclusive identity. We're all treated equally. And these authoritarians are about identifying those exclusive identities, us and them, that tear countries apart and create the instability and insecurity that results. So this is a key part of what we do, I think absolutely.
During the writing process, we you able to identify the moment in your life when you knew what your life purpose was? At what point did you know what Mark you wanted to leave in this world?
SA: And it's a hard question to answer, because I do think that one of the things that was a motivating factor for me growing up was that I was, and am, a grateful American, and wanted to give back in some form. I also ... My father had, obviously, a great influence on me. So did my mother, and my father kept saying that Americans are taking democracy for granted. We had just left the country of our birth twice. Once because of the Nazis and then because of the communists. And the fragility of democracy. And so I looked at trying to figure out, in looking back, what were the different methods that I thought I could use to give back to America?
By the way, it never occurred to me that I would be secretary of state. There's some people who think I planned that. Never. But I do think that I wanted to have some kind of a role where I was able to talk about the necessity of supporting democracy. And I got fascinated by the UN because that's what brought us to America. And so kind of looking at institutional structures, but it never, never occurred to me. Nor did it occur to me, frankly, that I would be able to have a post secretary of state life, where I was able to put together the various things that I was interested in.
What I tried to do always is to make whatever I was doing next more interesting than what I'd done before. Not easy if you've been secretary of state, but the reason I wanted to write this book was to show how the various things that I got involved in related to each other and how I learned from one thing to another. My greatest talent, frankly, is dot connection, of trying to figure out how one thing relates to another.
I do want to talk about one specific moment that's so stands out. My favorite thing to do is to give naturalization certificates at the ceremonies. And so the first time I did it was July 4th, 2000 at Monticello, and I'm handing out a certificate and I hear this man. He goes away and he says, "Can you believe I'm a refugee, and I just got my naturalization certificate from the secretary of state?" And I go up to him and I say, "Can you believe that a refugee is secretary of state?" And I so believe in what America stands for and what we can do to be helpful to others, which is why I say that at this moment, the statue of Liberty is weeping.
DM: Our research in Ukraine has uncovered historical memory as a significant target of Russian information attacks. Ukrainians appear to be vulnerable to attacks that speak to evoke nostalgia for the economic stability of the Soviet period. These attacks exploit an actual democratic challenge for Ukraine, which is an economy that is not working for all citizens. In the US, what vulnerabilities do you worry similar information attacks could seek to exploit.
SA: I do think that I have been ... I love history. When I teach at Georgetown, I always try to put everything into historical context. And I have to say what I was just doing before we started this discussion was watching a program about a project in the United States about slavery. And there's ... The New York Times was doing something called 16 19, and there were some very strong arguments on Morning Joe this morning about this, between those who recollect history differently, or are trying to use it in particular ways for political movement, which we do. And I think people do that in terms of understanding what their history means.
And then one of the people there said, "History is to be argued about," which I find interesting because you kind of think, "Okay, well, we know what history is." But it goes back to your first question, Derek, about writing memoirs. Because people have different ideas of their history. I think the question is, do you have a society where you can dispute the history? And the Ukrainian one is clearly unbelievably complicated, in terms of that a modern Russia comes out of Ukraine, and that that relationship and Ukraine itself is a complicated country in terms of East and West and religion, and the aspect of communism that gave people a certain sense of understanding what the system was. They might not have gotten the kinds of things ...
Not everybody just wants the freedom to talk. Some of them want to be able to what their history is about. Are they going to have retirement? What group do they belong to? Can they send their kids to school? And I found this in a lot of research that I did about central and Eastern Europe at the time, right after the fall of the wall. What is it that the people thought that they ... What was communism and what were the possibilities of democracy? And I do think that Ukraine is one of the more complex countries, and the fact that it has been invaded, and the fact that the economic situation is something that is being pushed by the Russian hacking and the way that they operate, and their way of trying to divide us and divide Ukrainians from each other.
DM: Rebuilding a United Europe was one of the success stories of the second part of the 20th century. The last few years have seen the foundations of Europe shake with Brexit and the rise of authoritarian populace. How do we ensure that the European project continues as a liberal democratic one?
SA: I think that it is something that I ... I keep going back, trying to figure out what went wrong. Why did this happen? And I think partially we didn't appreciate enough the problems of societies that had been under communism for 50 years, and that it was much ... We spent a lot of time, I think, with a lot of the wonderful dissidents and intellectuals, and didn't think enough about how it affected the people that had had jobs. I mentioned that a little bit. And I think that also there are the issues now of this identity and the hyper nationalism, and that has been created to some extent in Europe, by the differences in the economic lives of, initially, Northern and Southern Europe, and trying to figure out why some were doing better than others, which then did lead to the fact that there were some leaders like Orban and the Poles that started blaming the other. And that was the most evident in many ways in why Brexit happened.
So these are big trends. I happen to believe in a European Union, but I think that as a structure, it also needs some fixing in terms of how it works with the different economic situations in the central and eastern European countries.
DM: In your book, you speak about how you dealt with misogyny as you progressed in your career. Can you share what helped to keep you steadfast in fighting this prejudice?
SA: I think that what is interesting ... And I often say that I went to college sometime between the invention of the iPad and the discovery of fire, but here it was a women's college. And basically we were told by our commencement speaker to get married and raise children. And I think that what I've been trying to do is to understand why women, why we're so hard on ... Tough on each other in terms of being very judgmental or finding our own inadequacies and other women. And so I have been very much for having ... Creating groups of women that can support each other.
And that is why I think it is so important, the kind of things that NDI is doing, in terms of working with women, to make sure that they are participants in society, run for office, and are respected. And I'd love talking about the fact now that the countries that are doing best on dealing with the coronavirus are ones that are run by women. New Zealand, Taiwan, Finland, Germany, Denmark, Norway, Iceland. And I think trying to make clear what the characteristics are of women that make that possible in terms of multitasking, of caring, not setting their children against each other, but you have to keep ... I do think that what is important is for women to support each other, and so that you're not the only woman in the room.
DM: Sometimes moments of crisis and trial like this pandemic lead to better things. What are your hopes in that regard? And also what is the significance of today's pin?
SA: My hope, this is where my optimism comes from, our young people. I love learning from my students, and students that are particularly interested in foreign policy and diplomacy. Many of whom have traveled and they speak different languages and they certainly are tech literate. And I think that they question ... I think the important part for all of us as a democracy organization is to make sure that they participate, that they do vote, that they are interested in the institutional structures in the countries where they are. But that is definitely what gives me hope. And not ...
And I think it's very important, and I say this wherever I can, that democracy is not a spectator sport. It is something that the people need to be involved in. They need to be informed. They need to be respected. And I think the other part that I often talk about, and this is so true of NDI activities, is to spend time with people with whom you disagree and try to figure out where they're coming from, and understand what their needs are, and have a dialogue with civil society, and then understand the various institutions that are important. But definitely what makes me hopeful, our young people.
DM: On this issue of hopes of how moments of crisis and trial can lead to better things, I do think that's a very important question. I really hope that moments of trial by fire are sometimes very important, to set priorities to remember what's important, and to tell you how precarious things always are. I think we can get kind of complacent about things, as we are as a country, or we as individuals, that everything is going to be simply easy. I'm sure it's not easy for any of us. I'm sure many people have gone through lots of trials in their lives, as we all have. But crises can be moments where we focus on how ... Okay, we take stock of where our priorities are, and what kind of choices we want to make, which is what Madame Secretary said. Not just ... Crisis don't just happen to you, you also have a choice in how you respond to that crisis, both individually and as a collective, as a country, as a unit.
So I do think it's an opportunity and I'm certainly seeing that NDI of having better communication and doing more to force change, even potentially in culture because of this moment that's quite different than we've ever experienced. So we should be thinking in those terms. What are the things that we can do to take advantage of this moment, even when there's a lot of stress and anxiety? To take advantage of the opportunity as well. And that's my hope for all of us at NDI, again, as an organization and individually, that we can do that. And I think we can come out better on the back end if we go through it together on those terms.
SA: One of my heroes was Harry Truman. He was my first American president. We came to the United States, November 11th, 1948. He is the one that understood, to a great extent, America's role in the world, a democracy. And understand linking domestic to foreign policy. But I think there's so many other people that I have admired. I admire the first president of Czechoslovakia, Tomáš Masaryk, who married an American. And the first Czechoslovak constitution was modeled on the American one with one difference. It had a women's rights in it in 1918.
And so I think that one can have more than one hero, and I think it's important to point them out and to understand that people have gone through very difficult periods before. And I do think that what is important is to really be proud of things that we can do, and the thing that I personally am proudest of, because it put things together and how I used representing the United States was what we were able to do to end ethnic cleansing in Kosovo. And going there with President Clinton made a big difference cause they kept saying, "We were just there. We are so grateful to the United States."
DM: Well Madam Secretary, let me just close the book conversation with a quote from the book that I saw that I just want to share with everybody that you say at the end. I think it's in the acknowledgements at the end. The central theme of this book is about how people of all descriptions can work together for common goals against the background of accelerating history. It is about trying to make sense of the world we have while attempting to contribute to something better. Madam Secretary and everybody out there, stay safe, be well. Thank you all. Have a good day, and we'll talk again soon.
SA: Thank you so much for everything that you do. Thank you.
DM: Please visit our website at www.ndi.org. Thanks very much.

NDI Board Chairman Secretary Madeleine Albright



Derek Mitchell & Secretary Madeleine Albright on her past and democracy's future

Democracy (General), Podcast Listen Secretary Albright Madeleine AlbrightCountries: All Regions

Navigating challenging and complex civic spaces is nothing new for local organizations working to advance the rights and inclusion of LGBTI communities. Join NDI Senior Program Officer for Citizen Participation for a conversation with three partners from across the globe working to sustain their advocacy for equality and inclusion, while tackling some of the unprecedented challenges posed by the COVID-19 pandemic.
Find us on: SoundCloud | Apple Podcasts | Spotify | RSS | Google Play
Whitney Pfeifer: Navigating challenging and complex civic spaces is nothing new for local organizations working to advance the rights and inclusion of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex communities. Regardless of the levels of tolerance and legal protection in a country, these groups know how to quickly adapt and utilize innovative approaches to maintaining their work and advocating for change.
Although the COVID-19 pandemic has forced organizations to cancel Pride events, training, and in-person advocacy efforts, LGBTI organizations have been quick to respond and adjust, playing an integral role in meeting the basic needs of LGBTI individuals while utilizing online creativity to stay connected and sustain LGBTI community building.
Today, we are joined by three partners from across the globe, each working to sustain their advocacy for equality and inclusion, while tackling some of the unprecedented challenges posed by the pandemic.
We'll be speaking to each of these local partners to discover how they have successfully built digital communities that achieved real-life results. Welcome to DemWorks.
In Panama, Fundación Iguales is working to shift social attitudes towards greater respect and acceptance of LGBTI communities. Part of this process includes collecting stories of how LGBTI communities are being impacted by COVID-19 and its response, demonstrating that as humans, we are all impacted by the pandemic, regardless of how we identify. We spoke with Ivan to learn more. Ivan, thank you for joining us.
Ivan: Thank you.
WP: Could you tell us a little bit more about the LGBTI community in Panama and the types of challenges LGBTI individuals face in building and maintaining a community?
I: We are a country between Costa Rica, who just last month legalized civil marriage for same sex couples, and Colombia, a country with equal marriage since April 2016. We're a part of that less of the 30% of Latin Americans who live in a territory where marriage equality is prohibited. Moreover, are known for public policies that takes into consideration LGBTI persons.
The challenges, there are many. As a gay person, for example, I'm not protected by any non-discrimination law, or the gender identity of the trans community is not part of what is respected by the government. There is unfortunately still a lot of stigma and discrimination for being queer.
We're a small country where there's a strong control from conservatives and religious groups, but what are the good news, I guess? The civil society is finally organized, and organizations like Fundación Iguales are doing a marvelous work promoting the respect of our human rights, creating community, helping the LGBTIQ community to be more visible, and therefore more respected by the general public.
We start a legal process to have marriage equality in Panama since 2016. We are very optimistic we will conquer in the courts and in the public opinion, by strategic innovative and emphatic messages of equality.
WP: You alluded briefly to how Fundación is contributing to building and strengthening the community in Panama. Could you discuss the facts a little bit more about how Fundación is contributing to and strengthening during these uncertain times?
I: First of all, with positive messages and with a clear presence in national conversations about the measures during the pandemic, highlighting the reality of LGBTI persons. We have had a very tough situation with restriction based on sex to restrain mobility of people here in Panama, and that had impacted dramatically the trans community and the nonbinary community of Panama, in some cases affecting their access to food and medicines. Yes, to be able to even go to the supermarket and buy bread and milk.
We decided to join forces with other organizations, specifically with an organization called Hombres Trans Panamá. It's an organization conformed by trans men to create a solidarity network. The network was created for two main activities. The first one, it is to assist directly trans and non binary people who register for humanitarian assistance. We already covered 120 people who were in need of food and medicines.
The second part of that program is an online survey to register discrimination cases for the trans community during the quarantine time. We have already had the report of 26 cases, mostly of trans person who were restricted to enter supermarkets to buy food because their gender identity or expression did not match what the police "expect" from them that day. That report was sent to the government, to regional organizations that monitor human rights, and we hope that impact possibly their lives.
For other programs that Fundación Iguales is promoting during this times of pandemic, one that is very important is a series of podcasts called Panademia LGBTIQ+, a program of Fundación Iguales with [foreign language 00:06:20], which is an independent group of journalists to highlight stories of LGBTI persons during these times, telling their stories, especially the trans community.
WP: That sounds like a lot of excellent work and strengthening the collaboration between groups has been really effective, I think, in this COVID pandemic situation.
I: Indeed.
WP: You alluded briefly to these podcasts. Are there other forms of technology that Fundación is using to continue the work that you're doing?
I: Yes, and that's very interesting because we have to reinvent our work, basically. Just before COVID, we finished a super nice, unprecedented program going through the different provinces of Panama that we call the human rights tour, with the idea to be more democratic on the contents of human rights, specifically talking about Inter-American Court of Human Rights decision on equal marriage and gender identity, the Advisory Opinion 24. It was such a success and we planned to right away continue around the whole country. With this situation we have, being confined at home with mobility restrictions, we have to change all that, but we were lucky to have a strong presence in social media with a robust content that we were able to share and build from it. Also, our capacity of doing initiatives jointly with other NGOs like I mentioned before and you highlight, were also key to show the work that we were doing on respecting human rights.
That coordination and collaborations, like the podcast example, the solidarity network, the level of infographic videos and social media interactions of Fundación Iguales are very solid. Since we dedicate an important part of our work to be present in national and international platforms for political participation, that allowed us to be more visible and not to be forget during these complicated times,
WP: It sounds that you've been able to pivot pretty smoothly and quickly, despite I'm sure what have appeared to be challenges that we're all facing during the pandemic.
Would you be willing to talk about kind of the role and benefits of partnering with international organizations such as NDI in your work?
I: When I started Fundación Iguales, I was very privileged to know that working with international organizations like NDI was essential. I lived almost eight years in Washington, D.C., And before that I studied in New York City, and I worked for almost eight years in multilateral organizations. That experience gave me a different look to understand how, and how specifically a country like Panama, a country with so many challenges, with the lack of the government support and local support, I would say, organizations and enterprises and so on ... so for me, it was very important to know that a key part of my work was to knock some doors abroad because it's essential to boost the work that we do here. Definitely, without the help, assistance, donations and more important, the moral support of embassies and organizations like NDI, our work would have been way more difficult than what actually is.
WP: As NDI, we like to partner and collaborate with our partners and recognize you as the experts and provide the technical assistance and guidance as needed. So it's good to hear that this has been beneficial for Fundación. My last question is about what's next for Fundación?
I: We're very focused that we want a social change for our country in a social change for good. We want a Panama where all persons will be respected and where they can all be happy. We want Panama to join the club of countries where same sex couples can have the support and protection of the government, and more importantly, where society in general welcomes their families. We're trans persons can fully live and decide about their dreams and lives. And we're going to conquer that by strategic campaigns, with messages, with empathy.
WP: Thank you, Ivan, for taking the time to speak with us. We look forward to seeing what Fundación is able to do in creating a safer and more equal space for LGBTI communities in Panama.
I: Thank you, it's been a pleasure.
WP: For more than 35 years, NDI has been honored to work with thousands of courageous and committed democratic activists around the world to help countries develop the institution's practices and skills necessary for democracy's success. For more information, please visit our website at www.ndi.org.
You've heard about how an organization is engaging with communities and collecting stories to plan for future advocacy efforts from Fundación Iguales. But what happens when you are in the middle of a project, when things get disrupted? LGBTI communities in Romania successfully organized to prevent an amendment to the constitution that would ban same sex marriage that was put to a referendum in 2018. In the aftermath of these efforts, there was a need to establish priorities moving forward and create space for dialogue within the community about the next steps for the overall movement. Mosaic organized different segments of the LGBTI community, including transgender communities, LGBTI, Roma, women, and older people to build consensus around an advocacy agenda moving forward.
In the midst of these community outreach efforts, COVID-19 happened. Vlad Viski, executive director of MosaiQ is with us. Vlad, thanks for joining us.
Vlad Viski: Thank you for having me.
WP: Can you tell us a little bit more about your project?
VV: Between 2015 and 2018, in Romania, there was a national campaign to change the constitution and ban gay marriages, initiatives which were supported by conservative groups and a large share of the political party. For three years, in Romania, society has been talking, probably for the first time in a very serious manner, about LGBTI rights, about the place for the LGBT community in society. This conservative effort ended with a failure at the polls for the referendum to change the constitution, only 20% of Romanians actually casting the vote for this issue when the minimum threshold of votation, of turnout, was 30%.
This was possible with quite a successful campaign coming not from not only from MosaiQ but from other LGBTI organizations in Romania throughout the country. We all kind of went on the boycott strategy, we're actually asking people to boycott the referendum because human rights cannot be subject to a popular vote.
Once the referendum in 2018 failed in Romania, there was a question in the community. What should we do next? How should our agenda look like for the next couple of years? We at Mosaic, we really tried to focus and we really thought the issue of intersectionality as being extremely important. This is how the idea of this project started, Engage and Empower was the name of the project. It focused on six groups within the LGBT community: transgender people, LBTQ women, elderly, people living with HIV, Roma LGBT people, and sex workers.
WP: Could you talk a little bit more about how the organization is trying to maintain momentum in this community building efforts, despite what's going on with the pandemic?
VV: We at MosaiQ, we had to reimagine some of the projects that we were involved in, so that included canceling events or postponing them or rescheduling for the fall. But the problem is also that we don't really know the timeline for this story or when it will end. We've had issues related to personal issues of people in the community. People living with HIV were not getting their treatment due to the fact that hospitals were closed except for the coronavirus. Then we've had issues related to sex workers not being able to work anymore. The issue of poverty has been quite an important issue. A lot of people have been laid off, a lot of people were not able to pay rent, a lot of people were either in unemployment benefits, and so on.
At the personal level for us and as an organization, all of a sudden we got a lot more messages from people asking for help. We've tried to help them on a case by case basis. We are not a social health kind of organization, but we've tried to fix as many problems as we were able to. Then throughout this, and actually talking about issue of intersectionality and the issue of the project and the way we work with the Roma LGBT community, what we've witnessed throughout this pandemic and the lockdowns, especially, was an increase in violence, against Roma people from the police. So together with colleagues from civil society, especially Roma groups, we had to monitor hate speech in the media, monitor cases of abuse and violence from the police, and also make statements and letters to official institution, to the president and the prime minister and so on. So for us, it was an issue of also solidarity with other groups affected by the pandemic.
WP: I believe that you've had to move some of your activities online, correct?
VV: That was another part, which we kind of tried to make the best out of the situation. We felt that there were a lot of young kids, for example, who, because schools were closed, they had to go back and live with their homophobic parents. A lot of organizations, LGBT organizations in Romania were not able to have the Zoom meetings with their volunteers because they were living with homophobic or transphobic parents so they could not reveal what they were doing or who they were talking to. So the issue of depression and psychological pressure that comes on people being locked down, people trying to survive throughout this pandemic, we decided to have a campaign online, which was called MosaiQ Quarantine, and that included parties online in order to support queer artists who were not able to earn any money because there were no gigs. We organized these online parties and we paid them and we supported their work.
Then we had the zoom talks with, or like talks online, with all of the organizations and groups in Romania, LGBT groups, to kind of better see the situation on the ground in different cities in Romania. That was for us extremely important because we felt like there was a need to have this dialogue within the community.
Then we had the all sorts of posts on social media and different kinds of events. We also talked with organizations from the region, from the US, from Moldova, from Russia, to kind of see what the feeling also over there.
So for us, it was quite an exercise to take advantage of the fact that using social media and using online tools, we were able to reach out to people who otherwise would not have been able to participate in our events, being so far away.
WP: It sounds like Mosaic has certainly stepped up to the challenges. Could you just briefly talk about what NDI support has meant to Mosaic?
VV: I think the project funded by NDI was extremely important, both for the community ... right now, we have an active Roma LGBT group. We have all of these, the issue of intersectionality being put on the agenda. We have the [inaudible 00:19:36] sports, which is a sports club run by women who is also trying to grow based also on the support that Mosaic has offered through NDI. We've had, at the Pride last season, the first Roma LGBT contingent putting the issue on the agenda. So for us, in many regards, this project kind of focused us more on this intersectional approach to activism and the need to include all voices within the community. The trust that they had in us was very important.
WP: I'm glad to hear that it's been a fruitful partnership, both for NDI and Mosaic. Vlad, thank you so much for taking the time to speak with us.
VV: Oh, that's it.
WP: We'll be back after this short message.
To hear more from democracy heroes and why inclusion is critical to democracy, listen to our DemWorks podcast, available on iTunes and SoundCloud.
Before the break we heard from two partners using digital platforms to create and support communities. But how are groups sustaining their online networks and communities once created? Rainbow Rights trained paralegals in the Philippines on legal issues related to sexual orientation and gender identity and how to support LGBTI communities. Through Google Classroom, these paralegals formed an online network to help communities facing discrimination and violence. Eljay, welcome to our podcast. Could you tell us a little bit more about the paralegal support project?
Eljay: Yeah. One of the main components of our community paralegal program is to create a national online platform wherein all of the trained paralegals of our organization will be able to share their experiences, their cases, and they could also refer some of the difficult cases to us. So that's the main idea. It's just that it gained a deeper significance in this COVID-19 pandemic that we're experiencing because a lot of legal organizations hurried to do to do what we had been doing in the past year, which is to create an online platform.
Right now, even though there's a lot of problems in the Philippines barring the central autocracy, we have been maintaining the platform. People are still referring cases to us and we are working on those cases. Part of the deeper significance that it has is in the Philippines, human rights violations have increased because of the lockdown. So it became a source of reporting documentation for these human rights violations during the lockdown. We did not expect that it will evolve that way but we're happy that it has, and despite some connectivity issues in the Philippines, it has been reaping as well.
WP: So when you're talking about the program, there've been increased human rights reports, is that generally more broad human rights abuses? Or are we talking specifically to the LGBTI community?
E: Yeah, we accept every report on numerous violations, but we take on the LGBTI human rights violations specifically. When we receive human rights violations that is not really in our lane, so to speak, we refer them to bigger organizations. We have seen increased numerous violation against the LGBTQI community here.
WP: You had mentioned that Rainbow Rights fortunately had organized the training for the paralegals before the pandemic hit and already have a plan in place to use online platforms, which was Google Classroom, to create this network across the country. You've briefly referenced what the current situation is like now, but could you go a little deeper into that? What kind of challenges is Rainbow Rights facing in continuing to engage with the community?
E: As I have mentioned, maybe a bigger challenge is the connectivity issues in the Philippines. We don't have good internet here, and that's a challenge. It's also challenged to keep the interest level of our paralegals and keep them engaged. That is also challenged because they have bigger problems now. Because of the pandemic, they're thinking of their health, they're thinking of their livelihoods, and that is a challenge during these times.
However, before the pandemic, we also saw that we had to be creative at the level of interest, so that's a challenge. The situation, it's working. Overall situation's working. We have referrals, we continue to share modules in our platform, refreshing their memory on the training. We also try to be light. There are some light moments so that they be so that they keep themselves also, the interest level is high and that they see us and they trust us in maintaining this platform.
WP: You alluded to the fact that it's often difficult to maintain interest of your paralegals when engaging online.
E: Basically, we had a two-pronged approach on this. One is to find the people who has a genuine interest to serve the community. So in our selection process, we have chosen people who have track records of service in their communities. The other side of the approach is to build on the spirit of camaraderie, friendship, and community solidarity between us. So even before the pandemic, we have been setting up calls and checking on them, even adding them on Facebook and Twitter just to continually engage with them. I think that's a big part of our strategies. We're also looking to ... I think in my personal view, I think a lot of what they do is labor, so I think in the future, we will be able to compensate them for their efforts in their community and we're looking into that as well.
WP: That's really interesting. Could you speak a little bit more to the role and benefits of partnering with international organizations such as NDI in your work and as well as helping to sustain this national network?
E: Yeah. I think it's invaluable. Foreign support, foreign funding support such as the NDI had been really great for us. We have been envisioning this project for a long time and NDI gave us the opportunity to really implement it. They also gave us a level of freedom in how to execute the program because there's a recognition that we in the ground know how to solve our problems. But there's also a lot of technical support aside from the funding. Like in digital security, NDI has given us a lot of resources, even given us a training for this and how to secure our online platforms. They also provided a lot of coalition building resources. So there, and I think we are also sharing what our experience with NDI to our other funders, because I think with NDI, we had a lot of freedom and we had a lot of support because you guys always check on us, so that's great.
WP: Well, I'm glad to hear that NDI is taking care of our partners. Thinking about how June is Pride Month for a lot of communities around the world, and Pride is often equated to the community of LGBTI people around the world how would you say Rainbow Rights efforts have contributed to strengthening the community in the light of the violence and the discrimination that LGBTI people face on a daily basis in the Philippines?
E: Since 2005, Rainbow Rights has been doing this approach wherein we come ... a top down approach at the policy level, but we also complement it with from the grassroots, bottom up approach. We make sure that whatever we bring at the policy level, it is informed by our grassroots services. I think that's one of our biggest contribution, is to really complement policy with experience on the ground. Most of the policies that we've pushed for is really coming from what our experiences and what are the real needs of the people that we serve in the communities. I think that's one of our biggest contributions in our approach. We're not just the legal, we don't just bring cases to court. We don't just bring legal expertise, but we also inform it with community level approaches and grassroots approaches.
WP: Well, thank you LJ again for taking the time to speak with us and telling us a little bit more about how Rainbow Rights is contributing to a holistic support system to the LGBTI community in the Philippines.
E: Thank you so much for this opportunity.
WP: Thank you to Ivan, Vlad, and Eljay for sharing their experiences and for the work you're doing to advance LGBTI equality and inclusion, and thank you to our listeners. To learn more about NDI or to listen to other DemWorks podcasts, please visit us at ndi.org

Rainbow Rights Paralegal Training



A Conversation With LGBTI Activists on Community-Building

Democracy (General), Podcast Listen LGBTI Pride National Democratic Institute NDICountries: All Regions

Issue 25.6 of the Review for Religious, 1966. ; Implementation of Vatican II by Paul VI Religious Community and the Primi-tive Church by Thomas Barrosse, A Reflection on Perfectae Caritatis by Gustave.Martelet, S.J. The Family Fallacy by Hilary Smith, O.G.D. Are Teaching Brothers Still Needed? by J. M. R. Tillard, O.P. Devouonal Confession by Dale Olen, O.F.M.Gap. Deepening Vocational Com~nitmen~ by Sister Marian Dolores, S'.:N.J.M. Humility and Pei'~onality by wali' s. S.S. Subli~nation~ by.Sister M. Rosalie, O.P. Religious and Gr~duate!!Studie~ by Michael P. 8heri~n, Blueprint.for Dialogue by Thomas Dubay, S.M. Survey of Roman DoE~uments Views, News, Previews QuesUons and ~nswers Book Reviews Indices for Volume 25, 1966 939' 971 986 1000 1018 1030 1042 1051 1055 1062 1070 1084 1088 ]092 1106 1127 VOLUME 25 N'UM~ER 6 ~Vovember 196~ Notice to Subscribers Because of constantly increasing costs, REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS finds it necessary to increase the cost of its individual issues as well as of its sub-scriptions. The new rates, effective in 19(37, will be the following: (1) Individual issues of the REVIEW will cost one dollar; this price will apply not only to all issues beginning with 19(37 but also to all previously published issues. (2) Subscriptions in the United States, Canada, and Mexico will cost $5.00 per year; $9.00 for tw9 years. (~) Subscriptions to other countries will cost $5.50 per year; $10.00 for two years. (4) All the above prices are in terms of U.S.A. dollars; accordingly all payments must be made in U.S.A. funds. These prices wilI affect all individual issues sokl on or after January 1, 1967. The new subscription prices will be applicable to all subscriptions-- new and renewed--beginning with the January, 1967, issue of the REvmw. PAUL VI Implementation of Cer-tain Decrees of Vatican Council II The~ postconciliar administration of the Church clearly requires that there be established for the Church's affairs new norms and dispositions which correspond to the requirements of the Council and which are better adapted to the new goals and areas of the apostolate that the work of the Council has brought to the Church's at-tention as existing in the world of our time--a pro-foundly changed world that needs the full glow of light and longs for the supernatural warmth of charity. Because of these considerations, as soon as the Council was finished, We accordingly established study commis-sions to collect, each in its own area, information and to frame a practical program; the purpose of all this was that definite norms might be set down for the implemen-tation of the conciliar decrees which had already been granted a delay from imm. ediate execution. These com-missions, as We wrote with satisfaction in Our motu pro-prio letter, Munus apostolicum, of June 10, 1966, dili-gently occupied themselves with their assigned task; and at the assigned time they made known their findings to Us. After We had attentively considered their findings, We judged that it was now time for the aforementioned norms to be published. Since, however, the'entire mat-ter is one that pertains to discipline, an area to which ek-perience may be able to contribute further suggestions; and since, moreover, a separate commission is engaged in the revision and emendation of the Code Of Canon Law in which all the laws of the Church will be codified to-gether in a fitting, appropriate, and determined way; We * This is a translation of the motu proprio apostolic letter, Ecclesiae sanctae, issued on August 6, 1966; the translation was made [rom the Latin text as given in Osservatore romano, August 13, 1966, pp. 1-3~ 4. 4. 4, Implementation Vatican I1 VOLUME 25, 1966 have thought that it would be wise and prudent for Us to publish these norms for an experimental period. During this interval of time episcopal conferences may communicate to Us any observations and comments which the execution of these norms may convince them should be made; likewise, they can also propose new ideas to Us. Accordingly, after thinking the matter over carefully, on Our own initiative-and by Our apostolic authority, We decree and promulgate the following norms for the implementation of the decrees of the Council beginning with.the words: Christus Dominus (on the pastoral office of bishops in the Church), Presbyterorum ordinis (on the ministry and life of priests), Per[ectae caritatis (on the adaptation and renewal of religious life), and Ad genres divinitus (on the missionary activity of the Church); and We order them to be observed for an ex-perimental period; that is, until the new Code of Canon Law is promulgated unless in the meantime the Apostolic See should provide otherwise. These norms will begin to be effective on October 11, 1966, the Feast of the Motherhood of the Blessed Virgin Mary, the day on which four years ago the Council was solemnly inaugurated by Our predecessor of venerable memory, John XXIII. All the matters determined by Us in this motu proprio letter We order to be fixed and unalterable, all contrary things, even those worthy of very special mention, not-withstanding. Given at Rome at St. Peter's on August 6, 1966, the Feast of the Transfiguration of our Lord Jesus Christ, in the fourth year of Our pontificate. Paul PP. VI ÷ ÷ ÷ Paul REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS NORMS FOR THE DECREES ON BISHOPS AND ON PRIESTS The episcopal office, which the Second Vatican Coun-cil has clarified in the dogmatic constitution, Lumen gen-tium, and in the decree, Christus Dominus, was divinely established for the building up of the Mystical Body of Christ which is the Church. For this reason these holy pastors must show a perse-vering zeal in the fulfillment of their duty of teaching, sanctifying, and shepherding the People of God. In doing this, they should generously share with the roman pon-tiff the solicitude of all the churches, they should ear-nestly provide for the good administration of the dio-ceses entrusted to them, and finally they should work together for the good of their several churches. In the direction of the dioceses e.ntrusted to them the bishops require helpers and counselors, the first of which are the priests; hence bishops should willingly listen to these latter and even be desirous of consulting ~hem, though in all matters there should always be retained as fixed the bishop's power of acting, freely, of setting up directives and norms, and of enacting laws in accord with his own conscientious concept of his office and with the principles of the government of the Church (see the dog-matic constitution, Lumen gentium~, n. 27). In order, therefore, that the bishops may be able to fulfill their pastoral duty more ea,sily and fittingly and in order that they might translate into practice the prin-ciples solemnly approved by the Council in the decrees, Christus Dominus and Presbyterorum ordinis, the fol-lowing norms are established. Distribution of the Clergy and Assistance to Dioceses (N. 6 of the decree, Christus Dominus, and n. 10 of the decree, Presbyterorum ordinis) 1. If it is deemed opportune, there should be set up at the Apostolic See a special committee the purpose of which will be to provide general ~rinciples for a better distribution of the clergy in the light of the needs of the various churches. ,, 2. It will be the duty of patriarchal synods and of epis-copal conferences, the prescriptionls of the Apostolic See being observed, to enact ordinances and to publish norms for the bishops by which there may be secured a fitting distribution of the clergy coming from their own terri-tory as well as of those coming fr6m other regions. Such a distribution should provide [orl the needs of all the dioceses of a given territory; the welfare of the churches in mission lands and in countries~ with a lack of clergy should also be cared for. Therefore, every episcopal con-ference should establish a commission whose work it will be to investigate the needs of the various dioceses of the territory as well as the possibilities of the dioceses for giving from their own clergy to other dioceses, to put into execution the determinations made and approved by the conferences with regard to the distribution of the clergy, and to convey these determinations to the bishops of the territory. ~ 3. In order that the transfer of clerics from one diocese to another be made easier--the p(actice of incardination and excardination being retame~d though ~n a form adapted to new circumstances--the following prescrip-tions are set down. § 1. Clerics in seminaries shoqld be trained so that they are solicitous not only for ithe diocese for whose service they are ordained but also for the entire Church + + + Implementation o~ Vatican Ii VOLUME 25, 1966 941 Paul VI REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS and so that with the permission of their own bishop they are ready to devote themselves to particular churches whose needs are great. § 2. Except in the case of genuine necessity in the home diocese, ordinaries and hierarchs should not refuse permission to go elsewhere to those clerics whom they know are prepared and whom they judge to be suited when such clerics ask to perform their sacred ministry in regions having a serious lack of clergy; however, they should see to it that the rights and duties of these clerics are defined by a written agreement with the lbcal ordi-nary of the region that has been asked for. : § 3. In the case of clerics 'intending to transfer from their own diocese to a diocese of another' country, the same ordinaries should see to it that they are adequately prepared to exercise the sacred ministry in such places; that is, they should see to it that such clerics .acquire a knowledge of th~ language of that region and that they have an understanding of its institutions, of its social conditions, and of its usages and customs. § 4. Ordinaries can grant their clerics permission to transfer to another diocese for a determined time, which caff also be renewed indefinitely; t.his should be done, however, in such a way that such clerics remain incardi-hated in their own diocese and enjoy, when they return to it, all the rights they would have if they had devoted themselves to the sacred ministry in it. § 5. A cleric, however, who has legitimately transferred from his own diocege to another is ipso iure incardinated into the latter diocese after five years if he has manifested in writing such an intention both to the ordinary of the diocese he is in and to his own ordinary provided that within four months neither of these has expressed in. writing a contrary opinion. 4. Moreover, for the accomplishment of special pas-toral or missionary activities for various regions or social groups which need special help, there can be usefully established by the Apostolic See prelatures which consist of specially trained priests of the secular clergy and which are under the direction of their own prelate and possess their own statutes. It will be the duty of this prelate to: establish, and di-rect a national or international seminary in which stu-dents are appropriately trained. This prelate also has the right of incardinating such students and of promot-ing them to orders under the title of service to the prel-ature. The prelate should provide for the spiritual life of those promoted under the aforementioned title, for their special training which should be completed without de-lay, and for their special ministry in the light of agree- ments made with the local ordinai'ies to whom the priests are sent. Likewise, he should pro~,ide for their decent sus-tenance which should be met by the agreements that have been made or by the goods 0[ the prelature itself or by other suitable means. Similarly, he should provide for those who because of poor health or for other reasons must give up the work entrusted to them. Provided agreements have been made with the prel-ature, nothing prevents laymen, whether unmarried or married, from dedicating themselves and their profes-sional experience to the service of the prelature's works and undertakings. Such prelatures are not to be established except after consultation with the episcopal conferences of the terri-tory in which the prelature will carry out its work. In doing its work, the prelature should take every care to observe the rights of the local ordinaries and to have close and continual relationships with the episcopal con ferences. 5. Finally, with regard to the use of ecclesiastical goods it is also within the co~npetency of patriarchal synods and episcopal conferences to enact ordinances by which, attention being paid first of all to the needs of the dio- 'ceses of the territory, there are imposed on the dioceses certain levies to be paid for the sake of apostolic or char-itable works or for the sake of churches which possess 'small resources or which for special reasons are in need. Power ol Bishops o[ Dioceses (N. 8 of the decree, Christus dominus) 6. The norms for the execution of number 8 have been established in the motu proprio apostolic letter, De episcoporum muneribus, dated June 15, 1966. Fostering Pastoral and Scientific Study (N. 16 of the de-cree, Christus Dominus, and n. 19 of the decree, Presby-terorum ordinis) 7. The bishops, either individually orin cooperation, should see to it that during the year after, ordination all priests, even those engaged in the ministry, complete a series of pastoral lectures and that they also attend at stated times other lectures which are to provide them with the occasion of acquiring fuller knowledge of pas-toral matters and of theological, moral, and liturgical science, of strengthening their spiritual life, and of com-municating in a mutual and fraternal way their apos-tolic experiences. The bishops or the episcopal conferences, according to the circumstances of each territory, should see to it that one or more priests of proved knowledge and virtue Implementation Vatican H VOLUME 25, 1966 943 REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS ~944 be chosen as., directors of studies for the purpose of pro- . rooting and: organizing the pastoral: lectures as well as the other helps judged to be n.ecessary for the ~cientific and pastoral fqrma.tion of the~priests of a given territo~; such helps incl.ude st.udy centers, traveling libraries, cate-chetical, homiletic,: or liturgical congresses, and ~the like. Remuneration and Sbcial Wellare of Priests (N. 16 of the de~ree, Christus Dominus, and nos. 20-1 of the de-cree, Presb~?terorum ~dinis) 8. Patriarchal synods and episcopal conferences should see to it that norms be set up, whether for each diocese or for several dioceses in common or for the entire te~i-tory, by which appropriate provisions are made for the due sustenance of clerics who are or have been engaged in the service of the People of God. The remuneration to be made to clerics should be essentially the same for all in the same circumstances, due regard being had [or the nature of a given office and for circumstances time and .place; the remu.neration should be sufficient .to enable clerics to lead a decent life and also to be of help to the poor. ¯ ,The reform of the system of benefices is entrusted to the commission.for the revision of the Code of Canon Law. In the meantime bishops, after conferring with their council of priests, should take care to provide for a just distribution of goods including also the revenues coming from benefices. The same episcopal conferences should~see to it that at least in those regions where the sustenance of the clergy depends completely or in large part on the offer-ings of th'e faithful each diocese has a special fund in which off, rings for thi~ purpose are collected. The ad-ministrator of this fund should be the bishop of th~ dio-cese ,himself who can be ass!sted, however, by delegated priests and, when it is advantageous, by laymen experi-enced in financial'mhtters.' Finally, the same episcopal conferences should see~ to it that in each country, ecclesiastical and civil laws always being observed, there should be either interdioc-esan institutions or institutions coestablished [or vari-ous dioceses" or'a consociation for an entire country by which sufficient provision' may be. made' under the vigi-lance of °the hierarchy for an adequate health insurance and benefit program and for the sustenance of-clerics who are sick, injured, or aged; It will be left to the revision 0f the Code of Canon Law to set down conditions for the establishment in each diocese or region of another ,common fund by which bishops can meet other obligations to persons serv-ing ~the Chulch and provide [or other needs of the dio- cese and by which richer dioceses can also help poorer dioceses. Care o1 Special Groups (N. 1"8 of the decree, Christus, Dominus) 9. 'In consideration ~ of today's great numbers of emi-grants and' travelers, the episcopal conferences' are asked to entrust to a specially delegated, priest or to a special commission everything pertaining t.o the study and direc-tion of the spiritual care of th~s~ groups. Nomination of,Bishops (N. 20 of the decree; Christus Dominus) . ¯ 10. Wi~h full retention of the roman pontiff's right of freely nominating and constituting bishops and without prejudice to the discipline of the Eastern Churches, the episcopal conferences in accordance wi~h the norms given or to be given by the Apostolic See should each year consult in secret and with prudence about the pro-motion of ecclesiastical persons to the office of. bishop in their territory; and they should propose the names of candidates to the Apostolic 'See. Resigr~.ation of Bishops (N. 21 of the decree, Christus Dominus) 11. For the implementation of the prescription of number 21 of the decree, Christus Dominus, all bish-ops of dioceses as well as other persons comparable to them in law are 'earnestly requested that before the com-pletion of their seventy-fifth year~ and of their own accord they tender their ~resignation of their office, to the.c6m-petent authority which will provide for the matter after considering all the circumstances of each case. A bishop whose resignation from office has' been ac-cepted can maintain, if he desires, his residence in the diocese. Moreover, the diocese itself should provide an appropriate and worthy sustenafice for a resigned bishop. It is the duty of the conferences of bishops to determine in a general way 'the conditions according to which the dio(ese should fulfill this duty. Boundaries o[ Dioceses (Nos. 22--4 of the decree, Christus Domin~us) 12.- § 1. In order that the boundaries of dioceses can be duly revised, the episcopal conferences, each for its own territory, should examine the present territorial di-visions of. the churches, setting up, if necessary, a special commission for this. For this examination it is necessary that the status of the dioceses with regard to territory, persons, and things be duly investigated, Individual bishops who are directly affected as well as the bishops ÷ ÷ ÷ Implementation vatican 1I VOLUME 25, 1966 945 ÷ ÷ ÷ Paul VI REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 946 of the entire ecclesiastical province or region within whose limits the revision of dioceses takes place should be consulted; as far as possible there should be used the help of genuinely expert persons whether ecclesi-astical or lay; the intrinsic reasons suggesting the chang-ing of boundaries should be considered with calmness; there should be considered for possible introduction all the changes treated in numbers 22-3 of the decree,~ Christus Dominus; in the divisi6n or dismembering of dioceses care should be taken to achieve an equitable and suitable distribution of priests and of seminarians, regard being had for the needs of the ministry of salva-tion to be exercised in each diocese and for the special circumstances and wishes of the priests and seminarians. § 2 With regard to the Eastern Churches it is desira-ble that in determining the boundaries for eparchies account should also be taken of the greater closeness of those places in which the faithful of the same rite live. Faculties of Auxiliary Bishops (Nos. 25--6 of the de-cree, Christus Dominus) 13.-§ 1. Auxiliary bishops must be established for a given diocese whenever this is demanded by the genuine needs of the apostolat~ exercised there. In the matter of the power to be given to an auxiliary bishop the chief considerations to be kept in mind are the following: the welfare of the Lord's flock that is to b.e shepherded, the status of membership in the episcopal college with which the auxiliary is honored, and his effective cooperation with the bishop of the diocese. § 2. The bishop of the diocese should make his auxil-iary either a vicar general or syncellus or an episcopal vicar, dependent, however, in every case exclusively on the authority of the bishop of the diocese. § 3. In order that the common welfare of the diocese be sufficiently provided for and that the dignity of the auxiliary bishop be safeguarded, the Council desired to make known its wish that when a see is vacant those who possess the right of doing so should entrust the di-rection of the diocese to the auxiliary or, when there are more than one, to one of th~ auxiliaries. Neverthe-less, ~ unless in a given case some other arrangement be made by competent authority, an auxiliary bishop as vicar general or as episcopal vicar does not lose the powers and faculties he possesses by law when the see is occupied. When, therefore, an auxiliar)~ is not elected to the office of vicar capitular, he retains the power con-ferred on him by law until a new bishop takes possession of the see; he should exercise this power in full concord with the vicar capitular who is the head of the admin-istration of the diocese. Episcopal Vicars (N. 27 of the decree, Christus Dominus) 14. - § 1. The new office of episcopal vicar was legally instituted by the Council in order that the bishop through the increase of these new co-workers might be able to carry out his pastoral direction as well as possible. Therefore it is left to the free decision of the bishop of a diocese to constitute one or more episcopal vicars accord-ing to the special needs of the place; moreover, his fac-ulty remains intact of naming one or more vicars general according to the norm of canon 366 of the Code of Canon Law. § 2. Episcopal vicars who according to the bishop's nomination are such in a given part of the diocese or in,~a certain type of activities or with regard to the faith-ful of a given rite or to groups of persons possess the ordinary vicarious power which common law gives to the vicar general. Therefore, within the limits of their com-petency they have the habitual faculties granted by the Apostolic See to the bishop as well as the execution of rescripts unless something else has been expressly pro-vided for or was purposely reserved to the person of the bishop. Nevertheless, the bishop of a diocese is free to reserve matters that he chooses to himself or to the vicar general; likewise, he is free to confer on the episcopal vicar the special mandate prescribed by common law for certain matters. § 3. As a co-worker of the episcopal office the episcopal vicar should refer everything done or to be done to the bishop of the diocese; moreover, he should never act in opposition to the latter's mind and will. Furthermore, he should not neglect to institute frequent conferences with the other co-workers of the bishop--~specially with the vicar general in ways to be determined by the bishop of the diocese; the purpose of such conferences is to strengthen unity of discipline among the clergy and the people and to obtain greater results in the diocese. § 4. A request denied by a vicar general or by an epis-copal vicar cannot be validly granted by another vicar of the same bishop even though he has considered the reasons for the denial of the vicar who made it. Moreover, a request denied by a vicar general or syn-cellus or by an episcopal vicar and afterward obtained from the bishop is invalid if no mention was made of the previous denial; a request, however, denied by the bishop cannot be validly obtained from a vicar general or an episcopal vicar without the consent of the bishop even if the previous denial has been mentioned. § 5. Episcopal vicars who are not auxiliary bishops are nominated for a set time to be determined in the very act of establishing them; nevertheless, they can be re- + + + Implementation Vatican I1 VOLUME 25, 1966 947 + ÷ ÷ Paul Vl REVIE~V FOR RELIGIOUS moved at the will of the bishop. When the see is vacant, they lose their office unless they are auxiliary bishops; it is, however, advisable for the vicar capitular to use them as his delegates so that the good of the diocese will not be harmed. The Council of Priests and the Pastoral Council (N. 27 of the decree, Christus Dominus, and n. 7 of the decree, Presbyterorum ordinis) 15. The following points refer to the council of priests: § 1. In each diocese according to ways and forms to be determined by the bishop there should be a council of priests; that is, a group or senate of priests representing the priests as a whole; this senate is to be such that by its advice it can effectively assist the bishop in the admin-istration of the diocese. In this council the bishop should listen to his priests, consult them, and confer with them about matters pertaining to the needs of pastoral work and to the good of the diocese. § 2. Insofar as they have a part in the care of souls and in the works of the apostolate religious will also be able to be admitted among the members of the council of priests. § 3. The council of priests has only a consultive voice. 24. When the see is vacant, the council .of priests ceases unless in special circumstances authenticated by the Holy See the vicar capitular or the apostolic admin-istrator confirms it. However, the new bishop will establish his own new council of priests. 16. The following points refer to the pastoral council so highly recommended by the decree, Christus Dominus: § 1. The work of the pastoral council is to investigate and appraise all pastoral works and to make practical conclusions concerning such works. All this is to be done in such a way that conformity with the gospel be pro-moted with regard to the life and action of the People of God. § 2. The pastoral council, which has only a consultive voice, can be constituted in various ways. Ordinarily, even though by its nature it is a permanent institution, its membership and activity can be for a definite time, performing its work on given occasions. The bishop can convoke it whenever it will seem opportune to him. § 3. In the pastoral council clerics, religious, and lay persons, specially chosen by the bishop, have a part. § 4. In order that the purpose of this council be actu-ally achieved in practice, it is desirable that its work in common be preceded by previous stndy with the help, if the matter warrants it, of institutes or offices which are at work in the area of the council's purpose. § 5. When hierarchies of diverse rites are present in the same territory, it is strongly recommended that as far as possible the pastoral council be interritual; that is, that it consist of clerics, religious, and lay persons of the diverse rites. § 6. Other dispositions are left to the free determina-tion of the bishop of the diocese, account being taken of the matters mentioned in number 17. 17.-§ 1. In matters involving the council of priests, the pastoral council, and their relations to each other or to the committees already existing by reason of present law, it is advisable that the bishops, especially when they are met in their conferences, take common counsel and publish similar norms in all the dioceses of the territory. The bishops should also take care that all diocesan councils be coordinated as closely as possible by a clear-cut determination of competency, by mutual sharing of members, by common or successive sessions, and by other such means. §2. In the meantime until they are revised, the bishop's councils that are in existence by reason of ex-isting law, that is, his cathedral chapter, his group of consultors, and others of the same type if there be such, retain their own work and their own competency. Suppression of Rights and Privileges in the Conferral of O~ces and Benefices (N. 28 of the decree, Christus Dominus) 18.-§ 1. The good of souls demands that the bishop possess due liberty to confer offices and benefices, even those without the care of souls, in a suitable and equi-table manner on the clerics who are best fitted for them. The Apostolic See will no longer reserve to itself the conferral of offices or benefices, whether with or without the care of souls, unless they be consistorial; in the law of the formulation of every benefice those clauses will be eliminated in the future which restrict the freedom of the bishop with regard to the conferral of the benefice; non-onerous privileges, hitherto granted to physical or moral persons and involving the right of election, nomi-nation, or presentation for any non-consistorial office or benefice, are abrogated; also abrogated are customs and rights of nominating, electing, and presenting priests for a parochial office or benefice; the law of competitive examinations is suppressed for offices and benefices, in-cluding those without the care of souls. With regard to what are called popular elections, it is the duty of the episcopal conferences where such elec-tions exist to propose to the Apostolic See what seems ÷ ÷ + Implementation of Vatican I1 VOLUME 25, 1966 9,i9 ÷ ÷ ÷ Paul VI REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 950 most opportune with a view of abrogating them as far as possible. § 2. If, however, rights and privileges in this matter were established by reason of a convention between the Apostolic See and a nation or by reason of a contract made with physical or moral persons, the matter of the cessation of such rights and privileges must be taken up with the interested parties. Deans (N. 30 of the decree, Christus Dominus) 19.-§ 1. Among the closer co-workers of the bishop of a diocese are to be included those priests who exercise a pastoral function of a supraparochial nature; among such are vicars forane who are also called archpriests or deans and among Eastern Christians protopriests. For the exercise of this position there should be appointed priests who are outstanding for their knowledge and their apostolic activity and who, when they are given due faculties by the bishop, can suitably promote and direct common pastoral action in the territory entrusted to them. Accordingly, this office is not affixed to a deter-mined parish. 2. Vicars forane, archpriests, or deans are appointed for a set time to be determined by special law; however, they can be removed at the will of the bishop. In the case of the nomination, transfer, or removal of parish priests in the territory of which the deans are in charge, it is advisable that the bishop of the diocese consult them. Removal, Transfer, and Resignation of Pastors (N. 31 of the decree, Christus Dominus) 20.-§ 1. Without ~rejudice to the present law of religious, the bishop can legitimately remove any pastor from a parish whenever in the opinion of the bishop his ministry, even without any serious fault of his own, is made harmful or at least ineffective because of any of the causes listed in law or for similar reasons; until the revision of the Code the mode of proceeding in this matter is to be that laid down for irremovable pastors (cc. 2157-=61 of the Code of Canon Law), the law of the Eastern churches retaining its force. § 2. If the good of souls or the'need or welfare of the Church. demands it, the bishop can transfer a pastor from his parish in which he is successful to another parish or to any other ecclesiastical office. If, however, the pastor refuses, the bishop, in order that the transfer be validly enacted, should follow in every detail the way of acting noted above. § 3. In order .that the prescriptions of number 31 of the decree, Christus Dominus, can be put into execu- tion, it is requested of all pastors that of their own accord before the completion of their seventy-fifth year they submit their resignation to their own bishop who, hav-ing considered all the circumstances, will decide whether to accept or defer the resignation. The bishop should provide those who resign with suitable sustenance and habitation. Establishment, Suppression, and Change of Parishes (N. 32 of the decree, Christus Dominus) 21.-§ 1. Every effort should be made that there be suitable partitioning or division of parishes in which because of the excessive number of the faithful or the excessive extent of the territory or because of any reason whatsoever apostolic activity can be exercised only with difficulty or in a less than suitable way. Likewise, parishes that are too small should be united into one as far as the matter demands and circumstances allow. § 2. Parishes should no longer be united by full right to chapters of canons. If any are so united, after consul-tation with the chapter and the council of priests they should be separated and a pastor established-~selected either from the capitulars or not--who should possess all the faculties which belong to pastors .according to the prescriptions of law. § 3. By his own authority and after consultation with the council of priests the bishop of a diocese can es-tablish, suppress, and change parishes; however, he must do this in such a way that if there are conventions be-tween the Apostolic See and the civil government or if there are rights involved belonging to physical or moral persons, the matter be suitably adjuste~d with the pre~ ceding subjects by the competent authority. Religious (Nos. 33--5 of the decree, Christus Dominus) 22. The norms set forth here apply to all religious, men and women, of whatever rite, but without prejudice to the rights of the Eastern patriarchs. 23-§ 1. All religious, including .exempt ones, working in places where a rite different from their own is the only one or is so much greater with respect to the num-be of its faithful that in common estimation it is judged. to be the only one, are dependent on the local ordinary or hierarch in those things which involve the external works of the ministry; and they are subject to him ac-cording to the norms of law. § 2. Where, however, there are many local ordinaries or hierarchs, the same religious in discharging their func-tions among the faithful of different rites are bound by the norms which are given by the common consent of these ordinaries and hierarchs. VOLUME 25, 1966 951 Paul, REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS , 24. Although. the exemption of religious within its own legitima.te confines also applies in mission localities, still, because of the special circumstances of the sacred ministry exercised in those places and according to the' mind of the decree, .dd gentes divinitus," the special stat-utes are to be observed that have been giv.en or approved by the Apostolic See with regard to the relationships be-tween the local ordinary and the religious superior, es-pecially in the case'of; a mission entrusted to a given institute. 25.-§ 1. All religious, including exempt ones, .are bound by the laws, decrees, and ordinances enacted by the local ordinary with regard, to the various works con-cerned with the exercise of the sacred apostolate as well as with pastoral, and social action pr~scribed or recom-mended by the local ordinary. § 2. They are likewise bound ,by the laws, decrees, and ordinances ~nacted by the local ordinary or by the conference of bishops regarding among other things~ the following matters: a) the public"use of all means of social communica-tion according to the norm of numbers 20 and 21 of the decree, Inter miril~ca; ~ . , b) attendance at public spectacles; c) membership or cooperati.on with societies or asso-ciations which the 'local. ordinary or the episcopal con-ference has declared forbidden; d) dccle~iasti~al garb, thqugh there remain in force canofi 596 6f the ~Code of Canon Law and canon 139 of the Code of Canofi Law f6r. the East'.ern Church; the matter of ecdlesiastic.al g~.,rb 'is to include the following regulation: The l'6dal, ordinary or the episcopal confer-ence, in order ~6'~ ~oid'scarid~ilizin'g the faithful, can prohibit, the clergy, both secular and religious, including the exempt,,on~s., from publi,cly wearing lay garb. ¯ 26. Furthermore, the sarape ~r$1igio~us are bound by the laws and decrees' efia~teff by the local ordinary with re-gard to the public exercise 6f -~orship. They "are bound to this in their 6wn churches" ~nd in their public as well as their semipublic oratories if the faithful ordinarily attend them, without prejud.ic~, however,, to the rite iegitimately used f~r theirs.,, own c.ommunity only and account bei.ng taken of ~the o'rdo for the choral Divine Office and for the. sacred functions pertaining to the spe-cial purpose ~f"the institute. 27.-§.1. The epis.copal .conference of each nat.ion, having consulted the religious superiors involved in the matter, can determine norms with regard to the soliciting Of donations;, the~ norms must be observed by all reli-gious, not excluding those who by reason of their insti-. tute are called and are mendicants, without prejudice, however, to their right to beg. § 2. Likewise, religious should not begin the collec-tion of funds by means of a public ,subscription without the consent of the ordinaries of the places in which the funds are collected. ~ 28. The proper or special ~vorks of ~ach institute are those which with the approval of the Apostolic See have been undertaken from its foundation or on account of venerable traditions and which accordingly have been defined and regulated by the constitutions and other proper laws of the institu.t_e. These works, should be zealously fostered by' re!igious, special account being made of the spiritual necessities of the dioceses and fra-ternal concord being maintained with the diocesan clergy and with other institutes engaged in similar works. 29.-§ 1. The.proper or special works exercised in the institute's houses, even those that are rented, are de-pendent on the superiors of the institute who should direct and regulate them according to the constitu-tions. Nevertheless, works of this kind are also subject to the jurisdiction of the local ordinary according to the norm of law. § 2. However, works, ' even though proper and special to the institute, which are entrusted to it by the local ordinary are subject to the ordinary's authority and direction, there being retained, however, the right of religious superiors to watch over the life of their mem-bers as well as to watch over, together with the local ordinary, the execution of the functions entrusted to them. 30.- § 1. ~)ther matters of law being observed, a writ-ten agreement should be made between the local ordi-nary and the competent superior in the case of,the com-mitting of a work of" the apostolate to an institute by the local ordinary. This agreement among other things should clearly define details concerning the work to be done, the members to be .devoted to it, and its financial aspects. § 2. For these works genuinely fitted religious should be selected by their proper ,religious superior after mu-tual consultation with the local ordinary; and if it is a question of an ecclesiastical office to be conferred on a member, the religious should be nbminated by the local ordinary himself, with the presentatibn or at least the assent' of his proper superior and for a period of time determined by mutual consent. 31. Even when'a task is to' be entrusted to a given religious by the "local ordinary or by the episcopal con-ference, this should he"done with the consent of his superior and through a written agreement. ÷ ÷ ÷ Implementation oJ Vatican H VOLUME 25, 1966 953 Paul VI REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 954 32. For a serious reaSon any religious can be removed from the work entrusted to him both at the wish of the commissioning authdrity after the religious superior has been advised arid at the wish of the superior after the one commissioning ~has been advised. In this matter both have parity in law and the consent of the other is not required; neither one is bound to disclose, and much less to prove, t6 the other the reason for his decision, without prejudice, however, to non-suspensive appeal to the Apostolic See. 33.-§ 1. The local ordinary by his own authority and with the consent of the competent religious superior can entrust a parish to a religious institt~te even by erecting it in a religious church of the institute. This commis-sioning of a parish can be done permanently or' for a def-inite period of time; in either case it should be done by m~ans of a written agreement between the ordinary and the comp'etent superior of the institute; in this agreement among other matters there should be expressly and clearly set forth mat'ters pertaining to the work to be done, the persons to be assigned it, and to the finances involved. § 2. With the permission of the proper superior the local ordinary can constitute a religious as pastor of a parish not entrusted ~to the inStitute; in this case a spe-cially adapted agreement should be made with the com-petent superior of the ~nstltute. 34. - § 1. A religious house, whether formal or nonfor-mal; pertaining to an exempt institute cannot be sup-pressed without the consent of the Apostolic See and without consultation of the local ordinary. § 2. Religious superiors should not be hasty in seek-ing to suppress for whatever reason a house or a work; for they Should r~member that all religious have the duty to work hard and diligently not only for the build-ing up and increase of the entire Mystical Body of Ch'rigt but also for the welfare of the particular churches. § 3. When, however, suppression Of a house or work is asked for by superio?s, especially when the reason is lack of persons, the local ordinary should consider the peti-tion in a benignant way. 35. Even.when established by the Apostolic See, asso-ciations 'of the faithful which are under the leadership an~ direction of a religiou.s institute are under the juris-diction and vigilance of the local ordinary who has the right and duty of visiting them according to the norms of the sacred canons. If they are engaged in the external works of the apostolate or in .the promotion .of divine worship, they must observe the prescriptions made in these matters b9 the local ordinary or the episcopal conference. 36.-§ 1. The apostolic zeal of the members of the in-stitutes of perfection who do not profess a purely con-templative life should not be limited to works proper to each institute or to others that are occasionally as-sumed in such a way that local ordinaries, having con-sidered the special characteristics of each institute and with the consent of the competent religious superior, can-not call on not only priest religious but also on all men and women members to assist in the various ministries of the dioceses or regions because of the needs of souls and lack of clergy. § 2. If in the judgment of the local ordinary the help of religious is thought necessary or highly useful [or ex-ercising the multiple work of the apostolate and for fos-tering undertakings of a pastoral nature in secular par-ishes or in diocesan associations, religious superiors should as far as they can furnish the desired help when the same ordinary asks for it. 37. In all churches as well as in all public or semi-public oratories belonging to religious which as a matter of fact and habitually are open to the faithful, the local ordinary can order that episc6pal documents be publicly read and catechetical instructions be given and that spe-cial offerings be collected for specified parochial, dioc-esan, national, or universal purposes, all of which offer-ings are to be carefully sent to the episcopal curia. 38. If the faithful ord!narily attend them, the local ordinary has the right of visiting the churches and ora-tories, even semipublic ones, of religious, including the exempt ones, in order to assure the observance of the gen-eral laws and of the episcopal decrees with regard to di-. vine worship. If it happens that abuse is noted in this area and if warnings given the religious superior have been without effect, he himself can take care of the mat-ter by his own authority. 39. - § 1. In accord with the norm of number 35, 4, of the decree, Christus Dorninus, the general ordering of the. Catholic schools of religious institutes, their right of directing them being safeguarded as well as the norms given in the decree, number 35, 5, concerning the previ-ous mutual consultations between bishops and religious superiors, involves the overall distribution of all Catholic schools in the diocese, their, intercooperation, and their supervision to see to it that they are no less suitable than other schools for the achievement of their c~fltural and social purposes. § 2. With the exception of purely internal schools open exclusively to members of an institute, the schools, colleges, oratories, recreation centers, homes, orphanages of religious institutes as well as other similar institutions of theirs for works of religion or of charity, whether ÷ ÷ ÷ Implementation Vatican I1 VOLUME 25, 1966 " "" 955 spiritual or temporal, can be visited by the local ordinary either personally or through another in accord with the norm of the sacred canons." 40. The norms for the inclusion of religious in dioce-san works and ministries to be exercised under the direc-tion of the bishop should also be applied, suitable adapta-tions being made, to other works and ministries which exceed diocesan boundaries. + ÷ + Paul VI REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 956 Episcopal Conferences (N. 38 of the decree, Christus Dominus) 41. - § 1. The bishops of countries or territories in which an episcopal conference is not yet had should act promptly to establish one in accord with the norm of the decree, Christus Dominus; and they should frame statutes for it and send them to the Apostolic See for examination. § 2. Already established episcopal conferences must draw up their own statutes according to the prescrip-tions of the Council; or, if they already have a set of statutes, they should revise them in accord with the mind of the same Council and submit them for examination to the Apostolic See. § 3. Bishops of countries in which it is difficult to es-tablish a conference, after consultation with the Apostolic See, should join that conference which best fits the needs of the apostolate of their own nation. § 4. Episcopal conferences 6f many nations, that is, international ones, can be established only with the ap-proval of the Holy See whose right it is to establish special norms. Moreover, whenever any projects or plans of an international nature are undertaken, the Holy See should be advised about them beforehand. § 5. Relationships between episcopal conferences, es-pecially those of neighboring countries, can be main-tained in an opportune and suitable way by the secre-tariats of the conferences. The secretariats can among other matters be concerned with the following activities: a) to communicate the principal ways of proceeding especially in pastoral matters and activity; b) to send written reports giving the decisions of the conference or to send the proceedings or documents which are issued by the common agreement of the bishops; c) to point out various undertakings of the apostolate that have been proposed or recommended by the epis-copal conference and that may be useful in similar cases; d) to propose serious matters which in modern times and in particular circumstances seem to be of the greatest importance; e) to indicate dangers or errors in the country that may creep into other nations, making this indication so that suitable and opportune means can be taken to prevent, remove, or limit them; and to do other similar things. Boundaries of Ecclesiastical Provinces or Regions (Nos. 39-41 of the decree, Christus Dominus) 42. The conferences of bishops should attentively study whether the better achievement of the welfare of souls a) requires a more suitable determination of the boundaries of ecclesiastical provinces or b) indicates the establish-ment of ecclesiastical regions. If the answer to these points is affirmative, the conferences should send to the Holy See the ways by which needed revisions of the boundaries of ecclesiastical provinces and the needed establishment of regions are to be enacted in law. More-over, they should indicate to the Holy See the ways in which those dioceses in the territory should be aggregated which up to now have been immediately subject to the Holy See. Pastoral Directories (N. 44 of the decree, Christus Domi-nu$) 43. With regard to pastoral directories, patriarchal synods and episcopal conferences are asked to be prompt in studying the general and special questions to be treated in the directories and to communicate their advice and desires as soon as possible to the Apostolic See. II NORMS FOR THE DECREE ON RELIGIOUS LIFE In order that the effects of the Council may be care-fully brought to maturity, religious institutes should first of all promote a newness of spirit and then in a prudent but inventive way see to the suitable renewal of life and discipline by carefully studying the dogmatic constitu-tion, Lumen gentium (Chapters 5 and 6) as well as the decree, Perfectae caritatis, and by putting into effect the teaching and norms of the Council. The following norms, which apply and give insistence to the decree, Perfectae caritatis, hold with suitable adaptation for all religious, Latin as well as Eastern; they describe a way of proceeding and lay down certain pre-scriptions. PART I THE WAY TO PROMOTE A SUITABLE RENEWAL OF RELIGIOUS LIFE I. Those Who Should Promote a Suitable Renewal 1. The principal role in the renewal and adaptation of religious life pertains to tbe institutes themselves; they + ÷ ÷ Im~lementation o] Vatican 11 VOLUME 25, 1966 957 ÷ ÷ ÷ Paul REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 958 will achieve this especially through general chapters or, in the case of the Eastern Churches, through synax~es. The work of the chapters will be achieved no~t only by passing laws but even more so by promoting ~piritual and apostolic vitality. 2. The cooperation of all superiors and members is necessary, to renew religious life in themselves, to prepare the spirit of the chapters, to complete their work, and to faithfully observe the laws and norms enacted by the chapters. ~ 3. In order to promote a fitting renewal in each in-stitute, within two or at most three years there should meet a specia! general chapter, ordinary or extraordinary. If the chapter itself so decides by a secret vote, the chapter can be divided into two parts separated in time by an interval of generally not more than a,.year. 4. In: preparing for this chapter the general council should make suitable provision for extensive and free consultation of the members and it should put the re-stilts of this consultation into a usable form in order that the work of the chapter may be helped and orientated. This can be done, for example, by consulting conventual and proVincial~ chapters, by establishing comniissions, by issuing questionfiaires, and so forth. ~ 5. In the case of stauropegiac monasteries [Eastern monasteries with' a special type of exemption] it will be the duty of the patriarch to enact norms for achieving this consultation. 6. This general Tchapter has the right to change for experimental purposes .given noinns of the constitutions or, in the case of the Eastern churches, of the typica pro-vided that the purpose, nature, and characteristics of the institute are retained.,. Experimentations in things agaihst the general law, a matter t6 be done with prudence, will be gladly permitted by the Holy See as opportunity war-rants. These experimentations can be extended until the next ordinary general chapter which will itself have the power to again extend .them but not beyond the immediately following chapter. 7. The general council will enjoy the same power in the time period between these chapters according to con-ditions to be determined by them; in the case of the East-ern churches, this power will be had in independent monasteries by the hegoumenos with the lesser synaxis. 8. Definitive approbation of the constitutions is re-served to the competent authority. 9. With regard to the revision of the constitutions of nuns, each monastery after the fashion of a chapter or also the nuns individually should express their opinions which, in order that the unity of the religious family may be fostered according to its own characteristics, should be collected by the supreme authority of the order if there is one and otherwise by a delegate of the Holy See or, in the case of Eastern religious, by the patriarch or the local hierarch. Opinions and advice can also be ob-tained from consessions of federations or from other legitimately convoked meetings. 10. If in monasteries of nuns certain experimentations for a time with regard to observances should be judged opportune, they can be permitted by the general superiors or by delegates of the Holy See and, among the Eastern churches, by the patriarch or the local hierarch. Neverthe-less, account should be taken of the mentality and atti-tudes of cloistered persons who have need for stability and security. 11. It will be the duty of the authorities mentioned above to see to it that the text of the constitutions is re-vised with the advice and help of the monasteries them-selves and that they are submitted for the approval of the Holy See or the competent hierarchy. 1I. Revision of Constitutions and Typica 12. The general laws of each institute (whether called constitutions, typica, rules, or. any other name) should include the following elements: a) gospel and theological principles concerning the religious life and its union with the Church as well as pertinent and specific declarations in which "are recog-nized and preserved the spirit and characteristic aims of the founders as well as the sound traditions- all of which constitute the heritage of each institute" (n. 2, b) of the decree, Per[ectae caritatis); b) the juridical norms necessary for clearly defining the characteristics, purposes, and means of the institute; these norms should not be overmultiplied but should al-ways be expressed in an adequate way. 13, The union of both these elements--the spiritual, namely, and the juridical--is necessary in order that the principal documents of the institutes may have a stable foundation and that a genuine spirit and a vitalizing norm pervade them; hence care should be taken to avoid composing a text that is only juridical or merely exhorta-tory. 14. From the fundamental document of institutes there should be excluded those matters that are already obsolete or changeable according to the customs of a given age or reflect merely local customs. Those norms which reflect the present age, the physical and psychic, status of the, members, and ,the special char-acteristics of today should be placed in secondary docu- 4- 4- Implementation o/ Vatican I! VOLUME 25, 1966 959 Paul REVIEWFOR RELIGIOUS 96O ments which are called "directgries," custom books, or some other such title. " IlL Criteria of(SuitableRenewal 15. The norms and the spirit to which a suitable re-newal should correspond '~hould be derived not,only from the decree, Perfectae caritatis, but .also from the other documents of the Second Vatican' Council, especially from Chapters" 5 and 6 of the ,dogmatic constitution, Lumen gentium. 16. Institutes should see to it that the principles es-tablished in number 2 of the decree, Perfectae caritatis, generally inform the renewal of their Own religious life; therefore: - , § 1. The sLudy and meditation of Scripture should be deeply fostered in all the members from the novitiate on. Likewise, care should be taken that all ,the members ~hare by' fitting means in the mystery and life: of .the Church. § 2. The doctrine of religious life in all its various aspects (theological, historical, canonical, and so forth) should be investigated 'and explained. § 3. In order to secure the good of the Church, in-stitutes should strive for a full. knowledge of their origi-nM spirit so that, this spirit having been faithfully pre-served in the adaptations that are decided on, religious life may be purified 6f alien elements~and freed from ob-solete matters. , ~ ~ 17. Those things are~ to be regarded, as obsolete which do not constitute the nature and purpose of the institute and, having lost'their significance and relevance; no longer truly help religious, life, account,~however, being taken of the witness which the religious state should pro-vide according to its own function., ' , . '~ 18. The way ~of governing should be such that "~hap-ters and councils., each in their,:own ,way should ex-press the shared responsibility of all thd members for the welfare of the entire community" (n. 14 iof the decree, Per[ectae caritatis);,,this will be principally,achieved if tlie members have a truly effective part in. the selection of the'membership bf-chapters and councils. Similarly, the way of governing should be such that 'in~ accor~d.with the demands of modern times~ the exercise of authority is made more efficacious and more unencumbered. Hence superiors of ever.y level should be given adequate powers so that useless or overly freqiaent recourse to!higher au-thorities is not multiplied. 19. Moreover; a suitable renewal cannot be made once and for all but must be fostered in a continuous way by the help of the fervor of the members and by the solici-tude ~of chapters and superiors. PART II MATrER$ FOR ADAPTATION AND RENEWAL I. The Divine O~ice o]'Brothers and Sisters (N. 3 of the decree, Perfe~ctge caritatis) 20. Although religious who recite a 'duly approved Little Office are engaged in the public prayer of the Church (see the 'consfitution, 'Sacrosanctum Concilium, n. 98)., still it is highly recommended to institutes that in place of a Little Office 'they recite either in ~part or in whole the Divine Office so that they may take more in-umate part in the liturgical life of the Church. However, Eastern'members should recite the doxologies, and the divine praises in accord with their own typica and cus-toms. II. Mental Prayer (N. 6 of the decree, Perfdctae caritatis) 21.'In order that reli~gious may participate more inti-mately a.nd fruitfully in the sacred mystery of the Eucha-rist and that their life be nourished riaore abundantly, greater place should be given to mental prayer in prefer-ence to a multiplicity of vocal prayers, there being main-tained,, however, the exercises of devotion commonly re-ceived in the Chui~ch and du~ care being taken that the members are diligently instructed in the conduct of"~he spiritual life. ' III. Mortification (Nos. 5 and 12 of the decree, Per]ectae caritatis) 22. Religious more than the rest of the f~iitfiful should be devoted to works of penance and mortification. How-ever," the ,special penitential observances~ of institutes .should, as far as there is need, be r~evised so that, du9 con-sideration having been given to the traditions of the East .or the West and to modern conditions, the .members can actually put them into practice together with new forms taken from today's mode of living. IV. Poverty (N. 13 of the decree, Per]ectae caritatis) 23. Institutes, especially through their general chap-ters, should diligently and concretely promote the spirit and practice of poverty in accord with the mind of num-ber 13 of the decree, Per[ectae caritatis; in accord with their distinctive nature they should also seek and insist on new forms of poverty which will make the exercise and witness of poverty more efficacious for the present time. 24. Institutes of simple vows should themselves decide in their gdneral chapter whether there should be intro-duced into the constitutions a renunciation of patrimony + + ÷ Implementation 'Vatican II VOLUME 25, 1966 961 already acquired or to be acquired and, if it is decided to do so, whether it should be obligatory or voluntary and when it should be done, that is, whether before perpetual profession or after some years. Paul VI REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 96~ .V. Common Life (N. 15 of the decree, Perfectae caritatis) 25. In institutes devoted to works of the apostolate .common life, since it is of great importance if the mem-bers as a family united in Christ are to reactualize their brotherly fellowship, should be promoted by every means in a way that is fitted to the vocation of the institnte. 26, In institutes of this kind the daily order can often not be ~the same in all the houses nor at times in the same house for. all its.members. However, it should also be so arranged that the religious besides the time given to spiritual matters and to work may have some time for themselves and caw enjoy suitable recreation. 27. General chapters and synaxes should investigate ways in which those members who are called lay brothers, cooperators, or some other name can gradually obtain active voice in specific acts of the community and in elections as well.as passive voice with regard to certain positions; in this way they will become more closely .joined to the life and works of the community, and priests .will be able,to devote themselves with more freedom to the ministries. 28. In monasteries which have come to the decision of ¯ having,'Only one class of nuns, choir obligations should be specified in the constitutions, consideration being .giye.n to the diversity of persons which the distinction of works and special vocations requires. 29. Sisters devoted to the exte~'nal service of monas-teries, called oblates or some other name, should be gov-erned by special statutes in which consideration should be given to their vocation which is not purely contempla-tive and to the exigencies of the vocation of the nuns in ufiion with whom they live even though they are not nuns. The superioress of the monastery has a serious'respon-sibility to,take solicitor's care of them, to provide them .w.ith a suitable religious formation, to treat them with a g~nuine spirit of love, and to foster their bond of fellow-ship with the community of nuns. VI. The Cloister of Nuns (N. 16 of the decree, Perlectae caritatis) 30. The papal cloister of monasteries is to be consid-ered as an ascetical institution which is specially linked to their'distinctive vocation since it is a sign, defense, and special form of their withdrawal from the world. Nuns of the Eastern rites should observe their own kind of cloister in the same spirit. 31. This cloister is to be adapted in such a way that material separation from the' outside is always retained. However, each family according to its own spirit can de-termine and specify in the constitutions particular norms for this material separation. 32. Minor cloister is abrogated. Nuns, therefore, who by their institute are devoted to external works should define this cloister in their constitutions. But nuns who, t~hough contemplat.ive by reason of their institute, have nevertheless under'taken external works, should, after a sufficient amount of tJ.me granted them for deliberation, either give UP their external works and retain papal cloister or retain the works and define their own cloister in the constitutions, their status as nuns bein~ retained. ' VII. The Training of,Religious (N. 18 of the decree, Perfectae caritatis) 33. The training of members from the novitiate on should not be conducted in the. same way in all institutes, but rather consideration should be given to the distinc-tive nature of each institute. In revising and adapting training, an adequate and prudent place should be given to experience. . 34. The matters set down in the decree, Optata.m totius (on the training of priests), should be suitably, adapted in accord with the nature of each insti.tute.and faith-fully observed in the way of training religious clerics. ¯ 35. Further training to be given after the novitiate, in a way. suited to the individual institute is necessary for all members even those of the contemplativ, e life, for brothers in lay institutes, and for sisters in institutes de-voted to apostolic works. This training; already in. exist-ence in many institutes under the name of juniorate, scholasticate, or some other title, should in general ex-tend for the entire period of; temporary vows. 36. This training should be given in suitable houses; and, lest it be merely thebretical, it should be comple-mented by an apprenticelike exercise of the works and functions that are in accord with the characteristics and circumstances of each institute so that the ones being trained may be gradually introduced to the life which they will live thereafter. 37. Without prejudice to the characteristic formation in each institute, when individual institutes cannot suffi-ciently provide academic or technical training, this can be supplied by a fraternal collaboration of a number of them. This can take different forms and ways: common lectures or courses, the lending of teachers, even the con-solidation of teachers and equipment in a common Implementation Vatican II VOLUME 25, "1966 963 school to be attended by members of a number of insti-tutes. Institutes which are provided with the necessary means should willingly give help to others. 38. After adequate experimentation, it will be the duty of each institute to draw up its own adapted norms for the training of members. VIII. The Union and. Suppression of Institutes (Nos. 21-2 of the decree, Perfectae caritatis) 39. The promotion of union of any kind among in-stitutes presupposes an adequate spiritual, psychological, and juridical preparation in accord with the mind of Perfectae caritatis. To achieve this it will often be advan-tageous for institutes to be helped by an adviser approved by the competent authority. 40. In the cases and circumstances just mentioned, the good of the Church is to be looked for, due consideration, however, being given to the special nature of each in-stitute and to the freedom of individual members. 41. After all circumstances have been considered, the following when found together should retain a specie/1 place among the criteria which can contribute to form-ing the judgment to suppress an institute or a monas-tery: a small number of religious relative to the years of existence; lack of candidates over a number of years; ad-vanced age of the greater part of the members. If sup-pression is decided on, provision should be made that the suppressed institution be joined "if it be possible, to an-other, more vigorous institute or monastery which is not very different in purpose and spirit" (n. 21 of the decree, Perfectae caritatis). Each religious, however, should be previously consulted; and everything should be done in charity. Paul Vl REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 964 IX. Conferences and Unions of Majqr Superiors and Superioresses (N. 23 of the decree, Perfectae caritatis) 42. Care should be taken that the union of superiors general and the union of superioresses general be able to be heard and consulted by means of a commission estab-lished with the Sacred Congregation of Religious. 43. It is of the greatest importance that the national conferences or unions of major superiors and of major superioresses should confidently and respectfully cooper-ate with the episcopal conferences (see n. 35, 5 of the decree, Christus Dominus; n. 33 of the decree, Ad gentes divinitus). Hence it is hoped that matters pertaining to both sides will be treated in mixed commissions composed of bishops and major superiors or superioresses. CONCLUSION 44. These norms, which apply to religious of the en-tire Church, leave intact the general laws of the Church, whether of the Latin Church or of the Eastern Churches, as well as the specific laws of religious institutes unless these norms change them explicitly or implicitly. III NORMS FOR IMPLEMENTING THE DECREE ON MISSIONARY ACTIVITY Vatican Council II's decree, ,4d genres divinitus (on the missionary activity of the Church), should be es-teemed by the entire Church and be faithfully observed by everyone so that the entire People of God should be-come genuinely missionary and conscious of its mission-ary obligation; local ordinaries should see to it that the decree comes to the knowledge of all the faithful: there should be clergy conferences and sermons to the people to explain and emphasize the common obligation of all with regard to missionary activity. In order to make the application of the decree easier and more faithful, the following enactments are given: 1. The theology of missions should be included in the theological doctrine that is to be taught and progressively deepened; this is to be done in such a way that the mis-sionary nature of the Church is clearly visible. More-over, the ways of the Lord in His preparation for the gospel and the possibility of salvation for those not evangelized should be considered; and emphasis must be given to the necessity of evangelization and of incorpora-tion into the Church (Chapter 1 of the decree, Ad gentes divinitus). All these matters should be kept in view when studies in seminaries and universities are newly organized and duly ordered (n. 39). 2. Episcopal conferences are invited to propose to the Holy See as soon as possible general questions abont the missions which can be considered in the coming meeting of the synod of bishops (n. 29). 3. To increase the missionary spirit in the Christian people, prayers and daily sacrifices should be fostered in such a way that the annual Mission Day shonld appear as a spontaneous indication of that spirit (n. 36). Bishops and episcopal conferences should compose petitions for the missions to be inserted into the Prayer of the Faithful at Mass. 4. In each diocese a priest should be designated for the effective promotion of missionary undertakings, and he should also be a member of the pastoral council of the diocese (n. 38). ÷ ÷ ÷ Implementation o! Vatican 1I VOLUME 25, 1966 965 + ÷ ÷ Paul REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 966 5. To promote the missionary spirit students in semi-naries and young people of Catholic associations should be encouraged to have contacts with seminary students and similar associations in the missions so that a mutual understanding may foster in the Christian people a mis-sionary and ecclesial consciousness (n. 38). 6. Being aware of the urgency of the evangelization of the world, bishops should promote missionary voca-tions among their clerics and young people; and to in-stitutes engaged in 'missionary work they should furnish the means and opportunities by which they may make the needs of the missions known in the diocese and. may arouse vocations (n. 38). In arousing vocations for the missions care should be taken to set forth the mission of the Church to all peoples and the ways in which various types (institutes, priests, religious, and lay persons of both sexes) try_ to achieve this mission. Chiefly, however, .the special missionary vocation "for life" (nos. 23, 24) should be extolled and illustrated by examples. 7. The Pontifical Missionary Works should be pro-moted in all dioceses; and their statutes, especially those with regard.to the transmission of assistance~ should be duly obser.ved (n. 38): 8. Since.the .offerings given to the missions by the faithful of their own accord are not nearly sufficient, it is recommended that as soon as possible there .be enacted a set contribution, proportioned to the revenues of each, which both the diocese and the parishes and other group-ings of the diocese should pay each year and which should be distributed by the Holy See, all other obligations of the faithful remaining (n. 38). 9. Episcopal conferences should have an episcopal' com-mission for the missions whose, work it will be to foster among the dioceses missionary activity and consciousness and an abiding attitude of cooperation, to be .in contact with other episcopal conferences, and to, investigate ways in which as far as possible equitable arrangements of missionary help may be safeguarded (n. 38). 10. Because missionary institutes remain very neces-sary, all should acknowledge that they have had the work of evangelization entrusted to them by ecclesiastical au-thority in order to carry out the missionary dutyof the entire People of God (n. 27). 11. Bishops should also use missionary institutes in order that they might enkindle the faithful with a desire for missionary activity; bishops should also furnish them opportunities, right order being observed, of arousing and fostering in young people vocations to the missions and of asking for contributions (nos. 23, 37, 38). In order, however, that greater unity and effectiven&s be achieved, the bishops should use a national or regional missionary council which will consist of the directors of the Pontifical Works and of the missionary institutes existing in the country or region. 12. Each missionary institute should as soon as possible take care of its own adaptation and renewal especial!y with regard to its methods of evangelization and of Chris-tian initiation (nos. 13, 14) as well as to its way of living in communities (n~ 3 of the decree, Perfectae caritatis). 13. - § 1. It is necessary that for all missions there be only one competent curial, department; namely, the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith. Since, however, certain missions for special reasons are still subject temporarily to other curial departments, there should be established in these other departments a missionary section that should have close relations with the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith in order that in the organizing and directing of the mis-sions a completely constant and uniform norm can be had (n. 29). § 2. To the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith are subject the Pontifical Missionary Works; namely, the Pontifical Work for the Propagation of the Faith, the Work of St. Peter for native clergy; the Union of the Clergy for the Missions, and the Work of the Holy Childhood. 14. The president of the secretariat for fostering the unity of Christians is by reason of his office a member of the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith while the secretary of the same secretariat is included among the consultors of the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith (n. 29). Similarly, the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith should be represented at the secretariat for fostering the unity of Christians. 15. In the direction of the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith twenty-four representatives take part with a deliberative vote unless in individual cases the supreme pontiff should decide otherwise; namely, twelve prelates from the missions and four, from other regions, four from superiors of institutes, four from the Pontifical Works; all of these shonld meet twice a year. Members of this board are appointed for five years with almost a fifth part being changed every year. When they have finished one term, they can be appointed for an-other five years. In accord with norms to be sent as soon as possible from the Apostolic See, episcopal conferences, institutes, and the Pontifical ~rorks should propose to the supreme pontiff the names of those from whom the supreme pontiff may select the representatives mentioned above as + .+ + Implementation oS Vatican II VOLUME 25, 1966 .967 Paul REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 968 well as the names of those, including persons living on the missions, from,whom consultors can be selected. 16. Representatives of religious institutes on the mis-sions and of regional works for the missions as well as of councils of laymen have a part in the meetings of this congregation with consultive vote (n. 29). 17. After consulting the episcopal conferences and mis-sionary institutes, the Sacred Congregation for the Propa-gation of ,the Faith should delineate .as soon as possible the general principles according to which agreements should be made between local ordinaries and mission in-stitutes with regard to" the regulation of their mutual, re-lationships (n. 32). In making these agreements consideration', should be given both. to the continuance of missionary work andoto the needs of the institutes (n. 32). 18. Because~ it is desirable that episcopal.conferences be joined intooorganic groups along socio-cultural lines, the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Fi~ith (n. 29) should promote such coordinations of episcopal conferences. " Together with the Sacred Congregation for.the Propa-gation of the Faith, the work of these conferences~ will be the following: 1°. To seek ways, including new ones, in which by joint effort- the faithful and the missionary institutes may insert themselves into the peoples and groups among whom they live or to whom they are sent (nos. 10, 11) and :with whom they should conduct a dialogue of salvation. 2°. To establish study groups who should investigate peoples' ways of thinking about the universe, about man, and about man's interior attitude toward God and who should subsume for theological consideration'whatever is good or true. Such theological study should furnish the necessary foundation :for making adaptations, the consideration ~of which should also be a duty of the aforementioned study groups. Among other 'matters these adaptations should be concerned with. methods of ~vangelizing, liturgical forms, religious life, arid ecclesiastical legislation (n. 19). As far as methods of evangelization and of catechesis ~a~e concerned, the Sacred Congregation for the Propaga-tion of the Faith should promote close cooperation with advanced-level pastoral institutes. As far as liturgical forms are concerned, the study groups should send documents and opinions, to the Com-mittee for the Implementation of The Constitution on the Liturgy. ~As far as the religious ~state is concerned (n. 18), care should be taken that external form (exemplified by ex- ternal appearances, clothing, arts, and so forth) not be given more attention than the religious characteristics of peoples which should be assumed or assimilated to evan-gelical perfection. 3°. To promote at determined times meetings of those teaching in seminaries in order, after consultation with the study groups already mentioned, to adapt courses of study and to mutually exchange information so that better attention be directed to today's needs in the matter of priestly training (n. 16). 4°. To examine the best way in which manpower (priests, catechists, institutes, and so forth) can be dis-tributed in the territory and especially the way in which care can be taken of the scarcity of manpower in places that are highly populated. 19. In distributing resources a suitable part should be reserved each year for the formation and sustenance of the local clergy, the missionaries, the catechists, and the study groups mentioned in number 18. Bishops should send reports about these matters to the Sacred Congrega-tion for the Propagation of the Faith (nos. 17, 29). 20. A pastoral council should be duly established; its work will be, in accord with number 27 of the decree, Christus Dominus, "to investigate, appraise, and draw practical conclusions about matters pertaining to pastoral works," to do its share in preparing the diocesan synod, and to take care of the execution of the statutes of the synod (n. 30). 91. On the missions there should be established con-ferences of religious men and unions of religious women in which the major superiors of all institutes of the same nation or region should take part and by which their undertakings may be coordinated (n. 33). 22. According to possibilities and needs scientific in-stitutes should be multiplied; they should cooperate by common consent in order that the work of investigation and specialization be well organized; and duplication of works of the same nature should be avoided in the same region (n. 34). 23. In order that immigrants from mission countries be duly received and assisted by suitable pastoral care on the part of bishops of countries who have long been Christian, cooperation with missionary bishops is neces-sary (n. 38). 24. With regard to lay persons on the missions: § 1. Urgent emphasis should be put on the following: sincere intention of serving, the missions, maturity, suit-able preparation, professional specialization, and a suffi-ciently long time to be spent on the mission. ÷ 4. 4- Implementation 'Vatican 11 § 2. Consociations of lay persons for the missions should be effectively intercoordinated. § 3. The bishop of the mission locality should be so-licitous [or such lay persons. § 4. The social security of such lay persons should be safeguarded (n. 41). ,÷ ÷ Paul Vi REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 97~ THOMAS BARROSSE, C.S.C. Religious Community and the Primitive Chul'ch In the opening chapters of the Acts of the Apostles St. Luke describes how the Church began her life. The Spirit came. The Apostles preached. The gospel was believed. The believers were baptized, and the Church had come into existence. At the end of Chapter 2, Luke furnishes a vignette of life in the primitive Christian community. In Chapters 3 and 4 he introduces the threat of persecution and opposition. Then, once more, at the end of Chapter 4, he provides a sketch of life in the earliest Church. These pictures presented in Acts 2 and 4 are somewhat idealized. In Chapters 5 and 6, he will. quite frankly fill the shadows in: the deceit of Ananias and Sapphira and the grumbling of the Diaspora Jewish Christians against their Palestinian fellow believers. But he wishes first to present the life of the primitive community in its best light so that the memory of the earliest Apostolic Chureh can haunt his Christian readers down through thd years as a model they will want to emulate. ~ The casual, or even the careful, present-day reader of the Gospels of Mark and Luke might form for himself a rather individualistic conception of the ideal Christian: a person who believes (for "he who believes and is baptized will be saved"--Mk 16:16), who loves (for to the questioia, "What must I do to possess eternal life?" thd answer' is, "You must love the Lord your God. and your neighbor --Lk 10:25-7), who is completely detached (for "he who does not renounce all that he possesses cannot be my dis-ciple"-- Lk 14:33), who remains faithful through tribula-tion (for "he who perseveres to the end will be saved"m Mk 13:13). This conception is false, of course, and the Book of Acts, which shows how what the Lord Jesus pre-pared by His ministry and effected by His sufferings and Thomas Barrosse, C.S.C., is on the staff of the general-ate of the Congre-gation of the Holy Cross; Via Aurelia Antica, 391; Rome, Italy. VOLUME 25, 1"966 " ÷ + ÷ Tho~mas Barrosse, REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS glory actually came to be, makes it very clear that the work of Christ was the creation of a communily of faith, of love, and of hope in the midst of tribulations. Here is the picture Luke paints in Chapter 2 (vv. 41-5): "Those who received [Peter's] word [with faith] were bap-tized"-- a community constituted by faith and baptism. "They were persevering in the teaching of the Apostles" --a community that maintained itself in existence by nourishing its faith. But also a community of love--for "they were persevering., in the common life--hoin6n[a --[which manifested itself in] the breaking of the bread [--the common, eucharistic meal--] and the [common] prayers" but which manifested itself too in their sharing of material goods since "the believers., considered all things common and were selling their property and be-longings and dividing up the proceeds among all accord-ing as anyone had need." Their love was not restricted to the group: they were an open community since "they were persevering daily in the temple., and enjoying favor with all the people." This same picture recurs in Chapter 4 (vv. 32-5): "The whole multitude of believers were one heart and one soul, and no one said any of his belongings were his own, but all things were common for them . " The shadow of the cross, which already falls across the community in Chapter 4 when Peter and John are ar-rested and threatened, gradually crystallizes into a princi-ple of life. It is finally formulated in 14:22 when Paul points out that only "through many tribulations must we come into the kingdom of God." Let us see how much the thought of this ideal Christian community depicted by Luke in Acts influenced the origins of religious life. Students of Christian monasticism (a way of life that would diversify and proliferate into the many forms of religious life which we know today) usually find its be-ginnings in fourth century Christian Egypt. Before that time there existed in the Church both celibates (especially virgins and widows) and "ascetics" (literally, "exercisers" or "practicers"). The celibates felt that it was given to them to forego married life for the sake of the kingdom of heaven (Mr 19:11 f.) or that they had the gift of re-maining unmarried to give undivided attention to the Lord (1 Cot 7:7 and 32-5). The ascetics applied certain New Testament passages--like Jesus' advice to the rich young man to sell all his belongings if he wanted to be perfect (Mr 19:21)--quite literally to themselves in their attempts to live a full Christian life. But the Christian ideal--or the ideal Christian--was the martyr. The martyr was the believer who by his total self-re-nunciation showed his perfect love--and even the celi- bates and ascetics hoped and prayed for the great favor of undergoing martyrdomA Clement of Alexandria in the third century could echo Ignatius of Antioch and Polycarp of Smyrna in the second in saying: "We call martyrdom perfection (telei6sis) not because the man has reached the end (telos) of his life, as others do, but be-cause he has displayed the perfect (tdleios) work of love." e For this reason, it was the martyr who was considered the Christian most resembling Christ and the Apostles. "The Lord," says Clement of Alexandria again, "was the first to drink the cup . In imitation of him, the Apostles as. perfect men suffered for the churches which they founded." 3 Even before, but especially after, the age of martyrs ended, the Church fathers tried to show that other ideal Christians could be found. They pointed out how espe-cially the celibates and the ascetics were, like the martyrs, "athletes" or "soldiers" of Christ who showed their per-fect faith and love by their perfect self-renunciation. If martyrdom might be called a second baptism, so might profession of the celibate or ascetical life.4 In fourth century Egypt St. Anthony turned the private initiative of scattered ascetics into an organized mass movement. Undertaking the life of an ascetic, he learned this virtuous and prayerful way of life from other Christians who lived it more or less in retirement. He came to appreciate from them how he might more literally put the various suggestions and injunctions of the New Testament into practice in his own life. Then after twenty years of solitude and struggle for mastery over himself, he became, at their request, the teacher of large numbers who were stirred by his example. His contemporary and acquaintance, St. Athanasius, in Chap-ter 1 of his Li~e o~ Anthony describes how the Lord "gave Anthony grace in speech so that., he induced many to choose the solitary life." The biographer con-tinues: "From that time there have been monasteries [that is, hermitages] even in the mountains, and the desert was made a city by monks . " ~ Anthony's dis-course on the ascetic life in Chapters 16 to ~ of this work has even been called the first rule of life for monks. x See St. Athanasius, Life of Anthony, Chapters 46 and ~t7, in Early Christian Biographies, trans. Sister Mary Emily Keenan (New York: Fathers of the Church, 1952), pp. 177-8. a Stromata 4, 4 (translated and commented by E. Malone, The Monk and the Martyr [Washingtou: Catholic University, 1950], p. 5). Religious ~ Stromata 4, 9 (translated [and here slightly adapted] in E. Ma- Community lone, The Monk and the Martyr, p. 6). * Malot~e, The Monk and the Martyr, Chapters Three to Six. ~Athanasius, Life o[ Anthony, in Keenan, Early Christian Biog-raphies, p. 149. VOLUME 25, 1966 973 ÷ ÷ Thomas Barrosse, C,.S.C. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 97,1 At times these "monks" (that is, "solitaries") lived two or more together.~ But their association remained limited and voluntary. They were basically hermits (that is, "des-ert"- dwellers) or anchorites (that is, people in "retire-ment"). This sort of life in modified form has continued on in the Church to the present day--in the West among the Carthusians and the Camaldolese, for example, and in communities of semi-solitaries in the East. It won the ad-miration of the' western European writers of the patristic age, and many of them looked upon it as a higher life than the one to which we now turn. While Anthony lived in northern Egypt, another as-cetic, Pachomius, was organizing the ascetical life on another pattern to the south. After some training in the life under another, older man, he began to gather dis-ciples and train them. He organized them into a com-munity-- koin6nla--the very word that Luke uses in Acts 2:42 to describe the "common life" of the primitive Church. He composed a detailed rule for these cenobites (that is, men with a "common life"). Theodore, close disciple and successor of Pachomius, presents it as a "model for whoever desires to bring souls together ac-cording to God in order that they may become perfect." 7 We must not think of it merely as a practical measure to train fervent individuals. If we read on in Pachomius' life, we find that he worked gradually to dispose his disciples "to bind themselves to one another in perfect community after the manner of what stands written in Acts of the believers: 'They were a single heart and a single soul, and all goods belonged to them in common; there was no one who said of what belonged to him, "It is mine.' . s In addition, they referred to one another as "brothers," the term the Book of Acts and the New Testament epistles use to designate the relationship of early Christians to one another. One of his early lives even describes a visit of Pachomius' disciples to Anthony after their master's death, in which the latter declares "that he gathered souls around him in order to offer them pure to the Lord is a fact which shows that he is su-perior to us and that the way he followed is the Apostle's way, that is, the koin6nia" 9 When Pachomius~ disciples press Anthony with the question: "If the common life . is the higher way of the Apostles, then why did you not live in community.?" the anchorite answers that elbid., Chapters 11 and 91, in Keenan, Early Christian Biogra-phies, pp. 145 and 213. * L. Lefort (ed.), Les vies coptes de saint Pachdme (Louvain: Mu-s~ on, 1943), pp. 60-1. s Ibid., p. 276. 0 Ibid., pp. 3 and 65. he had no choice when he became a monk: there were no communities to join.1° This idea that the common life was, in its original inspiration, an attempt to create an ideal Christian com-munity on the pattern of the primitive Church of Acts 2 and 4 recurs frequently and emphatically in the teach-ing of Pachomius' successors. Theodore, for example, says: "It is by a favor of God. that the holy koin6nla ap-peared on earth., by which he made the Apostolic life known to men desirous of modeling themselves after the Apostles . ,, n The idea is found decades later even among the anchorites of the north. When John Cassian, who clearly regarded the eremitical life as superior to the cenobitic, visited the monks of northern Egypt, them-selves anchorites, he learned their conviction that the cenobitic way of life was the Apostles' own foundation! He cites one of the anchorites he interviewed: The system of Cenobites took its rise in the days of the preaching of the Apostles. For such was all that multitude of believers in Jerusalem which is thus described in the Acts of the Apostles--[he then cites Acts 4:32-5 and 2:45]. The whole Church, I say, was then such as now are those few who can be found with difficulty in coenobia. But when at the death of the Apostles the multitude of believers began to wax cold . those who still maintained the fervour of the apostles, mindful of that former perfection, left their cities and intercourse with those who thought that carelessness and a laxer life was per-missible to themselves and the Church of God, and began to live in rural and more seqnestered spots, and there, in private and on their own account, to practise those things wlfich they had learnt to h~ve been ordered by the apostles throughout the whole body of the Church in general . He goes on to explain how they are called "monks" (that is, "solitaries") because of their retirement and "cenobites" because of their community life. He con-cludes: That then alone was the earliest kind of monks, which is first not only in time but also in grace, and which continued un-broken for a very long period up to the time of Abbot Paul and Anthony; and even to this day we see its traces remaining in strict coenobia. The anchorites, he says, began only with Paul the Hermit and Anthony, who were the "flowers and fruit" of the common life.~2 The monastic life, especially in its Antonian form, spread over Palestine and Syria. After the mid-fourth 10 Ibid., pp. 268 and 323. n H. Bacht, "Pakh6me et ses disciples," in Thdologie de la vie mo1n.aos tCiqoune f(ePraernics:e A18u,b Ciehr,a 1p9te6r1 5), (ptr.a 6n7s.lated by E. Gibson in .4 Select Library o[ Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, 2od series, v. 11 [New York: Christian Literature Company, 1894; reprinted Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1955], pp. 480-1. . ¯ ÷ ÷ ÷ Religious Communit~ VOLUME 25, 1966 975 ÷ Thomas, BarrCo.sSs.eC, . ~EVIEW FO~ ~ELIGIOU$ 976 century it existed in Cappadocia (what is today south central Turkey) in a form that in many ways strikingly resembles the Pachomian pattern but quite ~possibly without any dependence on Egypt. It found an important organizer and legislator in St. Basil the Great. Cappadocian monasticism was exclusively cenobitic, and Basil's Longer Rules tell us why.13 These rules, more a commentary on monastic life and usages than a set of regulations, .begin (Preface) with the question "Why have we come together?" The answer is: "To live the devout life'S---or "To do what God wants." What he wants, he himself tells us(qq. 1-3): "You must love the Lord your God with your whole heart., and your neighbor." Basil goes on to explain the life of monks as an attempt to prac-tice this love. He emphasizes the need of some degree of retirement from possible distractions and the desirability of association with. like-minded companions (qq. 6-7), but he explicitly rejects a solitary life because the love Christ taught us does not permit each p.erson to look simply after his own. concerns while the solitary life, he says, does just this (q. 7). He buttresses his argument on the need for community by numerous New Testament citations on fraternal charity and union as the distinctive marks of those who are one with Christ. He climaxes his remarks by pointing out that life in community preserves what was "characteristic of the saints, of whom it is recorded in the Book of Acts: 'And all they that be-lieved were together and had all things common,' and again: 'And the multitude of believers had one heart and one soul; neither did anyone say that aught of (he things which he possessed was his own, but all things were com-mon tinto them' " (q. 7).14 So important does Basil consider this' union that he will not permit more than one community-one "fra-ternity" or "brotherhood," ag he prefers to say--in any one town (q. 35). Once more, his climactic argument against division into several communities is the 'ideal picture of the close-knit primitive Church sketched in Acts 2 and 4, to which he joins Paul's description of the Church in Ephesians 4. The Basilian community is not so close-knit as to be cl6sed in on itself. If the Egyptian hermits and communi-ties worked not only to support themselves b~t also to be able to give alms?5 the Cappadocian fraternities ran hospices for the sick and the poor, orphanages, and ~Translated in Saint Basil, Ascetical Works, trans. Sister M. Monica Wagner (New York: Fathers of the Church, 1950), pp. 223- 37. 1~ Ibid., p. 252. ~Athanasius, Life of Anthony, Chapter 43, in Keenan, Early Christian Biographies, pp. 174-5. schools, and considered work for the community or for the outsiders more important than austerities.1° They were in a sense "the nucleus and the elite of the 'parish,' and [their] liturgy seems [to have been] identical with that of the local church, but with this difference that the ordinary Christians did not participate in it except to only a quite limited extent." 17 In the Africa that lay west of Egypt the ascetical lif9 was also known. St. Augustine's name is associated with its organization not only because he was among the firs~ bishops to have his clergy live a monastic life with him but because of the letter (n, 211) in which he prescribes observances for a community of women in his diocese and which seems to be the source of the Rule of St. Augustine. In all his efforts to organize monastic li'fe, lie looked to forming an ideal Christian community after the pat7 tern of the primitive Church of Acts 2 and 4. The com-munity of lay monks that he organized shortly after his conversion had as its model, his early biographer Pos-sidius tells us, the "common life" (societas) lived "under the holy Apostles" in Acts. The monastic organi~zation of his clergy in the bishop's house at Hippo had as its purpose, Augustine himself explains, "that, as far as we can, we may imitate the saints of whom the book of the Acts of the Apostles speaks," and he quotes Acts 4.is In his letter to the community of women mentioned above, he begins: "This is what we prescribe that you observe in the monastery in which you live. In the first place, since this is the reason for your coming together, you must live in unity in the house, and you must have a single soul and a single heart turned toward God. You must not speak among yourselves of personal goods, but rather have all things in common." 10 He continues: "It is thus that you read in the Acts of the Apostles that 'all things were common unto them, and distribution was made to everyone according as he had need.' "20 These texts of Acts depicting the life of the primitive Church haunted Augustine.21 He returns to them no less than fifty-three times in his different works. An examina- 18 C. Butler, Benedictine Monachism (2nd ed.; London: Longmans, 1924), pp. 16-7; J. Gribomont, "Saint Basile," in Thdologie de la vie monastique, p. 113. x7 p. Salmon, The Breviary through the Centuries (Collegeville: Liturgical Press, 1962), pp. 130-1, footnote 4. xs For citations and references see M. Verheijen, "Saint Augustin," in Thdologie de la vie monastique, pp. 201-2~ a9 Ibid., pp. 203-4. ~See the entire letter in Saint Augustine, Letters, trans. Sister Wilfrid Parsons, v. 5 (New York: Fathers of the Church, 1956), pp.- 38-51. The passage cited occurs on pp, 41-2. ~ For most of the following statistics and details see Verheijen, "Saint Augustin," pp. 204--12. + + 4- Religious . Community VOLUME 25, 1966 tion of these passages shows that he recognized in this vignette of the early Church a picture of the community of love which Christians on earth should be, made one in Christ by the presence of the Holy Spirit, Himself infinite love--a unity which is at the same time an antici-pation and beginning of the fuller community of love which the Church will be throughout eternity. The life of communities of monks, clerical or lay, and the life of communities of virgins was simply the realization of this ideal by these people in a way not possible for the gen-erality of Christians. Whet/we examine early European monasticism, we dis-cover a heavy Egyptian influence. All over ancient Christian Europe the eremitical life was known and praised. So was the cenobitic. The great organizer of western monasticism concerned himself only with draw-ing up a rule for cenobites. He organized and modified. Up to the time of St. Benedict, Abbot Cuthbert Butler explains, monks, though looked upon as bound, whether by vows or without them, irrevocably to the practice of the monastic life, so that to abandon it was considered an apostasy, still were not tied to a particular monastery or community, but were allowed with little difficulty to pass from one house to another. St Benedict's most special and tangible contribution to the de-velopment of monasticism was the introduction of the vow of stability . [By this means] he put a stop to such liberty of passage from monastery to monastery and incorporated the monk by his profession in the community of his own monastery. St Benedict thus bound the monks of a monastery together into a permanent family, united by bonds that lasted for life.'~ ÷ ÷ 4- Thomas Barrosse, .S.C. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS In examining his Rule the casual reader may feel he finds relatively little beyond Chapter 63 (on the order of the community) about the relations of the monks with one another. Several points, however, deserve attention. It is quite clear that all the "brothers"--that is, all the monks--have a voice in the running of the community. The abbot must submit all important matters for the ad-vice of all the brothers, and in even minor matters he must get the advice of at least the older members of the community (Chapter 3). It is clear too that the common life means not only living in the same monastery and praying and eating together but also having all material goods in common--hence, a really extensive sharing of life. In this context the Rule cites Acts 4 three times over.23 .~o ~B Iunt lCerh,a Bpetenresd 3ic3ti n(we hMeothnearc hmisomn,k psp s. h2o7u-8ld; have anything of their own), 34 (whether all should receive necessities in equal measure), and 55 (on the brothers' clothing and footwear). The Benedictine Rule (Prologue) declares as its pur-pose to establish a "school of the Lord's service"--not, however, in the sense of a place one leaves (for example, for eremitical life) when he has learned what is taught there. It is written (as the Prologue goes on to say) for those who will "persevere in the monastery until death." The expression "school" occurs of the Church itself in Christian literature of the patristic period (for example: the school of Christ as opposed to the schools of the philosophers).~4 It is not at all unlikely that it is meant to designate the monastery simply as a community where the Christian life can be lived progressively bett6rmand, of course, the Christian life is radically altruistic. The original Benedictine community was by no means closed in completely on itself. Chapter 53 of the Rule (on the reception of guests) has made BenediCtine hospi-tality proverbial. The monks', readiness to evangelize the countryside around their monasteries (for example, at Monte Cassino) and to go on foreign missions (for ex~- ample, Augustine and his companions, who went to England at Gregory the Great's behest) as well as to open monastic schools shows that they were disposed to work for the larger Christian community both outside their monasteries and in themY~ In short, in this respect the Benedictine community resembled the Basilian--Bene-dict says (Rule, Chapter 73) he owes much to his eastern predecessor--and even surpass~ed it. We may sum up what we have seen so far. Th~ phe-nomenon we call religious life originated in fourth century Egypt where Anthony and Pachomius gave as-cetics an organized way of life to follow. It assumed two forms: the eremitic or solitary form (Anthony's) ' and the cenobitic or community form (Pachomius'). The latter developed remarkably--perhaps independently of Egypt --in Cappadocia under Basil. It also found a great fifth century African organizer in Augustine and a sixth century European organizer in Benedict. Pachomius, Basil, and Augustine found the model of what they ,d~re trying to create in the idealized sketch of the primitive community of faith and fraternal love which Luke pre-sents in Acts 2 and 4. Though the inspir~ition of this vision is not so evident in B~nedict, his Rule, by its introduction of stability, mdr~ effectively provided for ~ permanent community in which the Christian life could be lived to the full, Now let us ask briefly about the other three.elements which today, with the common life, form the canonical -°4 See La R~gle du Maitre, ed. Adalbert de Vogii~, v. 1 (Paris: Cerf, 1964), pp. 115-6. = Butler, Benedictine Mona~hism, pp. 389-90, nuances this state-ment. Religious ~ommunity VOLUME 25, 1966 ÷ Thomas Barrosse, REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 980 minimum for the religious state: poverty, chastity, and obedience. How were they viewed by the great organizers? It has been customary for centuries to look upon these three--religious poverty, celibacy, and obedience--as an asceticism meant to counter the obstacles to love, in which, of course, the perfection .of the Christian life consists,zn Today, when it has become the style to dis-parage asceticism, this conception has lost appeal. We must recognize quite frankly, however, that in the early centuries of organized monastic life celibacy and poverty and obedience were repeatedly presented as an asceticism --that is, as a tangible expression of that readiness to leave all for Christ which we can call detachment and which is the necessary condition for love. But--what is of more importance for us at the moment--they were also looked upon as being in themselves expressions of love and means to create the ideal Christian community. The case of poverty is clearest. It is true that we can find numerous passages in the sources we have been con-sidering in which the abandonment of material posses-sions appears as a renunciation--a giving up--of material goods. It appears as a means to cast off "anxiety for the morrow" (Mt 6:24). It is presented as getting rid of one's goods preliminary to the following of Christ (Mt 19:21). But even in the case of the anchorites--for example, Anthony himself--disposing of one's goods usually takes the form of selling them to give the proceeds to the poor in accord with Jesus' counsel to the rich young man (Mr 19:21).27 Even more, after the initial renunciation, the cenobite's possession of anything as his own is r~gularly exchtded by our sources as being opposed to a truly common life. Citations from Acts 2 and 4 freque.ntly serve to exclttde private possessions precisely as infidelity to full community of life. Many of the passages examined above will illustrate this if they are reexamined. Let us, instead, examine one other. St Augustine in his treatise on the Work of Monks indicates both renunciation and community as involved in monastic poverty.~s First, renunciation. He writes: Let us suppose a person is converted to this life from a life of luxury, and that he is afflicted with no physical infirmity.,Are we so incapable of understanding the sweetness of Christ that we do not know how great a swelling of deeply rooted pride is healed when, after the removal of the superfluities with ~See John Cassian, Conference 1, Chapter 6 (in Gibson, Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, 2nd series, v. I1, p. 297); Thomas Aquinas, Summa theologiae 2-2, q.186, a.7. ~rAthanasius, LiIe o] Anthony, Chapters 2 and 3, in Keenan, Early Christian Biographies, pp. 135-6. ~ Chapter 25, translated in Saint Augustine, Treatises on Various Subjects, trans. Sister Mary Sarah Muldowney (New York: Fathers of the Church, 1952), p. 377. which his spirit was fatally possessed, the humility of the worker does not refuse to perform lowly labors to obtain the few supplies which remain necessary for this natural life? Secondly, community. He continues: If, however, a person is converted to this life from poverty, let him not consider that he is doing merely what he used to do, if, turning from the love of increasing his own private fortune, however little, and no longer seeking what things are his own but rather those of Jesus' Christ, he has devoted him-self to the charity of common life, intending to live in com-panionship with those who have one heart and one soul in God, so that no one calls anything his own but all things are held in common. Celibacy, of course, was practiced by Christians from the New Testament period itself. The motive St. Paul assigns for it in 1 Cor 7:35 is contemplative: to provide "undivided attention to the Lord." The motive Jesus as-signs in Mt 19:12: "for the sake of the kingdom of heaven" (which means "for the sake of the reign of God") can be considered apostolic: that is, celibacy to devote oneself wholly to the spread of God's reign by the preach-ing of the gospel. After all, injunctions to go out to pro-claim the kingdom without delaying even to bury one's father or to take leave of one's relatives occur in the Gospel (Lk 9:57-62; see Mt 8:19-22). Among the Pachomians, Theodore says: "Let us pre-serve the gift [a reference perhaps to the 'gift' of celibacy mentioned in 1 Cor 7:7 or possibly Mt 19:11] which has come to us beyond the deserts of our efforts. Let. us preserve the law [of the koin6nla], each one of us being a subject of edification for his neighbor." And a recent commentator remarks: The edification of one's neighbor--which means, immedi-ately, of one's brothers--is an essential element of the law on which the koin6nla rests. The realization of this law can-not be attained except when the bonds of purely natural love 'according to the flesh' have been broken and all the brothers bound together in a spiritual love. From this source come repeated regulations prescribing separation from one's family and controlling relations witl~ those who are related by blood.-~ Basil too--one more text will have to suffice--sees the renunciation of one's own family--and even more of a family of orie's own--aS a means to be "brother" equally to all members of the brotherhood. He writes: ÷ Superiors should not allow those who have been perma- ÷ nently admitted to the community to be distracted in any + way--by allowing them either to leave the company of their brethren and live in private on the pretext of visiting their Religious relatives or to be burdened with the responsibility of caring Community for their relatives according to the flesh. The Scripture abso-lutely forbids the words "mine" and "thine" to be uttered ~ Bacht, "Pakh6me,'" pp. 67-8. VOLUME 25, 1966 among the. brethren, saying: "And the multitude of believers had but one heart and ~ne soul; neither did anyone say that aught of the things which he possessed was his own." The par-ents or brothers of a membe; of the community, therefore, if they live piously should be treated by all the brethren as fathers or other relatives possessed in common: "For whosoever shall do the will of my Fathe~ that is in Heaven, he is my brother and sister and mother," says the Lord. In our opinion, moveover, the care of these persons would devolve upon the superiOr of the community.so + + + Thomas Barrosse, C.S.C. REVIEWFOR RELIGIOUS We may find this position somewhat extreme by our standards. The basic understanding of celibacy is what makes the text important to us at the moment, and that basic understanding is clear: the. foregoing of family re-lationships is .the means to effect a more perfect com-munity of life with a larger number of fervent Ghristians. Obedience is more difficult. The anchorite placed him-self under a master or teacher to be trained in overcoming self-will but especially to be educated to the ascetical life. Obedience was an asceticism or a disciple-master re-lationship. The' arrangement was voluntary. The leader-ship of communities was Charismatic: Pachomius' virtue explains the following he had, and after his death his community almost disintegrated more than once until his disciples could agree that the successor was equipped to guide them as Pachomius had been. For Basil, the role of the superior (or the superiors--since there can be several in one "brotherhood"---qq. 26 f.) is to direct and guide the individual "in everything." So too in Augustine (Letter 211). The superior, in short, appears as a sort of rnagister. 'Before thee introduction of stability, the monk could move to another community if he was not satisfied with the gu, idance he was given. When the community became fixed and the superior-ship more institutional, the situation changed somewhat. It~must be admitted that superiors were elected--presum-ably for their leadership qualities. But if the choice was limited to members of the community or other considera-tions Anfluenced the voting, obedience might possibly place a monk under a poor master, and remaining in-definitely under his authority would then be nothing more than ~an indefinitely prolonged asceticism. But perhaps we have missed an important aspect of the superior's role more implied than explicitly stated in our sources--that is, the position of the superior as the center of unity for the community. From the end of the very first Christian century we have a heavy emphasis on the head of the local Christian community, the bishop, as the foctts of the Church's unity, This seems to be the so Question 32, translated by Wagner in St. Basil, Ascetical Wor. ks, p. 295. meaning of Ignatius of Antioch's axiom: "Where the bishop is, there is the church." 81 We must reflect for a moment on this third and perhaps principal dimension of authority as a necessity for any and all community and of obedience as being first and directly the insertion of oneself into a community---or gift of oneself to a communitywand only secondarily and consequently the placing of oneself under a su-perior's authority. The extent of any superior's au-thority is determined by the nature of the community in which it is exercised. If the authority of superiors is so extensive in religious life, it is precisely because the gift we make of ourselves to the community is so extensive: we undertake the sharing of practically the whole of our lives with others--prayer, work, responsibilities, material goods, and so forth. How the authority is exercised--for example, by frequent peremptory commands or by dis-cussions in which a superior usually agrees with the con-sensus reached--is quite incidental to this aspect of re-ligious obedience (though it is less so, of course, to obedience as an asceticism). It might be pointed out parenthetically, however, that the way in which the highest (episcopal) authority was actually exercised in the patristic Church and the way Basil and Benedict speak of superiors exercising their attthority suggests a procedure closer to the second than to the first of these two extremes,a2 Looking ttpon obedience as being sub-stantially the gift of oneself to a community means look-ing upon it in a very ancient and traditional way and perceiving it as an influence over the individual religious in his whole community life, even when the superior actually intervenes only rarely. We have been all too brief in our consideration of poverty, celibacy, and obedience. But perhaps we have 21 See V. Corwin, St. Ignatius and Christianity in Antioch (New Haven: Yale, 1960), pp. 80-7, 192-8, 214, and 256-7. Ignatius phrases it slightly differently in his letter to the Smyrneans 8, 2. Why else is nothing to be done "apart from" the bishop and only that Eu-charist is to be considered valid over which he presides or someone named by him (Ad Smyrn. 8, 1)? He is certainly not thinking of a "power of orders" to confect sacraments or of a "power of jurisdic-tion" if we are to judge from the main thrust of his arguments. There is no church apart from the bishop because he is its "center of unity," to use the phrase Vatican II applies to him in its Decree on the Missionary Activity o~ the Church, n. 30 (just after urging all missionary workers to have but one heart and one soul in accord with Acts 4:32). Interestingly, the Rule of Taiz~ (Taiz~: Presses de Taiz~, 1965), p. 55, opens its treatment of the prior (which is its treatment of obedience) with a brief paragraph on the need for nnity; then it explains: "The prior focuses the u6ity of the commu-nity." ~See Y. Congar, "The Hierarchy as Service," in his Power and Poverty. in the Church (London: Chapman, 1964), pp. 15-79, espe-cially from p. 40 on. + ÷ ÷ Religi~s Community 98-3 ÷ ÷ ÷ Thomas Ba~rosse, C.~.C. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 984 spent enough time on them to show that all the essential elements of canonical "religious life as we know it in the Church today can be conceived of just as the cenobitic life as a whole was at its origins: as part of the attempt to create an ideal Christian community on the model of that idyllic picture of the primitive Apostolic Church which St. Luke presents in the opening chapters of Acts. That the apostolates of the active communities can be fitted into this picture too should be clear from what we have seen of the openness to the needs of the Church of their times exhibited by the Basilian, Augustinian, and Benedictine communities. To show that this concept has not been lost between the origins and our own day, let us conclude with two texts. The Pontificale Romanum, dating substantially from the Middle Ages, contains a ceremony for the profession of an abbot--to be used before he is blessed in case a novice or someone not a member of the order in question should be elected. At the end of the Ceremony, the pre-siding bishop gives a short explanation of what he has done in accepting the profession: Although all of us through th~ grace of baptism are brothers in Christ and have one Father in heaven if, to the best of our ability, we do what he commands, without any doubt we are most closely united when we join ourselves to one another in ~common] prayer and mutual service just as we read the holy tathers in the primitive Church, who had but one heart anal one soul, did. Many of them, their hearts inflamed with the love of Christ, sold their posSessions and material belongings, gathered the proceeds together, and brought them in joy (o t~e Apostles. The Apostles took these proceeds and distributed them to all in accord with the needs of each. So it is that this man [newly professed], under God's inspiration and encouraged by their example, desires to be joined to the community of the religious of [this order]. We grant him

The Mercury March, 1901 u >—I N D c THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY The Literary Journal of Pennsylvania College Entered at the Postoffice at Gettysburg as second-class matter ■ I VOL. X GETTYSBURG, PA., MARCH, 1901 No. 1 WANTED:—A MAN JAMES MCCREE. Wanted:—a man, a true real man; Too proud to stoop and too clean to steal. Too broad for party, or clique, or creed, Yet loving his country's weal. With an open hand for friend or foe, And a restful faith where he cannot know. Wanted:—a man without a price, Who will do the right, nor count the cost; Scorning a world broad title deed If purchased with honor lost. With nerve to look a wrong in the eye, And courage to strangle it till it die. Wanted:—a man with a woman's heart, To swell in pity at human woe; With god-like grasp of intellect For the cause that deals the blow; And, with sturdy stroke of word or pen, Smite the curse from the hearts of his fellow-men. GETTYSBURG COLLEGE LIBRARY GETTYSBURG, PA. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY THE RELATION OF THE JUS NATURALE TO THE JUS GENTIUM J. RUSH STONER, '01. TN order that we may arrive at any idea of the relation of the jus *■ naturale to the jus gentium, we must first try to get a clear conception of the real nature or characteristics of these two forms of Roman law. When the stoic philosophy came into the hands of the Roman jurists, they extracted from its vigorous and elevating theories the idea of Natural Law as applicable to Roman jurisprudence. These jurists held that what they termed the jus naturale was the natural and ethical foundation upon which must rest all Civil Law. Thus the origin of Natural Law among the Romans might be referred to the philosophical ideas of the Stoics. These Grecian philosophers looked upon the universe as "imbued with an all-pervading soul or power," which they considered not only as a "dynamical force producing motion, but as a rational principle producing order and perfection." This rational principle, the}'' taught, is a constituent element of all being, and reveals itself not only as a law of the physical world in external nature, but also as a guide for human conduct, having its throne in the conscious-ness of man. Man's greatest duty, they claimed, is to discover the law of reason and conform to this law as it is set forth in the "essential constitution of his nature." The highest precept in the Stoic philosophy was "to live in harmony with nature." It was the ultimate principle laid down to guide men in all the rela-tions of life. And how true is the statement made by one of the writers on this subject: "By his original constitution, man is a participant of the Universal Reason, and by the exercise of his rational faculties he can discover the Law of Nature, so far as it is necessary to control his own conduct. When looked at from a moral point of view, the Law of Nature is thus the highest rule of human conduct, and the ultimate standard by which all human actions, whether individual, social or civil, must be judged." This Stoic philosophy, since the conquest of Greece, had a vast influence over Roman thought along the line of morality,— individual and social,—and legal rights and duties. Roman lit-erature from the time of Cicero to Alexander Severus was per-vaded" with the idea that law has a deeper foundation than mere conventionalities or customs. Cicero was the first to make the important step of grounding law upon nature; and in his "Laws" THE GETTSBURG MERCURY the fundamental principle is laid down "that man is born for jus-tice, and that law and equity are not a mere establishment of opinion but an institution of nature." This principle was specially applied by the jurists of the Empire in determining legal rights and duties. Just what idea the Romans had of Natural Law seems to be somewhat vague. Ulpian says that Natural Law is common to all living creatures, both man and beast; but this view was not generally accepted and had no influence on the legal thought of Rome. It was generally considered, in a proper sense, as applicable only to rational being. Cicero, in a striking passage of his "De Republica," gives his views regarding Natural Law, declaring that God is its author and its duties are unchangeable obligations. Therefore, he says, "It is not one law in Rome and another in Athens, one to-day and another to-morrow, but it is ever the same, exerting its obligatory force over all nations and throughout all ages." Here we perceive the germ of International Law planted in the alluvial soil of heathen philosophy; after the elapse of many centuries, to spring up into the vast system of In-ternational Law now involving much of the ripest modern thought and promising a vigorous growth to perfection in the future. There is not a universal agreement in the theories of the dif-ferent writers on the Law of Nature. However, Chancellor Kent follows very nearly the definition given by Grotius, when he says, "By the Law of Nature I understand those fit and just rules of conduct, which the creator has prescribed to man as a dependent and social being and which are to be ascertained from the deduc-tions of right reason, though they may be more precisely known and more explicitly declared by Divine Revelation." It is said to be written on the heart of everyone by the Divine Hand and that no one can claim ignorance of it, in so far as his degree of intellectual and moral development makes him able to read it. And its author, essentially just, is everywhere and always the same. Taking this view of Natural Law it would seem to belong more appropriately to ethics than jurisprudence. In fact, many writers do consider it as equivalent to Moral Science. Many writers, as Dr. Paley in his work on "Moral Philosophy," main-tain that it embraces man's duty to God, to his neighbor and to self. Some exclude all other significance of the term Natural Law, and confine it strictly to the "rules prescribed to man, by THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY right reason, in his conduct to his fellowmen." Then there is a third class who use it in a still more restricted sense to mark out the theory of only that part of man's duty to his fellowmen that can be enforced. There are rules of justice which are universally recognized as founded on the rational nature of man and dictated by reason. Agreeing with the statement made in Prof. Lorimer's "Institutes of Law," I believe that Natural L,aw may be most accurately de-scribed as "the dictates of reason with reference to human rela-tions." Judging from some of the ideas cherished by the Romans, their conceptions of the true significance of Natural Law were vague. They looked upon it at times as equivalent to equity, and this seems to have been the real point of contact, through which the jus naturale and the jus gentium blended into one perfect code of law. Then again they considered it as synonymous with the jus gentium. Whatever is the relation the jus ?iaturale bears to the jus gen-tium, one thing is sure, it performed an important role in estab-lishing for Rome her vast and matchless system of law. The jus gentmtn, according to Main's interpretation, was "a collection of rules and principles determined by observation to be common to the institutions which prevailed among the various Italian tribes." Whenever a certain custom or usage was observed to be common to a large number of races, it was set down as a part of the Law of Nations, or jus gentium. A great many observances of this kind were made, and if, after a careful examination, a common characteristic having a common object was found in all of them, it was thus classified in the jus gentium. This new system thus established was not favored by many at that time. It was con-sidered as a mere appendage to the jus civile, as a practical means for adjusting civil relations between real Romans and foreigners. But this new system of law was destined to hold a more impor-tant place in Roman jurisprudence. Soon it came to be regarded as a constituent part of Roman law, equal to the jus civile and even more superior in dignity. And the whole body of Roman law was then made up of these two essential and co-ordinate parts, .the old jus civile and the jus gentium. These two elements were combined to form one body of jurisprudence, and henceforth there was a tendency in legal development at Rome for "law" and "equity" to blend into one "single and organic system of justice." THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 5 The close relation the jus naturalehore to the jus gentium may be seen in the prevailing belief existing among the Roman jurists when the theory of Natural L,aw was introduced for their consid-eration. They believed that 'the old jus genthim was in fact the lost code of nature, and that the praetor in framing an edictal jurisprudence on the principles of the jus gentium was gradually restoring a type from which law had only departed to deteriorate." When viewed in the light of Natural L,aw, the jus gentium took on a significance vastly different from the old. It was no longer looked upon as a mere "body of customs common to Rome and the states subject to Roman dominion," but those common laws collected by the praetors were now believed to be the laws that Universal Reason had instituted for men in primitive society. And the fact of their common existence was a strong proof that they were taken from 'universal principles inherent in the very nature of man." And as a consequence there was a tendency among the philosophical jurists to identify, in this highest sense, the jus gentium with jus nalurale. Gains declares that "the law which natural reason has constituted for all men, obtains equally among all nations and is called jus gentium." We have associated with the conception of nature the ideas of "simplification" and "generalization." And the result of a close study of the L,aw of Nature by the Roman jurists was that of in-ducing them to regard "simplicity," "symmetry" and "intelligi-bility" as the main characteristics of a good legal system. And when the jus gentium was looked at in the light of the theory of Natural Law, the copious and involved phrases of the law became out of taste, and the many ceremonials and other useless difficul-ties quickly vanished. Thus the contact of these two principles not only gave to the established system of Roman law a greater dignity but also made it more concise and direct. The jus gentium, when thus transformed from its old signifi-cance to a higher meaning by the reforming power of Equity as cherished among the jurists, was brought into so close a relation to the jus nalurale that the two principles became one and insep-arable. And while the idea of equity seems to have been the ele-ment through which these laws were united, yet the union of these laws had the effect of establishing a higher conception of ' 'aequi- /os" itself. The'jus gentium " "a^«Vai"andthe "jusnaturale," all bear a very close relation to each other. Their similarity is ■"■I1,M" 6 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY evident from the fact that they were so often considered identical. But each, if carefully examined, is noticed to have its own indi-vidual characteristics to distinguish it from the others. These terms of Roman jurisprudence might be considered successive steps in the development from a mere germ of International Law approaching the "perfect law of reason." But when we attempt to determine exactly what the true relation between \hajus naiut-ale and the jitsgentium was, we enter upon disputed ground. The real meaning the Roman jurists attached to the famous phrase, jus gentium, is not yet satisfactorily decided. And until this is rightly settled, no accurate conclusion regarding their real relation can be drawn. But one thing is certain, when Grotius drew up his famous system, known as the "Grotian Law of Nature," he adopted many principles of the jus gentiuni, declaring that they were part of that Natural Law, which all men are compelled by their own reason to obey; and his system of law was universally accepted by the civilized world. eQtfb THE HARM OF EXCESSIVE NOVEL READING ROBERT W. LENKKR, '03. [ OVEL reading is one of the principal diversions of the present day. Great is the number of persons who, as soon as they have partaken of a meal, lie idly about to digest, as it were, the plot of a novel along with their food. Neither is novel reading confined to that class who are well able to be at leisure at almost all hours, but it is indulged in by all classes from the common laboring man to the best families of the earth. Thus the novel has a great range and is read by a vast multitude. To read a good novel occasionally, thinking about what you have read, and storing it away, is beneficial and instructive, but to skip over any novel, good or bad, as many do, is harmful. Some one has said, "Reading without reflecting is like eating without digesting." It is necessary that novels should be classified for this discus-sion. First, we have the classical novel which has stood the test of years and has been given a permanent place in the literature of the world. Nothing harmful can result from the excessive read-ing of this class except that the habit may be carried so far as to THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 7 be at the expense of biography, history and other matters of fact which are needful. The popular novel is the next to be considered. In this class are found such books as David Harum, Janice Meredith, Richard Carvel, and scores of others of not quite so recent publication. One is not considered " up to date " who has not read these books, but let me ask how many of these books will stand the test of years. Just one step lower than the popular novel we find books by such authors as Bertha Clay, Mfs. Georgie Sheldon, and hun-dreds of others of the same rank. The constant reading of books of this kind is most injurious. Of course the novel must have its hero or heroine, and it must of necessity be a tale of love. In these books the sympathy of the tender hearted reader goes out to one or more of the fictitious per-sonages. Sympathy gives way to compassion, and compassion to tears—the usual sign of grief. Were this to happen occasionally there would be no harm done, but when one is addicted to the novel it is a frequent occurrence. Softness of the heart disappears gradually, and finally all sense of tenderness and sympathy is destroyed. The last and worst class of novels is that class of dime novels so fitly styled 'blood and thunder." They frequently lead to heinous crimes those who are so unfortunate as to be drawn into the habit of reading them. This is a work of the devil which finds willing victims among school boys, and to which the corruption and ruin of many a precious soul may be attributed. It is need-less to describe this class of vile literature, but let it suffice to say-that the excessive reading of it has sent thousands of men to jails, penitentiaries and even to the gallows. Taken all in all, the reading to excess of any novels, whether classical or not, is harmful to humanity, first, because it destroys all sense of feeling; second, because it keeps from us the history of the world and its great men, and lastly, it takes up many hours which should be spent more profitably. An educated mind is a full-blown rose whose fragrance rejuv-enates all that come near.—Exchange. *-""-" — THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY MAS JOHNNY DEAR. CHAS. W. WEISER, '01. Johnny was a little man Who never told a lie, He never stole at mother's jam, Or "swiped" a piece of pie. (?) He spent his early years at home, Obedient (?) to his "ma," He was an angel in the sight Of his doting "pa." And when at last the day came That he was sent to school, He had a little "swelled head," And meant to keep the rule. (?) The fellows called him "sissy," He called them names as well; They had a "scrap" at recess Of which I "darsent tell." But when at eve returning He had a battered nose, A blackened eye and "strubbled" head, He made a prelty pose. His mamma had the tantrums, His papa took a fit, He was "as mad as blazes" That Johnny "wasn't it." * * « * He went to see his grandma Who lived upon the farm— All dressed "a cock-o-lorum" He did the "rustics" charm. He "grabbed a hold" the black cat, He held her by the tail, She scratched him on the "paddy" Which made the "youngster" wail. While playing with the house-dog, He fastened on a can, And clapped his hands, a shouting While the creature ran. He stole into the barn-yard And scared the poultry out, He stoned the pigs and cattle, Running 'round about. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY He "grabbed a hold" a cow's tail, She started on a run, She threw him in a mud hole— You should have seen the fun, They penned him in the wash-house, From there he "took a sneak," He climbed out thro' the window— He was a "perfect freak." He stole into the pantry, And helped himself to jam; He then ran down the mill-race, And fell into the dam. Old Towser saw him struggling, And helped him get away; He fled into the hay-loft, And lay upon the hay. "Twas there they found him sleeping- "Ma's darling little one," When they found he's missing, And all in search had run. «f£» A TOAST S. W. HERMAN, '99. 'TWAS a brilliant assemblage. Men famous as artists, sculp- A tors, authors and specialists of every kind had been gathered to grace the banquet. The odor of flowers and costly perfumes verily saturated the air. The tables were ladened with priceless gold and silver vessels heaped up with delicate viands. All that was beautiful seemed to be there to please the eye and delight the taste. Among the group of men there were but few in youthful prime. The springtime had passed and the autumn of life was draw-ing near to the great majority. Amid the clink of glasses and the clang of platters they lingered long over the feast. Then came the toasts and there was but one subject given to which each should respond—"The Happiest Day in Your Life." One of the youngest arose and holding high his bright goblet drank to the day when his ambition was realized in producing his first book. He recalled the intoxication of the joyous moment when he was assured of its success. Another drank to the day when his master-piece, a great paint- rsm 10 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY I ing, was completed and he stood before it drinking in its sublime beauty. Another told how happy was the day'when he restored, by a cut of his knife, the life of a patient. And another told of a life rescued from the depths of degradation and saved to a new life. Thus they spake of the days that brought to them the greatest joy. There was but one left and he was very old. The far away look in his eyes mirrored the character of his thoughts. As a swift rush of the incoming tide, his boyhood came back to him and he retraced it step by step. Slowly, almost unconsciously, he arose and with voice low, but distinct, gave his toast. He spake as though he were talking to some unseen person, relating a tale that had become the sweeter the more he told it. A silence that could almost be felt fell upon his hearers and thus he spake: "How well do I remember that day, the day of days, when joy rushed into my heart with an over-powering sense of completeness. Standing at this distance and looking into the past, memory brings back its relics and lays them here before my mental vision. Yes, almost as real as when they happened. Only the rough places are smoothed over now and the sharp corners are rounded by time's peculiar power. I thought upon that bright day that sor-row could never enter into my life again. The cup of happiness, which was held to my lips, was so full that it overran the brim and was wasted. I did not care because I had so much, neither did I think that some day I would agonize in spirit and begrudge even one drop spilled. But many days and years have filled in the gap between that day and this. Days of varied pleasures and sorrows. Pleasures that tried hard to measure up to the joy of that one day, but somehow failed. Sorrows which by comparison seemed very bitter, even bitter unto death. I will tell the story of that day and you may judge what happiness was mine and now the pain. I awoke at the call of the birds that morning. Such melodies poured forth from their throats that it seemed the very air I breathed was sweet with mu-sic. It thrilled me so. A song of praise rushed from my heart and lips. With the song came words of prayer and thankfulness. My life had been one unbroken dream of tender care and comfort. Where'er my eyes turned that morning I caught glimpses of that which made me glad. And then I closed my eyes and saw bless-ing upon blessing passing before my vision, coming back in this THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 11 memory's hour, to show me cause for gratitude. But I arose and threw open the window to let in the pure fresh air of spring-tide. Oh! glorious vision of life everywhere. As I threw open the win-dows of that dark room, I threw open the windows of my soul and let in the light. And it seemed to rush in and bear me up to the great fountain of light so that I was cleansed and purified for the day's toil. I could not help but say : 'Thanks be to Thee, who gavest light of day to dissipate the darkness of the night and for that light which removes the darkness of ignorance and sin.' From my window I could see far down the valley. I could see fields green with growing grain. Here and there upon the winding road were wagons wending their way to the little village lying in the midst of the valley. Down by the side of a dancing brook were the cows taking their morning drink. In the barn the horses were being harnessed. The chickens were busily scratching in the barnyard for their breakfast of flies and worms. Everything betokened peace and plenty. On the other side of the brook the ground rose in undulating swells until it reached the foot of the distant bluish mountain. I seemed to absorb that quiet yet beautiful scene, unmoved by the forces about me, not feeling my-self akin to the life powers that existed in them. Then I hastened to come down and bathed in the cool sparkling water, making my body as pure and clean as my soul had been cleansed before. I can feel even now the vigor which that bath imparted. The blood fairly rushed thro my veins. That was life, strong in its intensity. And then came the breakfast and the morning greeting of father, mother and baby sister. Father's loud and cheery voice, mother's quiet and tender and sister's baby greeting. All these were infinitely tender and joyous as I recall them over the space of years. Was there disappointment or sorrow in any of those tones? It didn't seem so then. Ours was a perfect home, full of unselfishness and love. The daily chores were soon done and well done, since the day would be given me as a holiday in which I might do whatsoever I desired. Mother smiled to hear me singing at my tasks. The wood was sawed, split and carried to the wood-box. The water was drawn. Then I sat and/watched mother as she worked, and after many attempts, countless digressions and falteriugs of speech, I unveiled my heart to her. She understood me as only a loving mother can, and coming, took rny hand in hers and stroked my boyish curls. I can feel her cooling hand L ""Il" ■"■'■■ ' ""* 12 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY upon my brow even now—hands hardened by toil in deeds of love. What healing power was in those hands ! By their magic touch the fever in my veins was conquered. Aye, even the heart throbs of youthful sorrow melted away like the tiny ice-diamonds in the warmth of the morning sun. How often since have I wished myself back upon that old doorstep, telling mother all my trials and being prescribed for with her love that probed deeper than a surgeon's knife, yet with infinitely less pain and far better results. You will have guessed ere this the love which I had hidden in my heart. It was to me so sacred that I scarce could breathe it aloud for fear the winds might catch it up and tell to all the world my sweet shame, for so it seemed to me in those first hours. But 'mother heard it all and wished me well. She told me the old saying that the lady fair was never won by a heart that fainted. So I resolved to do that day what had lain upon my heart so long and begged for utterance. No more did my love seem boyish in my eyes, for under mother's magic spell it assumed its true pro-portions and I knew that the grandest thing in all the world was love. I had not cared now even if the birds had told it where'er they went, or the winds had found out my secret and had whispered it to all parts of the universe. Indeed I tried to think and speak aloud how I should plead my cause, and when, late in the after-noon, I went to see the one who awoke within me all this tender care, I had mapped out my plans. As I drove over that familiar road, all nature seemed transformed. The plants and trees sent forth an aroma than which I never breathed a more delicious fra-grance. Even the clouds of dust through the sun's rays appeared as showers of gold. And as I rounded the last bend of that little lane down by the garden, I saw her picking weeds from out the beds. How like her ! A weed troubled her until it was removed. There was not a weed in her pure soul. I stopped to gaze when suddenly she turned and saw me. I wasn't prepared for that. I wonder which of us felt the more embarrassed. She with a sud-den turn had torn her apron off and unrolled the sleeves which had revealed to me a dimpled, dainty arm. And I was caught as a spy, it seemed to me, gazing upon forbidden objects. My courage slowly returned, as with a graceful bow she welcomed me. My! but now my new born boldness had deserted me. Where was that self-assurance now, which was so self-assertive 7HE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 13 but a short time since. All my forces put to flight by a little pink dress. There I sat and pondered over this question until she came forth to take a drive with me. We chose the road along the little dancing brook. The memory of that evening comes to me now, with such a wealth of meaning, that my words to de-scribe it seem to clothe it with poor rags. We talked of indiffer-ent things. But there was something that I wanted to say which seemed to choke me. I would make a bold attempt, only to fin-ish my remark with something concerning stream or sky or when these became exhausted to repeat them. At least a silence fell. I said I alwa)'S liked to view such a scene in silence and simply think. But really I wanted time to bring up reserve forces for the final attack upon this little defenceless fortress by my side. It was unfair I know. But had she been armed with all the weapons of war I would have had more courage. Every-thing about me seemed to speak of love. This little brook which rushed along so gayly, kissing the bank and babbling words of love to the fair water lilies, urged me on. The trees, aided by the winds, clasped their branches around each other and sighed with very surfeit of love. And yonder setting sun blushed rosy red as he kissed yon mountain top. With the increasing fervor of my imagination and the figures which it formed, I grew bolder. But now my beautiful words had flown. I thought it best to cap-ture by a quick attack, and so I blurted out my love. I would give half the years of my life to see again that flush of glad sur-prise, to see those deep blue eyes look into mine with sweet sur-render. Silence now was welcome, while our hearts tried to calm their startled beat and understand their wondrous joy. We loved and all the world can never know our secret until it feels the power within its breast. The hours glided by and we came home. Then followed days of sweet assurance. No longer doubts came into either mind to mar the sweet security ofmutual surrender. All days were bright when I had her to see. But that day seems to me brighter than them all. And if my choice were granted me to bring back whatever day I might choose from my past life, 'twould be that day in which we told each other's love. That night the stars shone with dazzling brightness. The moon seemed to rival the sun. The katydids sang for me and the fire flies be-came as attendant spirits to show me home. Mother was waiting for me and I poured into her listening ear 14 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY the story of my happiness. She wept with very sorrow at losing me. No longer was she as brave as when she urged me on that morning. But her tears of self-loss were soon spent and she only remembered my joy. Who can understand the depth of the mother's love? My love has long since died. Father and mother, too, have gone to join that invisible throng. I live in the past, in those days when my happiness was overflowing day by day. Memory is my faithful servant to recount the sweet old story. Even when I glance forward into the future, memory brings me the materials from the past with which the vision is built. When I may see her again after these years of separation, will hold her again in my arms and tell her how my love for her has remained young and strong, that will be the happiest day of all days." The old man's voice faltered and broke, but suddenly his eyes brightened. He seemed to be listening intently to some one speak-ing to him. And then again he spake in tones loud and distinct. "But listen, I hear again the song of the birds. Throw open the windows. I^et in the light. There they come, all of them, father, mother and sweetheart." The toast was ended. Tears were the applause. Reverently they laid the old man down. At last the happiest day had dawned. c^p SOUL, WHAT ART THOU? Oh my soul! what canst thou be, With thy unknown heraldry— Thy ceaseless ebb of consciousness ? Wilt thou tell me whence has come This thy strange incessant hum, Made manifest with vividness ? From what weird ethereal realm Hast thou found a ready Helm, To guide thee to this senseless clay ? Closely shrouded in a cloud, Or the thunder riven loud, Has chance in some way shown the way ? Maybe thou hast been evolved And must yet be all dissolved With that which gave thee thy birth. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 15 Then wilt thou like meteor flee, . Where the sun from gilded sea Of clouds looks down upon the earth ? And wilt thou leave to its fate Clay thou didst inanimate, When it distasteful is to thee? Or, returning, bear away This clod to elysian day, Transformed to angels' symmetry? Soul. Oft in adversity ; Oft filled with amenity. The strangest of all things below. Perceiving and defining ; Recalling and combining; And feeling knows and knows it knows. Soul—essence in unity With powers of a Trinity— Wilt thou reveal thyself to me ? Or to immortality Change, and with celerity Reveal then thy identity ? «^SL> 'PORTER. Are you one of those noisy people ? Are you ? Stop and think. Noise never wins a man anything. It is never construc-tive— it is ever destructive. Know a poor, imperfect machine by the noise it makes. The mightiest of mechanisms, the solar system, works in perfect silence. Men who have moved their fellow men have ever been the most quiet in their demeanor. There is real power in silence. Seek to gain that power now while at college. Remember that "voice answereth to voice," and it is the "still small voice" you must awaken in the hearts of men if in any way you are to rule them. e*$b I hold in truth, with him who sings To one clear harp in divers tones, That men may rise on stepping-stones Of their dead selves to higher things. —TBNNYSON. I \J\J H *— * ' —■ ■lllWMl I ■■■■' I HUM THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY Entered at the Postoffice at Gettysburg as second-class matter Vox. X GETTYSBURG, PA., MARCH, 1901 No. 1 E. C. RUBY, '02, Editor-in- Chief R. ST. CLAIR POFFENBARGER,' 02, Business Manager J. F. NEWMAN, '02, Exchange Editor Assistant Editors Miss ANNIE M. SWARTZ, '02 A. B. RICHARD, '02 Advisory Board PROF. J. A. HIMES, A. M., LIT. D. PROF. G. D. STAHLEY, M.D. PROF. J. TV. RICHARD. D. D. Assistant Business Manager CURTIS E. COOK, '03 Published each mouth, from October to June iuclusive, by the joint literary societies of Pennsylvania (Gettysburg) College. Subscription priced One Dollar a year in advance; single copies Ten Cents. Notice to discontinue sending- the MERCURY to any address must be accompanied by all arrearages. Students, Profesiors, and Alumni are cordially invited to contribute. All subscriptions and business matter should be addressed to the Business Manager. Articles for publication should be addressed to the Editor. Address THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY, GETTYSBURG, PA. EDITORIALS nPO the members of the retiring staff we do not hesitate to say *• that we voice the sentiment of every friend of the MERCURY in extending to them a vote of thanks for their very acceptable and efficient service rendered to the literary journal of our Alma Mater. The editorial and the business departments have been so managed as to reflect great credit upon the staff. The high rank which the MERCURY, as a literary journal, holds to-day among the college publications and the excellent financial standing of the same shows that the student body had not misplaced their confi-dence. Whether this can be said of the new staff is a question which remains to be answered one year hence. To the Getlysburgian we extend our thanks for its words of THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 17 encouragement. We bespeak for the members of its new staff unparalleled success in the work which has been placed into their hands. With this issue the MERCURY enters upon its tenth year. It has not grown up without its trials and difficulties. In fact, it stands to-day as an excellent example of the truth that "strength is born of struggle." Let us not think, however, that it can maintain its present position without any more support. The pressure which is brought to bear upon it is greater each year. The more it grows and reaches out the more resistance it must necessarily overcome in order to move forward. With this in mind we trust that the students and alumni of Gettysburg College will give us all the encouragement and assistance possible in try-ing to push this journal to the foremost rank of its class. As to the case of plagiarism referred to in the February num-ber of this journal, we suppose it will be satisfactory to our read-ers to learn that the Princeton student has made a confession of his guilt and has been expelled from the University. The follow-ing is an extract from the letter which was written by the Prince-ton student to the editor of the Nassau Literary Magazine: "A great injustice has been done by me to Mr. Heilman, of Gettysburg, the University, my class, especially those who took part in the oratorical contest last June, and all who are proud of belonging to an institution where the principles of true Christian manhood are taught. I want to frankly confess the gross plagia-rism of which I am guilty, and remove any censure that may be brought upon your magazine, for upon me alone devolves the blame." J» The observance of the twenty-second of February as a national holiday is an important factor in the life of every American citi-zen, for it serves as a constant reminder of Washington and his relations to the history of the country and affords a good oppor-tunity for every one to show his patriotism, and his gratitude for the services of the man who threw himself, body and soul, into the life of the nation. Although set aside as a memorial to Wash-ington, it ought also to be looked upon as a remembrance of those who were silent participants in the struggle for success, in order that this country might be free. —S. %J\J> 18 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY AN ALUMNUS HONORED BY THE PEN AND SWORD SOCIETY The Pen and Sword Society has again invaded the ranks of the alumni and succeeded in capturing one upon whom they thought it fitting to fasten their badge of honor. This alumnus was Rev. William M. Baum, D. D., of Philadelphia, Pa., who delivered the address at the recent public meeting of the society. Dr. Baum prepared for college in an academy at Reading, Pa., entered Gettysburg College in 1842, graduated in 1846, entered the Theological Seminary the same year, and was admitted to the ministry in 1848. In 1861 he became a member of the Board of Trustees of Gettysburg College and also of the Board of Di-rectors of the Theological Seminary. He is the oldest member of the Board of Trustees, but is still as young in his activity for the welfare of his alma mater as ever. He seems always ready to grasp any opportunity to further the interests of Gettysburg Col-lege. We feel confident that no one will say that the Pen and Sword has made a mistake in choosing a man whose feelings towards the institution are in perfect harmony with the objects of the society. A NIGHT OF TERROR TN the course of a lifetime one is called upon to undergo many varied experiences. Most of these experiences are transitory in their effects ; but not a few of them, on the other hand, produce an indelible impression upon the mind of the individual, and are never forgotten. It is to this latter class that the one which I am about to relate belongs. Like an evil intruder it broke in upon the peace and monotony of my earlier years, and, at the time, seriously endangered my mental health and happiness. Now, however, although the memory of it is still unimpaired, I am able to look back with a smile of composure upon what was to me at the time a veritable night of terror, and, in the light of a fuller aud riper knowledge, make myself believe that what I so distinctly saw, heard and felt upon that night never had any existence,—in other words, that I was the victim of gross deception on the part of my senses. The northern part of the county of Monroe, in northeastern Pennsylvania, is still covered with vast tracts of woodland in which the ruthless axe of the woodman has not yet been permitted THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 19 to enter upon its work of destruction. Here the wild and pictur-esque Paconas reach skyward in rugged grandeur and beauty, as if in mute appeal to Him who created this old world to be spared from the spoiling hand of civilization. Here, amid venerable peaks, enveloped in hazy blue, deer, bears and other wild animals still find comparative peace and security. And there, too, issuing from out the mountain sides, are many brooklets of clearest and coldest water, which rush in glittering cascades down over pre-cipitous rocks, or, like interminable threads of silver, wind their devious ways among the underbrush in the bottoms of deep and shady ravines. Fortunate indeed is the angler or hunter who finds his way into these primeval regions, for here every brooklet is the home of countless numbers of beautiful, golden-spotted trout which have not yet learned to distrust the deceitful advances of the cunning followers of old Isaac Walton ; while clumsy Brunos frequently apprise you of their presence by suddenly emerging from the dense underbrush and deliberately looking at you in a surprised and inquiring manner, at the same time snorting their decided disapproval of your intrusion , and frequently beautiful deer with large watery eyes will suddenly confront you and then bound off again into the mountain fastnesses. Nor is this region pre-eminent alone for its natural beauty, but nearly every height and valley is invested with a strong romantic interest because of the many curious Indian legends connected therewith. One of these we shall here relate because of the direct bearing which it has upon our story. In a particularly obscure and unfrequented valley in these mountains, miles away from any other human habitation and al-most inaccessible to all but old mountaineers, is a rude and de-crepit log cabin, no longer tenanted by any living creatures but bats and wild animals which at times find in 'it refuge from the fury of the elements. A.nd yet, I hardly dare say that it is with-out any other occupants at present, for, if popular report is to be credited, evil and mischievous spirits of departed tenants still re-turn from time to time and make this old cabin a weird scene of diabolical revelry. Thirty-five years ago this cabin was inhabited by an old Indian sorcerer or medicine man, by the name of Wapohootche. He was the last one of his tribe to resist the civilizing tendencies of the time and place, and for years had dwelt all alone in his se- " " !UM-'' ff—"———- ""—"—■—■ 20 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY eluded valley, appearing among the whites only about once in four or five months in order to exchange venison and furs for the few products of civilization which he might need. Wapohootche was a remarkable character. The term, "old as the hills," was often applied to him, for his shiny, yellow pate, with its few sparse white hairs, his wrinkled and flabby skin and general ap-pearance indicated great age; he was evidently a centenarian be-fore our fathers knew him. However, his erect carriage and glit-tering eye showed that he still possessed much of the vigor and fire of younger years. Because of his reputed powers of sorcery he was held in superstitious fear and awe wherever he went. Wonderful stories were told of his fabulous wealth, and that these stories were well-grounded was shown by the fact that Wapohoot-che continually carried upon his person, as inseparable ornaments, four heavy golden armlets, probable relics of early barbaric splen-dor. It was in the summer of '64 that this Indian was last seen among the whites and it was generally believed that he had been murdered for his money, but not until some years after was any investigation made, so great was the superstitious fear entertained by the whites of entering Wapohootche's valley. At this time, however, two bold young hunters entered the Paconos with the avowed intention of visiting the valley and its solitary cabin. These hunters were never seen again, and popular report had it that they had fallen into the power of the evil spirits of the valley and had been spirited away. A rescuing expedition resulted in ignominious failure, for before it had come into sight of the cabin it was in some unaccountable manner seized with the greatest fear and panic, and the terrified rescuers were only too glad to escape with their lives. No further investigation was made and Wapo-hootche's Valley was shunned by all as an accursed place. In view of what has been said the reader can readily under-stand why I, a boy of fourteen at the time of which I write, should hail with delight the prospect of a trout-fishing trip to the Paconos. It required but little time to make the necessary preparations, and so, early one beautiful May morning, our party of ten started out for a point about two miles north of Wapohootche's Valley where the trout-fishing was exceptionally fine. We arrived at our des-tination just before sunrise, and in an hour or so were all stationed at different distances along a small stream upon the mountain THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY plateau, pulling out the finny beauties at a rate that would satisfy the most zealous fisherman. In the afternoon, by common consent, we divided our forces, some going up stream and the others down. L,ate in the day, about six o'clock as far as I could judge without a watch, I found myself so far down stream that I could obtain no response from my companions to my repeated halloos. However, inasmuch as my luck was very good just then, I determined to continue fishing down stream for awhile and then rejoin my friends. So interested was I in the sport that I became utterly oblivious to the passing time, and was only brought to my senses by the nearby rumbling of thunder. L,ooking about me, I observed that the sun had long since set and darkness, increased by a rapidly approaching thun-der- storm, was settling down. By the time I had put up my fish-ing tackle and had begun to retrace my steps, the storm was upon me in all its fury. I now found that while it was an easy matter to follow the stream on its downward course, it was a very difficult task to travel up stream. With a terrific rain beating in my face and vivid flashes of lightning blinding my eyes, it was impossible for me to make any progress. But, as I was now almost terrified at the prospect of spending a night alone upon the mountain, I de-termined to adopt what seemed to be my last resource, and follow the stream on its downward course until I should come to an old wagon-road which I supposed to be about a mile distant. On I now went with frantic haste, stumbling over rocks, run-ning into trees or becoming entangled in the underbrush. At last, utterly exhausted and completely bewildered, I leaned up against a tree and endeavored to regain my breath and quiet the painful throbbings of my heart. All about me was Stygian dark-ness. I made frenzied and ineffectual efforts to keep from my sight the scenes which every flash of lightning would reveal. The woods about me seemed full of horrible and menacing forms. The white trunks of dead trees with their bare limbs writhing in the storm were magnified by my highly excited imagination into frightful ghosts and the whole mountain seemed peopled with angry spirits. Overcome by exhaustion, fright, and a terrible sense of loneli-ness, I gave way to what was a very natural impulse for a boy of my age and sobbed spasmodically as I leaned there against that —-— yur *-• F^^^™"™™ ■■"■ ■■■■■ ■mniMmiM 22 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY tree. In my tears I found at least a temporary relief; tliey not only helped to shut out from my sight the terrifying scenes about me, but they also had a soothing effect upon my greatly overtaxed physical and mental faculties. A certain numbness seized me, and sinking down into a reclining position, I endeavored to nerve myself for whatever might come. Suddenly there was a particularly vivid flash of lightning and that instant I observed that my wanderings had brought me into a deep ravine. Immediately the appalling truth confronted me that I was lost in Wapohootche's Valley. Nor was I obliged to wait long for a confirmation of this truth, for all at once, with startling suddenness there broke out upon the night air a most hideous and blood-curdling scream which died away in a series of groans and sighs. At the same time I saw, by the aid of the lightning, a log cabin only a short distance before me which I in-stinctively knew to be that of Wapohootche. My knees smote each other and the cold sweat stood in beads upon my forehead. I sank to the ground in abject terror, but found my whole atten-tion involuntarily directed towards the cabin. The fury of the storm had abated, only fitful lightning remain-ing to lend to the scene a weird and ghostly effect. But now I longed for the crash of thunder again and the roar of the wind and rain, for, breaking in upon the oppressive stillness which ensued, there came to my ears from the cabin, heart-piercing sighs, groans and muffled screams of agony and despair, accompanied by fiendish laughter. Then arose a sound as if of some terrible struggle, ending in the fall of a heavy object after which there would again be those screams of agony mingled with demoniacal laughter. I tried to rise and flee, but I found myself riveted to the spot. And now I was able to distinguish a faint reddish glow about the door of the cabin, as it was slowly and silently opened, and presently, to my horror, I beheld in full view the hideous, skin-clad skeleton of Wapohootche, yellow with age and possessing a certain strange and terrifying luminosity. From out of the hol-low sockets of his eyes and from between his grinning jaws issued a reddish light. Suddenly that horrible, grinning skull riveted its gaze upon me; the light from its glowing sockets seemed to penetrate me through and through. And now the hideous appar-ition approached towards me with ghostly stride, the demoniacal grin becoming continually broader. I made another frenzied ef- THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 23 fort to escape, but could not budge. Closer, closer, closer it came until it stood directly over me. Down it stooped, and I felt its cold, clammy fingers about my throat. My blood was frozen in my veins; I could not utter a sound. Slowly, but surely, the vise-like grip of Wapohootche tightened. I was being choked to death. At last, summing up all 1113^ strength, I gave vent to an agonized scream, made a frantic struggle, and thereby ended one of the most disagreeable dreams it has ever been my misfortune to have. The scene which now greeted my eyes was strange indeed, but it had none of the terrifying characteristics of my hideous dream. The dark ravine, the solitary cabin, the weird sights and sounds and the apparition of Wapohootche had disappeared. Instead of these, the moon was shining brightly through the leafy canopy overhead, causing the drops of water, left b}' the recent shower, to sparkle like diamonds, while all about was forest, and only a few yards before me the little stream, in which I had been fish-ing the afternoon before, gurgled and purled as it tumbled along its stony channel. My .mind soon grasped the situation. I remembered the shower, the darkness, the frantic flight, my terror and exhausted condition when I sank at the tree; and I knew it was thus that an unnatural sleep induced by exhaustion, had overpowered me and rendered possible my frightful dream, in which all the worst fears and apprehensions that had seized me during my flight had been more than realized. As I was sitting there, pondering over the strange experiences of the night, the stillness was broken by a familiar voice calling for me from some point not far distant. I immediately answered, and in spite of my stiffness and drenched garments set out with surprising speed along the path which I had followed the evening before. A few more halloos were exchanged, and presently, to my great joy, I met with two of my companions of the previous day who had been searching for me ever since the storm had ceased. There remains but little more to tell. By the time the sun had risen we were well on our way home, my companions re-proaching me more than once along the way for the trouble I had caused them, and I, for my part, being willing to bear all their reproaches without murmuring, inasmuch as Wapohootche and his mysterious valley had been left far behind us. —R. D. C, '00. IW' 24 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY THE OLD SPELLIING SCHOOL EMORY D. BREAM, '02. \ BOUT sixty-five years ago there arose in the country schools ** of this part of the country the custom of devoting a part of one day in each week to a spelling match. Reading, writing, arithmetic and spelling were the principal branches then taught. The teachers had very limited knowledge of arithmetic, so that the children learned little more than reading, writing and spelling. As spelling was the foundation of reading and writing, the teach-ers felt that it should have special attention. Out of these spelling matches in the school grew the night spelling school. The primary purpose in view was to learn to spell correctly. The school terms were short. The farmers did not have the im-proved machinery and labor-saving methods that they now em-ploy. Competition was not so great and money making was the chief aim of progressive country people. Their plain ways of living and dressing were inexpensive, so that by beginning early and working hard a young man was in most cases able to start in life with a comfortable income. Owing to these facts the children as a rule were not sent to school until late in the winter and then did not always attend regularly on account of threshing and other work that was done during the winter season. Often, too, they did not go to school after they were fifteen or sixteen. Al-though the people paid little attention to education, yet they felt the need of spelling when they wished to write a letter or trans-act business. It was to this end that such schools were begun. The social benefit of such meetings was also taken into consid-eration. Places of entertainment and social gatherings were few. Anything that would afford a meeting place for the young people was sure to be well attended. The boys and girls not only learned to know each other better but became acquainted with those who came from a distance. The only place that could be obtained for such a meeting was the district school-house. These buildings were the property of the people and everybody was made to feel welcome. The only convenient time to hold such a meeting was in the long winter evenings when the days were short and the people were not tired and exhausted from toiling through long hours in the scorching sun. The meetings were usually held weekly and always on the same evening of the week. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 25 Spelling schools were started for the benefit of young men and women, but the teachers soon became very much interested and in this way used their influence in getting their pupils to attend. The children were anxious to go and often succeeded in bringing their fathers and sometimes their mothers with them. About seven o'clock was the time to begin spelling. Before beginning, however, the class had to be organized and some num-ber chosen for a game. Two persons were selected to choose those whom each wished to spell on his or her side. Desks such as we now have in our school-rooms were unknown to them. Long benches were used instead. These benches would be placed along the wall on each side of the room, and each of the two di-visions of the class occupied the benches, one division facing the other. The best spellers were chosen first and took their places in order, commencing at the front end of the room. Either Web-ster's or Walker's common school dictionary was used. The teacher of the school, or some other person who could articulate distinctly, dictated the words and kept "tally," as it was called; that is, kept an account of the words missed by one side and gained by the other. Sometimes the teacher would ap-point another person to perform this office. Commencing at the head end of the class, one word and one trial was given to each member, passing alternately from one side to the other. In case a word was misspelled by one person it was given to one on the opposing side. Should he or she spell it cor-rectly that counted one for the side on which it was spelled. A word was always permitted to go until spelled correctly. Return-ing from the foot to the head of the class, spelling continued until the game was won. The number usually taken was fifteen or twenty, varying according to the ability of the audience in general. When one game had been spelled an intermission often or fifteen minutes was given. This was a time for conversation and finding a partner to take home when the meeting should close. Recess being ended, a new class was chosen and another game spelled after which "spelling off'' took place. Taking the two at the foot of the class, one from each side, they were permitted to spell against one another until one ' 'spelled the other down.'' The unsuccessful one now sat down and the next person on the same side rose in his stead. In this manner the spelling was continued ■——- DJ\JI BUI ■ mgBKB^Bimmmmmmmfiimmummimmwiimmnmmmmim 26 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY till all of one side had sat down. The audience was then dis-missed and the engagements made at recess were fulfilled. The growth of spelling schools was rapid. Not only did they increase in number but soon became well attended. With growth came success. By taking part in one or more of such matches each week for several winters, persons of ordinary ability became good spellers. Those who took special interest in the work would master all the words in the abridged dictionaries. Some who could not even read or write learned to spell comparatively well. This helped them to higher planes in society. Taking into con-sideration these facts, we feel safe in saying that the old spelling school reflects very creditably upon the people of half a century ago. To say that spelling schools have simply gone out of style is not sufficient. They are not altogether a thing of the past, but are few in number and little interest is taken in them. Various causes have contributed to their decline. Probably the introduction of more branches into the schools and the advance along all educational lines has taken the attention of the people from spelling to other studies. The children remain in school a few years longer than formerly. Many of these young people prefer to spend their evenings in study. Not as many people are required to do the farm work as formerly. Many young people have gone to the factories and schools of the cities so that there are not as many young people in the country as there were years ago. Other causes might be in-cluded among the foregoing reasons but the result would not be altered. From these facts it must be obvious that the spelling schools will not be revived to any great extent. Nor will the coming generations ever attain the proficiency which characterized many of our fathers and mothers. «t*£> Too much of joy is sorrowful, So cares must needs abound ; The vine that bears too many flowers, Will trail upon the ground. —ALICE CARY. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 27 RUSSIA'S ATTITUDE TOWARD AMERICA MoNTFORT MELCHIOR, '02. '"THE twentieth century opens with a continuance of the same * relations between Russia and America that existed at the dawn of the nineteenth century. Russia has ever maintained and still maintains a friendly policy toward America. There has never existed any complications or strained relations between these two colossal nations of the world. In the past her friendly policy has been plainly recognized. Russia was very glad and even anxious to sell' to the United States the territory of Alaska for a mere trifle, in order that she might have some feasible excuse for friendly overtures toward America. She has never been jealous of Amer-ica's expansion; on the other hand has rather encouraged it, seem-ing to say, "You take all you want in the western hemisphere, Cuba or whatever it may be, and wink at me when I grab on the eastern side of the globe, so that we may grow great together." Russia has probably felt the need and desired the aid of Amer-ica in checking the marine domination of England. England's advancement and especially her naval success has always been an eyesore to Russia, and she has smiled with satisfaction at the stride America has taken in rivaling England's marine career. Another evidence of Russia's friendliness was shown when, in the early days of the American empire, she so earnestly desired an embassador from that rising nation. Jefferson, then President, was desirous of establishing a minister at St. Petersburg, but the Senate thought that there were not sufficient reasons for such a policy, and whatever reasons there were they did not justify the extra expense. As a result the proposition was lost, much to the dissatisfaction of Jefferson, to say nothing of Russia. When Mad-ison became President and advocated the same policy, he met a like opposition, but by his obstinate perseverance finally succeeded in winning his point, and John Quiucy Adams was sent as Amer-ica's representative at the Court of the Czar. The personal bear-ing of Adams and his policy in diplomatic relations won the friendship of the Czar himself, as well as that of the whole nation, and to Adams was due much of the friendly bearing of this des-potism to the American Republic* During the civil war of the United States, Russia, if ever, I *MemolrB of J. Q. Adams. TU7WI «■»' ■ii" —'■iiTfiifiri'iiftfrnmirmTtnimiffliimmmiiiiiyiyiiiiiiMiiiiiyiin 28 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY manifested the interest of a firm and loyal friend. At this mo-mentous crisis when all the world favoured and even abetted se-cession or the partition of America, Russia, like the mighty bear she is, gave a murmuring growl of sympathy, and it is fair to say she would have felt little hesitancy in manfully expressing herself, had it been necessary. Russia alone stood out and refused to do aught against the stalwart youth who had developed from the valorous few who dared brave the long dreary years of New Eng-land and Virginian hardship. At the present everything seems to show that Russia still maintains the same attitude toward America, that she always has maintained. Along commercial lines it is to her advantage to keep relations just as friendly as possible, and no less for political reasons. Russia well knows that she can depend on none of the Eurasian countries as a friend, and she feels the sore need of a formidable ally. Her great hope lies in America, and if an alliance could here be formed she would fear no one. In the recent disagreements between the two great continents, Russia always showed ber sympathy to be with the United States. She gloried to see Spain go down under America's powerful arm, and is no less anxious to see the Philippines quieted, and America triumphant over all. Some great man whose name has now escaped our memory, said, a few years ago, that if the whole world became involved in a chaotic state of warfare, Russia and America side by side, or shoulder to shoulder would battle against the world. That, no doubt, has been Russia's opinion exactly. At the present time the partition sooner or later of China seems inevitable. All the European powers have their eyes trained on this vast empire, and are waiting only for a plausible opportunity to jump in and help themselves. Russia is among the foremost of these powers, and right there is where she wants the co-operation of America. If an alliance could be formed between these two nations, then with her own great armies and the civilizing and enlightening agiencies of America the success of her eastern conquests would be certain. Here is where Russia's present attitude toward the old Amer-ican colonies blends into that of the future. We can entertain no doubt but that her policy in the future will be the same that it has been in the past and present. No one can fail to see the immense opportunities and resources of Russia. From the fur-bearing re-wm THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 29 gions on the north to the tropical fruits of the south; from the grain fields and manufactories of the west over the platinum and gold fields of the Ural mountains to the mines oi Siberia, she is provided with all the necessaries of human life. No one can help but see the same wealth of America. Russia has seen and thought of this for years. If these two nations were united commercially and politically, what could they not do ? Let England become unruly. Then let Russia and America close their ports, and say to the rest of the world, "You close yours"—where would Eng-land be in forty-eight hours ? Think of a federation reaching from St. Petersburg to the Ural mountains, from the Ural mountains across the whole continent of Asia to Kamtchatka, from Kamt-chatka across Behring strait to Alaska, or directly aross the Pacific to San Francisco, and from San Francisco across America to New York ! Think of the possibilities of such a union ! And Russia has been thinking about them. She, with all her despotism, is shrewd and quick, and distinctly sees that it is to her advantage to maintain friendly relations with America. Such has been, is, and no doubt will be her attitude toward the old American colonies. As to the United States, nothing is less probable than such advances, but let us ever remember that in Russia we have a firm and ever loyal friend. THE PROPER CARE OF HUMAN LIFE /~\NE of the great mysteries in this world is that of life, and es- ^^ pecially human life. We are told that "God created man in His own image and breathed into his nostrils the breath of life.'' With this view of the origin of human life we have come to regard it as a divine gift placed into our hands for a definite period of time and conditioned upon a proper care and use of it. What constitutes a proper care of human life has never been universally agreed upon, but we believe that the human race is beginning to realize more and more the importance and necessity of a proper care. There are two important phases of this question; first, the care which each individual should have for his own life, and second, the care which he should have for the life of his fellow-men. Every human being shows his care for his own life by observ-ing the laws which pertain to the healthful condition of the body. 30 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY Health is a priceless blessing. It is often called the greatest of blessings; and we are told that without it life has no worth. This language may be too strong, for we have seen those who, amidst infirmity and frequent illness, through force of intellect, and still more through religious principle, devout gratitude and trust, have found life a greater boon than the multitude of the strong and healthy ever dream of. Still, health is an inestimable good, and is essential to the full development and gratification of our powers. Without it life loses its bright charm, and gradually declines by m_vsterious decay. Without it human life falls far short of its true mission in this world. Health and disease are physical conditions upon which pleasure and pain, success and failure, depend. We may also safely consider what is known as self-defense against the violence of human hands, or the brutal attacks of wild beasts, or even the threatenings of the elements of nature as a part of the proper care for one's own life. The man who does not try to preserve his life when he is assaulted by his fellowruan without a cause, or when he is attacked by furious beasts, or when storms, floods, and fire threaten him, surely does not have much of a price set upon that mysterious gift from God. He cares little for his own life who goes through the world unconcerned as to what may befall him and regardless of the fact that he is created with the power and the necessary means for defending his life in very many instances. Then again, it must not be forgotten that there are circum-stances which require that human life must be given up. Our lives have an office for others, to help save and lift up humanity. Who are the men in whom human life seems to be manifested in its brightest glory, who appear best to have fulfilled its end ? They are those who have made the greatest sacrifices for truth, humanity, religion, patriotism and freedom. It is not to those who have watched over and kept their lives, but to those who have cheerfully given them away, that the tribute of reverence and joyful commemoration has been paid. This view of the proper care of human life may be implied in the teaching of Christ—"He that loses his life for my sake shall find it." This, however, re-fers more to the principle of unselfishness in general than to the sacrificing of life. We shall now consider the care which man should have for the life of his fellowmen. In all ages the individual has, in one form Hill! THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 31 or another, been trodden in the dust. In monarchies and aris-tocracies, he has been sacrificed to one or to the few, who, re-garding government as an heirloom in their families, and think-ing of the people as made only to live and die for their glory, have not dreamed that the sovereign power was designed to shield every man, without exception, from wrong. In the ancient republics, the glory of the state, especially conquest, was the end to which the individual was expected to offer himself a victim. It was the glory of the American people, that, in their Declaration of Inde-pendence, they took the ground of the indestructible rights of every human being, and in the Emancipation Proclamation they have given to the world the evidence that they meant what they declared. Indifference to human life is probably at its height in times of war. Such indifference was found in Napoleon when, for the amusement of some mistress of the night, he sacrificed fifty of his soldiers in an escalade which he knew to be positively futile for any military purpose, or in Abdul Hamid when, probably for no other reason than that he feared the downfall of his own power, he sanctioned the horrible massacres in Armenia, or even in our own Civil War, when thousands of men were carelessly sacrificed, both in the north and the south, for the sake of the military glory and fame of certain individuals. The sufferings and death of a single fellowbeing often excite a tender and active compassion, but we hear without emotion of thousands enduring every variety of woe in war. A single mur-der in peace thrills through our frames. The countless murders of war are heard as an amusing tale. The execution of a crimi-nal depresses the mind, and philanthropy is laboring to substitute milder punishments for death. But benevolence has hardly made an effort to snatch from sudden and untimely death the inumer-able victims immolated on the altar of war. Even to-day the voice of those, who forget that they have a care which pertains to the life of their fellowman, is heard in terms of reproach when we seek to avoid war. In most of these cases which I have mentioned there still ex-ist opinions which lead to either extreme. Like many other things of this nature it may be safest to say that the proper care for human life is the golden mean of these extremes. There are circumstances which demand that the right of self-defense be dis- TUrerr-T-T 32 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY placed by the willingness to give up life; that the rights and lib-erties of our fellowman be taken from him for the good of society; and that the government of a country must furnish some of its citizens as victims upon the altar of war, especially when it is car-ried on for the sake of bettering the conditions of the human race-s' EXCHAMGES TT is said that no two minds follow the same channel of thought. A We each have our likes and dislikes and what is attractive to one person may not have the least charm for another. A department entirely devoted to exchange work has recently been added to the MERCURY staff, and the editor takes this oppor-tunity to say that any criticism which may be given in this col-umn will be offered with perfect frankness but with not the slight-est intention of giving offense. We shall try to avoid useless and nonsensical "cutting," which has always reminded us very strongly of the proverbial "feline quarrel," but shall be ready to defend ourselves and our institution as best we can, if occasion demands. Among the exchanges which we have examined, we note the following: The Lafayette of February 8th contains an excellent article on fraternities. We agree with the writer throughout. If the sensi-ble ideas he expresses were followed, the membership of many fraternities would be smaller, but their moral character would undoubtedly be of a higher type. "His Professor" in the February Touchstone displays a bit of the real class-room spirit. The story is interesting and ends in a pleasant manner. The Lesbian Herald is a very welcome exchange—one which we enjoy thoroughly. Its appearance is unpretentious but at-tractive; its arrangement excellent; and its articles in general of a high type. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 33 We could wish that every person who tries to make puns would read the article "Puns and Punsters" in the February Mountaineer. We congratulate Allegheny College on her recent endowment of thirty thousand dollars for the purpose of building a chapel. Other exchanges to be acknowledged are: The Saint John's Collegian, The Western Maryland College Monthly, The Haver ford-ian. The Roanoke Collegian and The Ursimis College Bulletin. In men whom men condemn as ill I find so much of goodness still ; In men whom men pronounce divine I find so much of sin and blot, I hesitate to draw a line Between the two, where God has not. Burns and Byron—MmER. In battle or business, whatever the game, In law or in love, it is ever the same; In struggle for power, or the scramble for pelf, Let this be your motto: Rely on yourself! For whether the prize be a ribbon or throne, The victor is he who can "go it alone." -SAXB. c*p The very power that molds a tear And bids it trickle from its source, That power preserves the earth a sphere And guides the planets in their course. —ROGERS. uu> PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS. C R. SOLT MERCHANT TAILOR Masonic Bldg., GETTYSBURG Our collection of Woolens for the coming- Fall and "Winter season cannot be surpassed for variety, attractive designs and g-eneral completeness. The latest styles of fashionable novelties in the most approved shades. Staples of exceptional merit, value and wearing durability. Also altering-, repairing, dj-eing and scouring at moderate prices. .FOR UP-TO-DATE. Clothing, Hats, Shoes, And Men's Furnishing- Goods, go to I. HALLEM'S MAMMOTH CLOTHING HOUSE, Chambersburg St., GETTYSBURG, PA. ESTABLISHED 1867 BY ALLEN WALTON. ALLEN K. WALTON, President and Treasurer. ROBT. J. WALTON, I Superintendent. flummelstooin Bromn Stone Company Quarrymen and Manufacturers of Building Stone, Sawed Flagging and Tile Waltonvllle, Dauphin Co., Pa. Contractors for all kinds of Telegraph and Express Address. Cut Stone Work. BROWNSTONE, PA. Parties visiting the Quarries will leave cars at Brownstone Station on the P. & R. R. R. For a nice sweet loaf of Bread call on J. RAMER Baker of Bread and Fancy Cakes, GETTYSBURG. PA. EIMER & AMEND, Manufacturers and Importers of Chemicals and Chemical Apparatus 205, 207, 209 and 211 Third Avenue, Corner 18th Street NEW YORK. Finest Bohemian and German Glassware, Royal Berlin and Meissen Porcelain, Pure Hammered Platinum, Balances and Weights. Zeiss Mi-croscopes and Bacteriological Apparatus; Chemical Pure Acids and Assay Goods. SCOTT PAPER COMPANY MAKERS OF FINE TOILET PAPER 7th and Greenwood Ave. PHILADELPHIA -■ ■'■'■HI"!'" ! GETTYSBURG COLLEGE LIBRARY GETTYSBURG, \.

Temporary or permanent, local or international, voluntary or forced, legal or illegal, registered or unregistered migrations of individuals, whole communities or individual groups are an important factor in constructing and modifying (modern) societies. The extent of international migrations is truly immense. At the time of the preparation of this publication more than 200 million people have been involved in migrations in a single year according to the United Nations. Furthermore, three times more wish to migrate, mostly from sub-Saharan Africa towards some of the most economically developed areas of the world according to the estimates by the Gallup Institute (Esipova, 2011). Some authors, although aware that it is not a new phenomenon, talk about the era of migration (Castles, Miller, 2009) or the globalization of migration (Friedman, 2004). The global dimensions of migration are definitely influenced also by the increasingly visible features of modern societies like constantly changing conditions, instability, fluidity, uncertainty etc. (Beck, 2009; Bauman, 2002).The extent, direction, type of migrations and their consequences are affected by many social and natural factors in the areas of emigration and immigration. In addition, researchers from many scientific disciplines who study migrations have raised a wide range of research questions (Boyle, 2009, 96), use a variety of methodological approaches and look for different interpretations in various spatial, temporal and contextual frameworks. The migrations are a complex, multi-layered, variable, contextual process that takes place at several levels. Because of this, research on migrations has become an increasingly interdisciplinary field, since the topics and problems are so complex that they cannot be grasped solely and exclusively from the perspective of a single discipline or theory. Therefore, we are witnessing a profusion of different "faces of migration", which is reflected and at the same time also contributed to by this thematic issue of the journal Ars & Humanitas.While mobility or migration are not new phenomena, as people have moved and migrated throughout the history of mankind, only recently, in the last few decades, has theoretical and research focus on them intensified considerably. In the last two decades a number of research projects, university programs and courses, research institutes, scientific conferences, seminars, magazines, books and other publications, involving research, academia as well as politics and various civil society organizations have emerged. This shows the recent exceptional interest in the issue of migration, both in terms of knowledge of the processes involved, their mapping in the history of mankind, as well as the theoretical development of migration studies and daily management of this politically sensitive issue.Migration affects many entities on many different levels: the individuals, their families and entire communities at the local level in the emigrant societies as well as in the receiving societies. The migration is changing not only the lives of individuals but whole communities and societies, as well as social relations; it is also shifting the cultural patterns and bringing important social transformations (Castles 2010). This of course raises a number of questions, problems and issues ranging from human rights violations to literary achievements. Some of these are addressed by the authors in this thematic issue.The title "Many faces of migration", connecting contributions in this special issue, is borrowed from the already mentioned Gallup Institute's report on global migration (Esipova, 2011). The guiding principle in the selection of the contributions has been their diversity, reflected also in the list of disciplines represented by the authors: sociology, geography, ethnology and cultural anthropology, history, art history, modern Mediterranean studies, gender studies and media studies. Such an approach necessarily leads not only to a diverse, but at least seemingly also incompatible, perhaps even opposing views "on a given topic. However, we did not want to silence the voices of "other" disciplines, but within the reviewing procedures actually invited scientists from the fields represented by the contributors to this volume. The wealth of the selected contributions lies therefore not only in their coherence and complementarity, but also in the diversity of views, stories and interpretations.The paper of Zora Žbontar deals with the attitudes towards foreigners in ancient Greece, where the hospitality to strangers was considered so worthy a virtue that everyone was expected to "demonstrate hospitality and protection to any foreigner who has knocked on their door". The contrast between the hospitality of ancient Greece and the modern emergence of xenophobia and ways of dealing with migration issues in economically developed countries is especially challenging. "In an open gesture of hospitality to strangers the ancient Greeks showed their civilization".Although the aforementioned research by the United Nations and Gallup Institute support some traditional stereotypes of the main global flows of migrants, and the areas about which the potential migrants "dream", Bojan Baskar stresses the coexistence of different migratory desires, migration flows and their interpretations. In his paper he specifically focuses on overcoming and relativising stereotypes as well as theories of immobile and non-enterprising (Alpine) mountain populations and migrations.The different strategies of the crossing borders adopted by migrant women are studied by Mirjana Morokvasic. She marks them as true social innovators, inventing different ways of transnational life resulting in a bottom-up contribution to the integrative processes across Europe. Some of their innovations go as far as to shift diverse real and symbolic boundaries of belonging to a nation, gender, profession.Elaine Burroughs and Zoë O'Reilly highlight the close relations between the otherwise well-established terminology used in statistics and science to label immigrants in Ireland and elsewhere in EU, and the negative representations of certain types of migrants in politics and the public. The discussion focusses particularly on asylum seekers and illegal immigrants who come from outside the EU. The use of language can quickly become a political means of exclusion, therefore the authors propose the development and use of more considerate and balanced migration terminology.Damir Josipovič proposes a change of the focal point for identifying and interpreting the well-studied migrations in the former Yugoslavia. The author suggests changing the dualistic view of these migrations to an integrated, holistic view. Instead of a simplified understanding of these migrations as either international or domestic, voluntary or forced, he proposes a concept of pseudo-voluntary migrations.Maja Korać-Sanderson's contribution highlights an interesting phenomenon in the shift in the traditional patterns of gender roles. The conclusions are derived from the study of the family life of Chinese traders in transitional Serbia. While many studies suggest that child care in recent decades in immigrant societies is generally performed by immigrants, her study reveals that in Serbia, the Chinese merchants entrust the care of their children mostly to local middle class women. The author finds this switch of roles in the "division of labour" in the child care favourable for both parties involved.Francesco Della Puppa focuses on a specific part of the mosaic of contemporary migrations in the Mediterranean: the Bangladeshi immigrant community in the highly industrialized North East of Italy. The results of his in-depth qualitative study reveal the factors that shape this segment of the Bangladeshi diaspora, the experiences of migrants and the effects of migration on their social and biographical trajectories.John A. Schembri and Maria Attard present a snippet of a more typical Mediterranean migration process - immigration to Malta. The authors highlight the reduction in migration between Malta and the United Kingdom, while there is an increase in immigration to Malta from the rest of Europe and sub-Saharan Africa. Amongst the various impacts of immigration to Malta the extraordinary concentration of immigrant populations is emphasized, since the population density of Malta far exceeds that of nearly all other European countries.Miha Kozorog studies the link between migration and constructing their places of their origin. On the basis of Ardener's theory the author expresses "remoteness" of the emigratory Slavia Friulana in terms of topology, in relation to other places, rather than in topography. "Remoteness" is formed in relation to the "outside world", to those who speak of "remote areas" from the privileged centres. The example of an artistic event, which organizers aim "to open a place like this to the outside world", "to encourage the production of more cosmopolitan place", shows only the temporary effect of such event on the reduction of the "remoteness".Jani Kozina presents a study of the basic temporal and spatial characteristics of migration "of people in creative occupations" in Slovenia. The definition of this specific segment of the population and approach to study its migrations are principally based on the work of Richard Florida. The author observes that people with creative occupations in Slovenia are very immobile and in this respect quite similar to other professional groups in Slovenia, but also to the people in creative professions in the Southern and Eastern Europe, which are considered to be among the least mobile in Europe. Detailed analyses show that the people in creative occupations from the more developed regions generally migrate more intensely and are also more willing to relocate.Mojca Pajnik and Veronika Bajt study the experiences of migrant women with the access to the labour market in Slovenia. Existing laws and policies push the migrants into a position where, if they want to get to work, have to accept less demanding work. In doing so, the migrant women are targets of stereotyped reactions and practices of discrimination on the basis of sex, age, attributed ethnic and religious affiliation, or some other circumstances, particularly the fact of being migrants. At the same time the latter results in the absence of any protection from the state.Migration studies often assume that the target countries are "modern" and countries of origin "traditional". Anıl Al- Rebholz argues that such a dichotomous conceptualization of modern and traditional further promotes stereotypical, essentialist and homogenizing images of Muslim women in the "western world". On the basis of biographical narratives of young Kurdish and Moroccan women as well as the relationships between mothers and daughters, the author illustrates a variety of strategies of empowerment of young women in the context of transnational migration.A specific face of migration is highlighted in the text of Svenka Savić, namely the face of artistic migration between Slovenia and Serbia after the Second World War. The author explains how more than thirty artists from Slovenia, with their pioneering work in three ensembles (opera, ballet and theatre), significantly contributed to the development of the performing arts in the Serbian National Theatre in Novi Sad.We believe that in the present thematic issue we have succeeded in capturing an important part of the modern European research dynamic in the field of migration. In addition to well-known scholars in this field several young authors at the beginning their research careers have been shortlisted for the publication. We are glad of their success as it bodes a vibrancy of this research area in the future. At the same time, we were pleased to receive responses to the invitation from representatives of so many disciplines, and that the number of papers received significantly exceeded the maximum volume of the journal. Recognising and understanding of the many faces of migration are important steps towards the comprehensive knowledge needed to successfully meet the challenges of migration issues today and even more so in the future. It is therefore of utmost importance that researchers find ways of transferring their academic knowledge into practice – to all levels of education, the media, the wider public and, of course, the decision makers in local, national and international institutions. The call also applies to all authors in this issue of the journal. ; Začasne ali stalne, lokalne ali mednarodne, prostovoljne ali prisilne, legalne ali ilegalne, registrirane ali neregistrirane migracije posameznic in posameznikov, celih družbenih skupnosti ali posameznih skupin predstavljajo pomemben dejavnik v konstruiranju in spreminjanju (sodobnih) družb. Razsežnosti mednarodnih migracij so resnično ogromne, saj je bilo vanje v času nastajanja te publikacije po ocenah Združenih narodov v enem letu vključenih več kot 200 milijonov ljudi. Po ocenah Gallupovega inštituta pa se jih še trikrat toliko želi preseliti, največ iz podsaharske Afrike ter proti nekaterim gospodarsko najbolj razvitim območjem sveta (Esipova, 2011). Nekateri avtorji zato, čeprav ob zavedanju, da ne gre za nov fenomen, govorijo o dobi migracij (Castles, Miller, 2009) ali o globalizaciji migracij (Friedman, 2004). Zagotovo je na globalne razsežnosti migracij vplivalo tudi to, da so vse bolj vidne značilnosti sodobnih družb nenehno spreminjanje razmer, nestabilnost, fluidnost, negotovost ipd. (Beck, 2009; Bauman, 2002).Na obseg, smeri in vrste migracij ter na njihove posledice vplivajo številni družbeni in naravni dejavniki, tako na območjih odseljevanja kot tudi na območjih priselitev. Poleg tega si raziskovalke in raziskovalci iz številnih znanstvenih disciplin, ki proučujejo migracije, v raziskavah zastavljajo »neverjetno raznovrstna« vprašanja (Boyle, 2009, 96), uporabljajo različne metodološke pristope in iščejo različne interpretacije, in sicer v različnih prostorskih, časovnih in vsebinskih okvirih. Vse bolj prihaja do izraza, da so migracije kompleksen, večplasten, spremenljiv in kontekstualen proces, ki poteka na več ravneh. Prav zaradi tega spoznanja je raziskovanje migracij postajalo vse bolj interdisciplinarno polje, saj so teme in problemi tako kompleksni, da jih ni mogoče zagrabiti zgolj in izključno iz perspektive ene same znanosti ali teorije. Zato smo priča pravemu bogastvu »obrazov migracij«, ki ga odraža ter obenem k njemu tudi prispeva pričujoča tematska številka revije Ars & Humanitas.Čeprav mobilnost oziroma migracije niso nov pojav, saj so se ljudje selili in preseljevali skozi celotno zgodovino človeštva, pa se šele v zadnjem času, v zadnjih nekaj desetletjih, z njimi resno teoretsko in raziskovalno ukvarjamo. V zadnjih dveh desetletjih so se pojavili številni raziskovalni projekti, univerzitetni programi in predmeti, raziskovalni inštituti, znanstvene konference, posveti, revije, knjige in druge publikacije, pri katerih sodelujejo tako raziskovalna in akademska sfera kot tudi politika in različne civilnodružbene organizacije. To priča o v zadnjem času izjemnem zanimanju za vprašanje migracij, tako kar zadeva poznavanje samih procesov in njihovo mapiranje v zgodovini človeštva kot tudi teoretski razvoj migracijskih študij in vsakodnevno urejanje tega politično občutljivega vprašanja.Migracije zadevajo številne subjekte na številnih ravneh: posameznice in posameznike, njihove družine ter celotne skupnosti tako na lokalni ravni v družbi emigracije kakor tudi na vseh teh ravneh v imigrantski družbi. Z migracijami se spreminjajo ne samo življenja posameznikov in posameznic, ampak se spreminjajo celotne skupnosti oziroma družbe in družbeni odnosi, zamikajo se kulturni vzorci, prihaja do pomembnih družbenih transformacij (Castles, 2010). Ob tem se seveda odpirajo številne teme, problemi in vprašanja, ki se gibljejo v širokem razponu od kršenja človekovih pravic do literarnih presežkov. Nekaterih od njih se dotikajo tudi prispevki v pričujoči tematski številki.Povezovalni naslov prispevkov v tej tematski številki revije, »Številni obrazi migracij«, smo si sposodili iz že omenjenega poročila Gallupovega inštituta o globalnih selitvah (Esipova, 2011). Temeljno vsebinsko vodilo pri izbiri prispevkov je bila raznovrstnost, kar nakazuje tudi pregled znanstvenih disciplin, iz katerih prihajajo avtorji: sociologija, geografija, etnologija in kulturna antropologija, zgodovina, umetnostna zgodovina, sodobne sredozemske študije, študiji spola in medijski študiji. Tak pristop nujno pripelje ne le do raznolikih, ampak tudi do vsaj navidezno neskladnih, morda celo nasprotnih pogledov na obravnavane tematike. Vendar nismo želeli utišati glasov iz »drugih« znanstvenih disciplin, temveč smo raje v recenzentske postopke povabili znanstvenike s področij, s katerih so tudi avtorji. Bogastvo zbranih prispevkov torej ni v njihovi medsebojni skladnosti in potrjevanju, temveč prav v mnogoterosti pogledov, zgodb in interpretacij.Prispevek Zore Žbontar obravnava odnos do tujcev v antični Grčiji, kjer je bilo gostoljubje do tujcev tako častivredna vrlina, da je vsak moral »izkazati gostoljubje in zaščititi kateregakoli tujca, ki je potrkal na vrata«. Zlasti je izzivalen kontrast med gostoljubjem v antični Grčiji in sodobnim pojavljanjem ksenofobije ter načini soočanja z migracijsko problematiko v gospodarsko razvitih državah. »Antični Grki so v odprti gesti gostoljubja do tujcev prepoznali svojo civiliziranost.«Čeprav omenjene raziskave Združenih narodov in Gallupovega inštituta podpirajo nekatere uveljavljene stereotipe o glavnih globalnih tokovih migrantov ter o območjih, o katerih »sanjajo« potencialni migranti, Bojan Baskar opozarja na sočasen obstoj tudi drugačnih migracijskih želja, tokov migracij in njihovih interpretacij. Posebej se osredotoči na preseganje in relativizacijo stereotipov in teorij o nemobilnem in nepodjetnem (alpskem) hribovskem prebivalstvu in migracijah.O tem, kako različne strategije pri prehajanju, prestopanju in prečkanju meja razvijejo migrantke, piše Mirjana Morokvasic. Označi jih kot prave socialne inovatorke, ki izumijo različne načine transnacionalnega življenja in tako od spodaj navzgor prispevajo k integrativnim procesom po vsej Evropi. V svoji inovativnosti gredo nekatere tako daleč, da premikajo različne, tako realne kot simbolne meje pripadanja naciji, spolu in poklicu.Elaine Burroughs in Zoë O'Reilly izpostavita tesno povezanost med sicer uveljavljeno terminologijo, s katero v statistiki in tudi znanosti označujejo imigrante na Irskem in širše v EU, ter negativnimi reprezentacijami nekaterih tipov migrantov v politiki in javnosti. Razpravo navežeta zlasti na iskalce azila in nezakonite priseljence, ki pridejo iz držav zunaj EU. Raba jezika lahko hitro postane politični način izključevanja, zato predlagata razvoj in uporabo obzirnejše in pravičnejše migracijske terminologije.Za spremembo izhodišča opredeljevanja in interpretacije sicer dobro proučenih selitev v nekdanji Jugoslaviji se zavzame Damir Josipovič. Predlaga zamenjavo dualističnega pogleda na te migracije s celostnim. Namesto njihovega poenostavljenega razumevanja kot mednarodnih in notranjih ali prostovoljnih in prisilnih migracij pa se zavzema za koncept psevdoprostovoljnih migracij.Na zanimiv fenomen zamikanja ustaljenih vzorcev spolnih vlog opozori tekst Maje Korać-Sanderson, katere zaključki izhajajo iz študije družinskega življenja kitajskih trgovcev v tranzicijski Srbiji. Medtem ko številne študije ugotavljajo, da skrbstveno delo v zadnjih desetletjih v imigrantskih družbah v glavnem opravljajo migrantke, njena študija ugotavlja, da v Srbiji kitajske trgovke skrb za svoje otroke večinoma zaupajo lokalnim ženskam srednjega razreda. Ta obrat vlog pri »delitvi dela« v skrbstveni sferi, ugotavlja avtorica, je v prid obema vpletenima stranema.Specifičen del mozaika sodobnih migracij v Sredozemlju, bangladeške skupnosti imigrantov na visoko industrializiranem severovzhodu Italije, razkriva Francesco Della Puppa. Izsledki poglobljenega kvalitativnega proučevanja odstirajo dejavnike, ki oblikujejo ta segment bangladeške diaspore, izkušnje migrantov ter učinke selitve na njihove družbene in biografske trajektorije.Izsek iz bolj tipičnih sredozemskih migracijskih procesov na primeru priseljevanja na Malto predstavita John A. Schembri in Maria Attard. Ugotavljata zmanjševanje števila selitev med Malto in Veliko Britanijo ob hkratnem povečevanju priseljevanja iz ostalih držav Evrope in podsaharske Afrike. Med učinki priseljevanja na Malto izpostavita izredno zgoščenost priseljenega prebivalstva, ki presega gostote celotnih prebivalstev v nekaterih evropskih državah.Miha Kozorog obravnava povezavo med migracijami in konstruiranjem krajev, iz katerih te migracije izvirajo. S pomočjo Ardenerjeve teorije »odročnost« izrazito emigracijske Benečije izrazi ne toliko v topografskem kot v topološkem smislu, v razmerju do drugih krajev. »Odročnost« nastaja v razmerju z »zunanjim svetom«, s tistimi, ki govorijo o »odročnih krajih« iz privilegiranih središč. Na primeru umetniškega dogodka, s katerim želijo organizatorji »odpreti tak kraj zunanjemu svetu« in »spodbuditi produkcijo bolj svetovljanskega kraja«, pokaže zgolj začasnost učinka tega dogodka na zmanjšanje »odročnosti«.O temeljnih časovnih in prostorskih značilnostih selitev »prebivalcev z ustvarjalnim poklicem« v Sloveniji piše Jani Kozina. Pri opredeljevanju tega specifičnega dela prebivalstva in pristopa k proučevanju njegovega migriranja se opre zlasti na dela Richarda Floride. Ugotavlja, da so prebivalci z ustvarjalnim poklicem v Sloveniji prostorsko zelo nemobilni in po tem kriteriju precej podobni ostalim poklicnim skupinam v Sloveniji, obenem pa tudi prebivalcem z ustvarjalnimi poklici v južni in vzhodni Evropi, za katere velja, da so med najmanj mobilnimi v Evropi. Podrobnejše analize pokažejo, da se ustvarjalci bolj razvitih regij načeloma intenzivneje selijo in so tudi v večji meri pripravljeni na selitev.O izkušnjah migrantk pri dostopu do trga delovne sile v Sloveniji govori članek Mojce Pajnik in Veronike Bajt. Obstoječa zakonodaja in posamezne politike namreč migrantke potiskajo v položaj, ko, če hočejo priti do zaposlitve, pristajajo na manj zahtevna dela. Pri tem so tarče stereotipnih reakcij in praks diskriminiranja tako na podlagi spola kot tudi starosti, pripisane etnične in religiozne pripadnosti ali kakšne druge okoliščine, še posebej dejstva, da so migrantke. Obenem pa prav zadnje vpliva na to, da s strani države niso deležne nikakršne zaščite.Migracijske študije pogosto domnevajo, da so ciljne države »moderne«, države izvora pa »tradicionalne«. Razprava Anıl Al-Rebholz ugotavlja, da takšna dihotomija pojmovanja modernega in tradicionalnega dodatno spodbuja stereotipne, esencialistične in homogenizirajoče predstave o muslimanskih ženskah v »zahodnem svetu«. Na podlagi biografskih pripovedi mlade Maročanke in Kurdinje ter razmerij med materami in hčerami prikaže raznolike strategije opolnomočenja mladih žensk v transnacionalnem migracijskem kontekstu.Specifični obraz migracij prinaša tekst Svenke Savić, namreč obraz umetniških migracij med Slovenijo in Srbijo po drugi svetovni vojni. Avtorica v njem ugotavlja, da je v treh ansamblih (opernem, gledališkem in baletnem) več kot trideset umetnic in umetnikov iz Slovenije s svojim pionirskim delom pomembno zaznamovalo razvoj gledališke umetnosti v Srbskem narodnem gledališču v Novem Sadu.Verjamemo, da nam je uspelo v pričujočo tematsko številko ujeti pomemben del sodobnega evropskega raziskovalskega utripa s področja migracij. Poleg uveljavljenih znanstvenikov s tega področja se je v ožji izbor prispevkov uvrstilo tudi več mladih avtoric in avtorjev, ki začenjajo raziskovalne kariere. Njihov uspeh nas veseli, saj obeta živahnost tega raziskovalnega področja tudi v bodoče. Obenem nas veseli, da so se vabilu odzvali predstavniki tako številnih znanstvenih disciplin ter da je število prispevkov, ki smo jih prejeli, znatno presegalo največji možni obseg revije. Spoznavanje in razumevanje številnih obrazov migracij sta pomembna koraka proti celovitemu znanju, potrebnemu za uspešno soočanje z izzivi migracijske problematike danes in, kot kaže, še posebej v prihodnosti. Zato je izjemnega pomena, da raziskovalci najdemo načine prenosa svojih znanstvenih spoznanj v prakso – na vse ravni izobraževanja, v medije, širše strokovne javnosti ter seveda tudi odločevalcem v lokalnih, državnih in mednarodnih ustanovah. Poziv velja tudi vsem avtorjem prispevkov v tej številke revije.

Andehrs Behring Breivik no encaja en ninguna categoría existente de actuación violenta o política. Como lo revela su manifiesto, que dará que hablar durante años, Breivik es un terrorista sui generis.Brevemente, Breivik es un joven noruego que el pasado viernes cometió dos ataques terroristas. En el primero detonó una bomba en el distrito gubernamental de Oslo. En el segundo apareció disfrazado de policía en una pequeña isla donde se celebraba una reunión anual de las juventudes del Partido Laborista del país, y atacó a la multitud con armas y municiones de guerra.El manifiesto que el agresor envió a algunos miles de contactos horas antes de cometer el ataque es una obra sin precedentes en la historia de la acción criminal e ideológica. En primer lugar, el texto suma más de mil quinientas páginas, de las cuales Breivik es el autor de más de la mitad. En segundo lugar, la obra está escrita en perfecto inglés, con el objetivo expreso de difundir la ideología ahí presentada a la mayor cantidad de personas posible. En tercer lugar, los contenidos del trabajo son muy variados y llegan a un nivel de detalle inaudito. Este último aspecto es lo que hace de Breivik y su manifiesto algo extraordinario. Entre otras cosas, el lector encontrará:Una exposición detallada de la ideología política del autor (a la cual llama "Cultural conservatism or a nationalist/conservative direction"), con discusiones sobre Antonio Gramsci, György Lukács, Karl Marx, la historia del comunismo, tablas estadísticas sobre la demografía europea y otros elementos.Una descripción de los orígenes de la organización que pretende tener detrás, la Pauperes commilitones Christi Templique Solomonici o PCCTS. El nombre es el término en latín para la orden medieval monástica y militar más conocida como los Templarios.Una guía meticulosa sobre cómo comprar los ingredientes para la elaboración de explosivos, así como su preparación, su detonación en ensayos, e incluso dónde y cómo esconderlos.Una guía similar para la obtención de armas, con discusiones de diversas fuentes como la mafia albanesa o la rusa. También explica cómo preparar una armadura de combate, así como los principios del combate urbano con armas de fuego.Una bitácora de su "trabajo" desde 2002 en adelante, que incluye su dieta con detalles sobre su ingestión de proteínas y su rutina diaria.Un presupuesto de toda su "obra" desde ese año en adelante. Breivik afirma haber invertido €317.000 a lo largo de una década en su "proyecto".Instrucciones para la construcción de su epitafio.Instrucciones para la implementación de un sistema de medallas, uniformes y ritos para la orden neo-templaria, con diagramas, nombres y criterios para la aplicación de cada una.Pasos básicos de contra-inteligencia para evitar ser detectado.Un currículum vitae completo.No hay cuestiones de menor importancia para Breivik: el ensayo también incluye discusiones detalladas sobre el estado actual de la educación terciaria en Estados Unidos y Europa, extensas explicaciones sobre la teología y la historia islámica, críticas hacia las letras del hip-hop misógino estadounidense, listas de canciones inspiradoras, etc. Una enorme proporción de los textos, como el propio Breivik admite, son de autores con argumentos válidos y que están muy lejanos de promover o aceptar actos de violencia como el suyo.El cuadro que ofrece la lectura de este ensayo es de una persona de una enorme inteligencia, capacidad de organización y, sobre todo, disciplina. Breivik es un individuo altamente preparado física y mentalmente para la grotesca tarea que se propuso. Tal como indica su ensayo, ya tiene preparados los discursos que realizará en su juicio, que pretende que sea altamente público. Antes de lanzar su ataque ya tenía decidido qué criterios aplicaría con el abogado que le asignara el estado, lo que le contestará al juez y demás quienes le digan que es un criminal psicótico, y cómo planea que termine el juicio.Esto último hace que sea poco probable que aparezcan otros Breiviks – aunque sigue siendo posible. Resulta simplemente increíble que pueda haber otro individuo que comparta la misma ideología hasta el mismo nivel de compromiso, y que sobre todo elija seguir el mismo camino.Breivik se ve a sí mismo como una persona fuertemente politizada, por lo cual es necesario discutirlo en esos términos. De los primeros que surgen apuradamente en los medios –seguramente por no haber leído el manuscrito-, no se aplica casi ninguno. Breivik no es nacionalsocialista o "neo-nazi"; tampoco es asimilable al Unabomber (por más que haya coincidencias en sus textos), ni al Ku Klux Klan o a los partidos nacionalistas europeos.De hecho, quizá la forma más correcta de definir a Breivik es resucitando el significado verdadero de un término muy abusado: "de derecha". Breivik ha elegido responder a la amenaza que percibe en Europa, que es sin dudas el Islam, con un remedio neo-medieval. En su ensayo, Breivik postula que la forma óptima de organización política en Europa debe estar basada en la monarquía, y no en repúblicas:"The king or queen of a country is more democratic than a president ever could be because he or she represents all citizens." (el original no es de Breivik).El noruego está a favor de la fusión de todas las iglesias bajo el Papa nuevamente, aún siendo él mismo luterano (no practicante, a diferencia de lo que sugieren los medios). La nueva mega-Iglesia tendría un monopolio público de la religión, así como acceso privilegiado a los contenidos de la educación y los medios. Su visión de una sociedad conservadora es esta: "Ladies should be wives and homemakers, not cops or soldiers (…) Children should not be born out of wedlock. Glorification of homosexuality should be shunned."Aunque Breivik dedica literalmente cientos de páginas a textos sobre la historia de la violencia islámica contra Europa (y también sobre el caso opuesto), en ningún momento menciona los más de mil años de calamidades, miseria y sufrimiento humano que fueron consecuencia directa del sistema medieval-monárquico-eclesiástico.El principal objetivo de Breivik y sus "templarios" es la erradicación de la presencia del Islam en Europa a través de tres modalidades. La primera es la conversión al cristianismo (incluyendo como variable su creación intelectual más débil, los cristianismos "agnóstico" y "ateo"). Esta vía tiene clarísimos componentes anti-liberales y anti-democráticos, ya que los musulmanes conversos deberían renunciar a sus nombres, idiomas, vínculos con sus países de origen (incluso por vía electrónica) y otras cuestiones básicas. Para Breivik, incluso será necesario que "All traces of Islamic culture in Europe will be eradicated, even locations considered historical" – algo por definición poco "conservador".Además, Breivik no tiene ilusiones sobre el "liberalismo islámico": "to take the violence out of Islam would require it to jettison two things: the Quran as the word of Allah and Muhammad as Allah's prophet. In other words, to pacify Islam would require its transformation into something that it is not."La segunda modalidad de erradicación del Islam es la limpieza cultural, que consistiría de deportaciones o expulsiones (Breivik menciona muchos modelos, incluyendo las gigantescas ordenadas por Stalin). La última es la exterminación.Es en referencia a esto último que Breivik dedica un pasaje a discutir a Adolf Hitler y el nacionalsocialismo. El autor se aleja de estos claramente, aunque por razones muy diferentes de las del ciudadano común. Su explicación es que la "causa" nacionalsocialista y el liderazgo de Hitler destruyeron a los nacionalismos europeos por más de un siglo (es decir, hasta bien entrado el siglo XXI), porque optaron directamente por el camino de la exterminación. El resultado fue una guerra que terminó en derrota, y la entrega del continente al bolchevismo y uno de sus herederos, la socialdemocracia multicultural.Esto explica una de las principales diferencias entre Breivik y el movimiento neo-nacionalsocialista es su posición respecto a Israel y los judíos. El terrorista noruego interpreta al estado israelí como un modelo a seguir de "reunión nacional" étnica, y simpatiza enormemente con su lucha anti-jihad. Ergo, para Breivik se trata de un aliado ante un enemigo en común. El mismo principio aplica Breivik, quien se define como anti-racista, a las alianzas que propone con asiáticos orientales, hindúes y otros con tal de luchar contra el Islam.A quien sí defiende Breivik abiertamente es a Slobodan Milosevic. De hecho, el noruego argumenta que fueron los ataques de la OTAN a la Serbia de ese dictador genocida lo que primero despertó su instinto conservador. Esa podría ser una pista significativa para entender el rompecabezas ideológico del agresor, ya que las dos intervenciones internacionales en Yugoslavia ocurrieron antes del Once de septiembre, que es el gran disparador de la actual preocupación por la jihad entre muchos occidentales.En la visión de Breivik, quizá el sistema de organización social ideal sería elapartheid, pero a diferencia del caso de Sudáfrica, no dentro de un país. Para él, los judíos deberían haber sido expulsados de Europa en los 1930s; ahora deberían ser expulsados los musulmanes. El autor incluso menciona los casos de países de Asia Oriental del presente, como Corea del Sur y Japón, como ejemplos de naciones étnicamente homogéneas y prósperas. Evidentemente, Breivik es una persona que piensa en términos profundamente colectivistas. No hay derechos individuales para las personas que no forman parte de su grupo. Esta forma de concebir el mundo, sumada a la forma en que Breivik se presenta como líder de un movimiento ideológico violento, lo hacen similar a figuras como Lenin, Hitler, Mao, el Che Guevara u Osama bin Laden.De hecho, como todo pretendiente a líder carismático, Breivik incluye en su manifiesto instrucciones para tener preparadas fotografías en las que el atacante se "vea bien", pensando en el momento en el cual su rostro sea visto por el mundo – tal como está ocurriendo ahora. Así se lo propuso Breivik: "As a Justiciar Knight you will go into history as one of the most influential individuals of your time. So you need to look your absolute best and ensure that you produce quality marketing material prior to operation." El texto incluso recomienda utilizar una cama solar y aplicarse maquillaje antes de tomarse las fotografías.El aspecto más sorprendente del planteo de Breivik es el blanco que escogió para su ataque. Al leer el inmenso manifiesto y contrastarlo con los hechos de los días pasados, es inevitable quedarse con la sensación de que fue todo una excusa para perpetrar un acto de extrema violencia contra jóvenes inocentes (y desarmados, por supuesto). El manifiesto incluso lo admite con una subsección entera: "The cruel nature of our operations". Breivik explica que aunque el enemigo objetivo es el Islam en Europa, el objetivo inmediato son los europeos que han trabajado durante cerca de medio siglo para que exista esa presencia islámica en la región.Estos son, para el noruego, los multiculturalistas, marxistas y demás miembros de una suerte de élite europea. De hecho, su objetivo explícito es que para el año 2020 ocurran golpes de estado en diversos países de Europa occidental (junto con la abolición de la Unión Europea), de modo de instalar regímenes conservadores que trabajen para la eliminación simultánea del marxismo multicultural y del Islam.Estas élites y su "political correctness" son las responsables, para Breivik, de que no se puedan discutir abiertamente cuestiones que preocupan a un nacionalista conservador como él. La principal de ellas es la presencia de musulmanes en Europa. La sección tres del manifiesto es fundamental, porque tras más de 750 páginas de "diagnóstico" sobre el estado actual de Europa, el autor quiebra con todos los demás que citó y anuncia su alejamiento de la vía pacífica. Por ejemplo, en la página 791 aparece, como un subtítulo más, un anuncio importante: "Why armed resistance against the cultural Marxist/multiculturalist regimes of Western Europe is the only rational approach".De hecho, en esa sección hay varias páginas dedicadas a enunciar los cargos legales que se le imputan a multiplicidad de líderes europeos. Como parte de su gigantesca acusación contra el sistema político-social europeo de posguerra, Breivik incluso ofrece cálculos específicos de las cantidades de europeos cuyos derechos han sido violados de diversas maneras por los efectos de esas políticos, que van desde la violación y el asesinato hasta los despidos de personas. Todos se imputan, en conjunto y criminalmente, a estas "élites" cuya muerte se anuncia poco a poco.En lugar de estas personas aparecerá, en palabras de Breivik, un "cultural conservative tribunal" en cada país que implemente un nuevo régimen político. Como parte de esta iniciativa, aparecen mencionadas casualmente algunas medidas atroces: "All Muslims are to be immediately deported to their country of origin. Each family (family head) will receive 25 000 Euro providing they accept the deportation terms. Anyone who violently resists deportation will be executed". Breivik también prevé compensaciones financieras para los sujetos que fueron "víctimas intelectuales" del sistema previo, así como específicamente para los ciudadanos de Serbia por el bombardeo de OTAN. También incluye los parámetros de su propia "ley de medios", por utilizar un desafortunado término rioplatense, que implica la imposición de cuotas de periodistas e intelectuales "conservadores" y nacionalistas en diversas organizaciones mediáticas.El método que ha elegido Breivik, conscientemente sin duda, es similar al viejo anarquismo de la propaganda por el hecho, que consiste de atacantes solitarios que cometen actos espectaculares de demostración e inspiración ideológica. El noruego llama a su campaña de violencia "A Declaration of pre-emptive War" contra sus dos enemigos. Breivik indica claramente que aquellos que existan como él actualmente en Europa son pocos pero que están en aumento; su ataque está pensado para encender la chispa de la conmoción en la región, lo cual incluiría también la aparición de más adeptos. Tácticamente, el ataque del pasado viernes 22 de julio en Noruega es definido por su autor como "military shock attacks by clandestine cell systems".Hay más pasajes que directamente preanuncian el ataque que Breivik escogió lanzar: "consider making use of a remote detonation, (…) to attract attention to one location. Ensure that the enemy forces are heading for this location. By then, you will be on the opposite side of town and in the middle of the process of finishing your primary goal." El blanco se vuelve cada vez más específico: el primero de la lista que hay en el manifiesto es "political parties - cultural Marxist/multiculturalist political parties."En el apartado correspondiente a este tipo de organización, el primer país detallado es Noruega, y el primer partido que aparece ahí es el "Norwegian Labour Party". Más adelante, nuevamente en primer lugar entre una lista de blancos, dice que un blanco primario es: "the annual party meeting of the socialist/social democrat party in your country."Curiosamente, aunque Breivik propone algunas formas de organización colectiva (como la neo-templaria), sus instrucciones para los actos de terrorismo son estrictas respecto a que las células deben ser individuales. Es por eso que Breivik el terrorista pasó desapercibido, a juzgar por la información disponible, incluso en los círculos nacionalistas no violentos.De los nueve miembros que supuestamente asistieron en 2002 a la reunión fundacional en Londres de la organización neo-templaria (todos anónimos), cuatro son descritos como "cristiano ateo" o "cristiano agnóstico". El propio Breivik está muy indeciso respecto a su religión: "I'm not going to pretend I'm a very religious person as that would be a lie (…) I consider myself to be 100% Christian (…) I'm not an excessively religious man". Sería interesante saber qué opinaría Hugues de Payens, fundador de la orden original, respecto a esta falta de disciplina teológica (que en realidad es una ausencia total). Son sin ninguna duda los nombres de estos nueve miembros iniciales, y de otros, lo que más están buscando los servicios de inteligencia de varios estados europeos.La visión del mundo de Breivik está claramente influenciada por el pensamiento colectivista, y su propia obra parece aproximarse a un sistema de pensamiento que podría llamarse ideológico. Es por eso que es posible concluir que no se trata de un lunático desequilibrado que pertenece a un manicomio. Es peor que eso: una persona que en todo momento supo lo que hacía, que se preparó durante años para hacerlo, y que desplegó un alto nivel de meticulosidad para lograrlo. Hasta el efecto de su ataque está pensado desde hace años: "The art of asymmetrical warfare is less about inflicting immediate damage but all about the indirect long term psychological and ideological damage. Our shock attacks are theatre and theatre is always performed for an audience".Las descripciones más personales de Breivik son reveladoras del grado de control que tenía sobre sí mismo: "I have managed to stay focused and highly motivated for a duration of more than 9 years now (…) I have never been happier than I am today (…) I do a mental check almost every day through meditation and philosophizing (…) I simulate various future scenarios relating to resistance efforts, confrontations with police, future interrogation scenarios, future court appearances, future media interviews etc".El objetivo de Breivik es la fundación de una nueva cadena de nacionalismos post-nazis en Europa, y es importante que ese proyecto fracase. El autor concibió un "100 year plan to contribute to seize political power in Western European countries currently controlled by anti-nationalists" (de ahí el título de su manifiesto: 2083). En sus planes más delirantes hacia el futuro, Breivik menciona todo tipo de planes, desde el robo y la detonación de armas nucleares en las capitales europeas hasta la colaboración con Al-Qaeda, el gobierno de Irán, y otros terroristas islámicos.Como se dijo anteriormente, el manifiesto es increíblemente largo y contiene todo tipo de cosas. Hay discusiones muy detalladas sobre la niñez ("My best friend for many years, a Muslim"), adolescencia (incluyendo encuentros con pandillas pakistaníes y un pasado como "graffiti artist") y juventud del autor, con descripciones (con nombres) de sus amigos y hasta las vidas sexuales de sus familiares más cercanos. Hay planes para la importación de inmigrantes en la era "post-islámica" de Europa, con detalles sobre los horarios, la compensación, las localidades y más. Breivik tiene hasta pensado cuál será el nuevo himno de Europa. También explica que él no fue el fundador de la organización neo-templaria, sino el octavo miembro (algo que recuerda a la historia de Adolf Hitler y su ingreso al NSDAP), y que a través de ella conoció a un criminal de guerra serbio en Liberia. Su mentor fue un inglés, fundador de la organización y sin duda un importantísimo blanco para la inteligencia doméstica británica en este mismo momento.Actualmente el "caso Breivik" se encuentra en una etapa que el propio terrorista ya tiene planeada desde hace años: "Your arrest will mark the initiation of the propaganda phase. Your trial offers you a stage to the world (…) A Justiciar Knight is not only a valorous resistance fighter, a one man army; he is a one man marketing agency as well". El terrorista está muy consciente de la opinión que el mundo se ha formado sobre él, y ya ha recorrido mentalmente el camino para superar el ostracismo de su causa: "It might sound completely ridiculous and funny to most people today. But by presenting the following accusations and demands in all seriousness we are indirectly conditioning everyone listening for the conflicts and scenarios ahead. They will laugh today, but in the back of their minds, they have an ounce of fear, respect and admiration for our cause and the alternative and authority we represent".Breivik no es un criminal o incluso un terrorista común. Es una figura nefasta con una ideología totalmente nueva. Es muy importante conocer los términos ideológicos y metodológicos en los que operó, porque existe una preocupante posibilidad de que haya otros como él en el futuro.*Licenciado en Estudios Internacionales - Universidad ORT Uruguay Candidato al Master of Arts in Security Studies - Georgetown University