Suchergebnisse

Introduction -- History of UN intervention and the Rule of Law after Civil War -- Conceptual framework : Civil War through a legal lens -- Theoretical framework : restoring the Rule of Law after Civil War -- Cross-national evidence : UN intervention and the Rule of Law across Africa -- Sub-national evidence I : the Rule of Law and its discontents in Liberia -- Sub-national evidence II : evaluating the UN from the bottom up -- Sub-national evidence III : UN intervention and the Rule of Law in Liberia -- Implications for Africa and beyond.

Cover -- Half Title -- Series Page -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Dedication -- Table of Contents -- Notes on contributors -- Introduction: exploring the nexus between gendered violence and human rights -- PART I: The language of violence in gendered spaces -- 1 The public-ation of domestic violence in Calixthe Beyala's Le Christ selon l'Afrique -- 2 Gendered violence and narrative erasure: women in Athol Fugard's Tsotsi and Gavin Hood's Tsotsi -- 3 Exploring the language of violence and human rights violation in selected Nigerian dramatic literature -- 4 Women on the move: the construction of the woman migrant's story in African cinema -- PART II: Sexualities, cultures and exclusions -- 5 "Putting her in her place!": gender and sexual violence in Sefi Atta's Everything Good will Come and Lola Shoneyin's The Secret Lives of Baba Segi's Wives -- 6 Human rights in spaces of violence: exploring the intersections of gender, violence and lesbian sexuality in selected African fiction by women -- 7 Gender, disruption and reconciliation in the Ugandan short fiction of Beatrice Lamwaka -- PART III: Subverting stories of war -- 8 Women and violence on the Algerian screen: documenting les années noires in Yasmina Bachir-Chouikh's Rachida and Djamila Sahraoui's Barakat! (Enough!) -- 9 "A strange combination of femininity and menace": re-thinking the figure of the female soldier in Nadifa Mohamed's The Orchard of Lost Souls -- 10 Domestic violence in China Keitetsi's Child Soldier -- 11 Gendered spaces and war: fighting and narrating the Nigeria-Biafra war -- PART IV: Re-reading trauma and dehumanisation -- 12 Politics, narrative and subjectivities in Fanta Régina Nacro's The Night of Truth -- 13 Crime, punishment and retribution: the politics of sisterhood interrupted in Marie-Elena John's Unburnable.

In all but the rarest circumstances, the world's deadly conflicts are ended not through outright victory, but through a series of negotiations. Not all of these negotiations, however, yield a durable peace. To successfully mitigate conflict drivers, the parties in conflict must address a number of puzzles, such as whether and how to share and/or re-establish a state's monopoly of force, reallocate the ownership and management of natural resources, modify the state structure, or provide for a path toward external self-determination. Successfully resolving these puzzles requires the parties to navigate a number of conundrums and make choices and design mechanisms that are appropriate to the particular context of the conflict, and which are most likely to lead to a durable peace. Lawyering Peace aims to help future negotiators build better and more durable peace agreements through a rigorous examination of how other parties have resolved these puzzles and associated conundrums.

What is the relationship between leadership and peace? What kind of leadership styles, processes and strategies are required to gain a deeper understanding of local context while at the same time maintaining the trust and cooperation of host authorities and other stakeholders on the ground? As concerns mount about the continued relevance and efficiency of UN peace operations, Youssef Mahmoud – who led several challenging peace missions in Africa – draws on many years of experience to offer insights into how political leadership might be exercised to help restore and nurture peace. Mahmoud makes the case for a paradigm shift in the type of leadership required to bring about strong, global diplomacy for peace. Making extensive use of the authors' unique personal experiences in Burundi, Central African Republic and Chad, the book offers an unparalleled insight into the leadership challenges of complex and often seemingly intractable conflict situations.

Written by international practitioners and scholars, this pioneering work offers important insights into peace mediation practice today and the role of third parties in the resolution of armed conflicts. The authors reveal how peace mediation has developed into a complex arena and how multifaceted assistance has become an indispensable part of it. Offering unique reflections on the new frameworks set out by the UN, they look at the challenges and opportunities of third-party involvement.

African regional organizations have played leading roles in constructing collective conflict management rules for the continent, but these rules or norms have not been static. Currently, the African Union (AU) deploys monitors, authorizes peace support operations, and actively engages to resolve internal conflicts. Just a few decades ago, these actions would have been deeply controversial under the Organization of African Unity (OAU). What changed to allow for this transformation in the way the African regional organization approaches peace and security? African peace examines why the OAU chose norms in 1963 that prioritized state security and led to a policy of strict non-interference - even in the face of destabilizing violence - and why the AU chose very different norms leading to a disparate conflict management policy in the early 2000s. Even if the AU's capacity to respond to conflict is still developing, this new policy has made the region more willing and capable of responding to violence. Nash argues that norm creation largely happened within the African context, and international pressure was not a determinant factor in their evolution. The role of regions in the international order, particularly the African region, has been under-theorized and under-acknowledged, and this book adds to an emerging literature that explores the role of regional organizations in the Global South in creating and promoting norms based on their own experiences and for their own purposes.

In Bullets Not Ballots, Jacqueline L. Hazelton challenges the claim that winning "hearts and minds" is critical to successful counterinsurgency campaigns. Good governance, this conventional wisdom holds, gains the besieged government popular support, denies support to the insurgency, and makes military victory possible. Hazelton argues that major counterinsurgent successes since World War II have resulted not through democratic reforms but rather through the use of military force against civilians and the co-optation of rival elites. Hazelton offers new analyses of five historical cases frequently held up as examples of the effectiveness of good governance in ending rebellions - the Malayan Emergency, the Greek Civil War, the Huk Rebellion in the Philippines, the Dhofar rebellion in Oman, and the Salvadoran Civil War - to show that, although unpalatable, it was really brutal repression and bribery that brought each conflict to an end. By showing how compellence works in intrastate conflicts, Bullets Not Ballots makes clear that whether or not the international community decides these human, moral, and material costs are acceptable, responsible policymaking requires recognizing the actual components of counterinsurgent success - and the limited influence that external powers have over the tactics of counterinsurgent elites.

Why do warring parties turn to United Nations peacekeeping and peacemaking even when they think it will fail? Dayal asks why UN peacekeeping survived its early catastrophes in Somalia, Rwanda, and the Balkans, and how this survival should make us reconsider how peacekeeping works. She makes two key arguments: First, she argues the UN's central role in peacemaking and peacekeeping worldwide means UN interventions have structural consequences - what the UN does in one conflict can shift the strategies, outcomes, and options available to negotiating parties in other conflicts. Second, drawing on interviews, archival research, and processtraced peace negotiations in Rwanda and Guatemala, Dayal argues warring parties turn to the UN even when they have little faith in peacekeepers' ability to uphold peace agreements - and even little actual interest in peace - because its involvement in negotiation processes provides vital, unique tactical, symbolic, and post-conflict reconstruction benefits only the UN can offer.