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Identifying the "religion–ethnicity–well-being" nexus as an understudied topic in marketing and consumer behavior research, we propose three main trajectories for future research: Firstly, given the politics of religions, there is a need for studying societies that suffer from and are affected by religioethnic tensions and also different types of risks that threaten people's well-being in such contexts. Secondly, future research should investigate how and why markets may generate and mediate religioethnic prejudices and antagonism that put society's well-being at risk. Thirdly, with the upsurge of transcultural alternative religiosities/spiritualities, researchers should examine how through the processes of religious hybridization and hybrid consumption people change their existing consumption patterns and how alternative religiosities/spiritualities influence their sense of well-being, particularly in contexts where religious shifts are contested.

1. Introduction : militancy and violence in West Africa / James Gow and Funmi Olonisakin -- 2. Religion, radicalisation and violence / Abdullah bin Khaled Al-Saud and James Gow -- 3. Islamic radicalisation and violence in Nigeria / Charles Abiodun Alao -- 4. Islamic radicalisation and violence in Ghana / Emmanuel Kwesi Aning and Mustapha Abdallah -- 5. Islamic radicalisation and violence in Liberia / Thomas Jaye and Charles Abiodun Alao -- 6. Religious militancy and violence in West Africa : a study of Islam in Sierra Leone / Kevin A. O'Brien and Ismail Rashid -- 7. Beyond Anglophone West Africa : endemic conflicts and new Islamic radicalism / Ernst Dijxhoorn and Boubacar N'Diaye -- 8. The regional and international implications of radicalisation and violent extremism in West Africa / Olawale Ismail.

Religionen unterbreiten Sinnstiftungsangebote und beeinflussen nicht unwesentlich den Umgang der Menschen miteinander. Sie können zu Fortschritt und Freiheit der Menschen beitragen, aber auch zu Fanatismus und Intoleranz führen. Deshalb ist ihr Stellenwert in einer säkularen Gesellschaft umstritten. Welcher Umgang mit Religionen empfiehlt sich? Ist es für eine soziomoralische Fundierung der Gesellschaft nicht besser, allein auf eine vernunftbasierte Ethik zu setzen? Und lassen sich Glauben und Wissen überhaupt miteinander versöhnen? Mit Beiträgen von Konrad Paul Liessmann, Volker Gerhardt, Nadia Baghdadi und Jan Assmann.

CHAPTER 1 Jain Perspectives on Violence and Nonviolence, by Christi Wiley (page 21). - CHAPTER 2 ISLAM, GENDER, AND PEACE, ZAYN KASSAM (page 53). - CHAPTER 3 NONVIOLENCE AND VIOLENCEIN BUDDHISM, NOEL SHETH, S.J. (page 73). - CHAPTER 4 CONFLICT RESOLUTION AND PEACE:THE ETHICAL PARADIGMIN JESUS TEACHING AND LIFE, KARIKKOTTUCHIRA K. KURIAKOSE (page 113). - CHAPTER 5 SEARCHINGFOR A NEW LANGUAGE OF PEACEFOR THE WORLD TODAYEVANGLEIONE RAJKUMAR (page 135). - CHAPTER 6 THE ROLE OF RELIGION IN FOSTERING GLOBAL PEACE AND OPPOSING TERRORISM, MAAKE MASANGO (page 157). - CHAPTER 7 THOMAS MERTON: PEACE, MAKERRON DART (page 171). - CHAPTER 8 RECENT INTER RELIGIOUSDIALOGUE AND PEACE INITIATIVESIN INDIA ESPECIALLYAFTER MASJID"MANDIR ISSUE, BIJESH PHILIP (page 187). - CHAPTER 9 AN UNFAMILIAR PEACE, DERRICK MCQUEEN (page 213). - CHAPTER 10 SOCIAL ACTIVISM AND THE ROLEOF THE AFRICAN AMERICANS, CHARLES BLAKE (page 227). - CHAPTER 11 EMBODIED PEACEMAKING:LIVING SHALOM CLOSE TO HOME, PAUL KEIM (page 245). - CHAPTER 12 JANUS, TERRORISMAND PEACEMAKING, RON DART (page 261). - CHAPTER 13 PEACE BE WITH YOUR BODYAND SPIRIT: A KOREAN CHRISTIANFEMINIST REFLECTIONON PEACEMAKINGK, CHRISTINE PAE (page 275). - CHAPTER 14 LANGUAGE, RACE AND ETHNICITY:CONFLICT RESOLUTION IN SRI LANKA, NIMALKA FERNANDO (page 291). - CHAPTER 15 BLOOD AND BENEVOLENCE:VIOLENCE AND NONVIOLENCEIN BUDDHIST AND CHRISTIANMYSTICIS, MKYEONGIL JUNG (page 307). - CHAPTER 16 PEACE CONCEPTS IN ICONOGRAPHY.CAN ORTHODOX ICONS TEACHA PEACE-THEOLOGY?"AN ICONOLOGICAL INTERPRETATION, RICHARD SCHNEIDER (page 339)

The Failure of Democracy in Iraq studies democratization in post-2003 Iraq that has so far failed due mainly to cultural and religious reasons. There are other factors, such as legacy of the dictatorial regime, exclusionary policies, stateness problem, interference by regional powers, rentier economy and sectarianism, that have impeded democracy and contributed to its failure, but the employment of religion in politics was the most to blame. The establishment of stable democratic institutions continues to elude Iraq, 15 years after toppling the dictatorship. The post-2003 Iraq could not completely eradicate the long historical tradition of despotic governance due to deep-seated religious beliefs and tribal values, along with widening societal ethno-sectarian rifts which precluded the negotiation of firm and stable elite settlements and pacts across communal lines. The book examines how the fear by neighbouring countries of a region-wide domino effect of the Iraq democratization process caused them to adopt interventionist policies towards Iraq that helped to stunt the development of democracy. The lack of commitment by the initiator of democratic process, the United States, undermined the prospects of democratic consolidation. This is compounded by serious mistakes such as the Deba'athification and disbanding the Iraqi army and security apparatuses which caused a security vacuum the US forces were not able to fill. The Failure of Democracy in Iraq is a key resource for all students and academics interested in Democracy, Islam and Middle East Studies

ObjectiveThe recent surge in hate group activity is a concern to many citizens and policymakers. We examine the roles of socioeconomic factors measured at the county level that are hypothesized to account for the presence of such groups, including social capital and religious affiliations.MethodsWe estimate aPoisson regression model using counts of hate groups provided by theSouthernPovertyLawCenter for each of the over 3,000 U.S. counties. Our regressors include a wider set of variables than has been considered in previous studies, such asJefferson andPryor (1999).ResultsOur approach produces a better statistical fit than that inJefferson andPryor's paper, and the additional regressors contribute significantly to our understanding of hate groups.ConclusionBoth social capital stocks and religious affiliation exert an independent and statistically significant influence on the number of hate groups, as does the presence ofWal‐Mart stores, holding other factors constant.

Público y sagrado : espacio para dos voces : breve recorrido metodológico / Carlos Delgado Flores y Jaime J. Palacio Rada -- Religión y política : una aproximación cartográfica / Carlos Delgado Flores y Jaime J. Palacio Rada -- Reflexiones de un sociológico sobre la Venezuela actual / Jaime J. Palacio Rada -- Magia y política de vivir a gusto / Samuel Hurtado Salazar -- Religión y política : ¿universos paralelos? : la relación religión-política en la Venezuela actual / Enrique Alí González Ordosgoitti -- Santeros y santeras : mucho más que toma y dame / Leticia Marius -- Intermediaciones, policromía imaginal y el contacto con la gente / Maripili Golpe López -- Desconfianza, política y práctica religiosa en la Venezuela actual / Manuel Llorens -- Prácticas religiosas y orientaciones políticas de los venezolanos en 2017 / Juan Manuel Trak -- El descubrimiento del otro : política y religión en la Venezuela del siglo XXI / Juan José Rosales Sánchez

Whether religious and other voluntary associations should reflect public values is a subject of controversy. Corey Brettschneider argues that the state should assert its own values of free and equal citizenship, deliberately attempting to transform the beliefs of illiberal groups through court decisions and through selective withdrawal of tax exemptions. I argue, however, that as long as individuals and groups comply with the law, it is not the business of the state to change their beliefs. Moreover, public authority itself does not always exemplify his preferred values. Second, although I oppose direct funding for organizations that oppose public values, determining which organizations espouse the "right" values accords too much power to public authority. Moreover, many associations evolve over time. Finally, the true threat lies in practices that voluntary associations may seek to impose on the larger community.