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I use the case of the transportation network company Uber as a lens to explore the comparative politics of the platform economy in Europe and the United States. Within the advanced capitalist world, different countries have responded in very different ways to this new service, from welcome embrace and accommodating regulatory adjustments to complete rejection and legal bans. I analyze Uber's arrival and reception in the United States, Germany, and Sweden, documenting three very different responses to this disruptive new actor. I show that conflicts over Uber centered on different issues in the three countries. These differences were consequential because the specific regulatory "flashpoints"that Uber provoked mobilized different actors, inspired the formation of different coalitions, and shaped the terms on which conflicts over Uber were framed and fought.

Zecker examines the multicultural civil-rights activism and union militancy of the International Workers Order and other left-leaning immigrant groups, investigating the program of such organizations regarding civil rights, unionizing, and workplace justice. It looks at what these organizations did that caused the U.S. government to prosecute them and how these groups sought to defend themselves and maintain a Popular Front coalition of progressives in the face of the rapidly developing call for Cold War conformity. The suppressions of dissent narrowed the degree of progress on economic justice and racial civil rights in America for decades to come, and the author argues that the story of the IWO's demise has relevance for 21st century America's narrowed range of critiques of government policy and unequal racial and economic status quo.

Conocer el nuevo entorno digital, la estrategia de la Unión Europea en la consecución del mercado único digital, las competencias y cualificaciones digitales que los jóvenes necesitan para mejorar su empleabilidad. Instrumento DIGCOMP creado para la UE e incluido en el Curriculum EUROPASS como instrumentos prácticos de la gran coalición para el mercado digital. ; To Know new digital environment and the strategy of the European Union in achieving the digital single market. To know new skills and new digital qualifications and how young people can to achieve and improve their employability with them. DIGCOMP instrument created for the EU and included in the EUROPASS Curriculum as practical instruments of the grand coalition for the digital market ; Consejería de Presidencia, Justicia y Portavocía de Gobierno de la Comunidad de Madrid

This chapter aims to specify the meaning of gentrification in rapidly peri-urbanising metropolitan regions in the context of Indonesia's rapid transition to decentralisation and democracy. It discusses a case study of conflict over an environmental revitalisation project in a peri-urban area of Bandung City. The analysis focuses on the political processes, tactics and strategies supporting and opposing peri-urban gentrification and their consequences. The analysis illustrates how these political dynamics mediate the interaction between the movement of capital and the spatial reorganisation of social classes. It is argued that in the context of a peri-urbanising metropolis, gentrification needs to be narrated less in terms of class-based neighbourhood succession and more in terms of competing cross-class coalitions emerging at local and regional levels.

International audience ; This paper investigates the defensive measures of a government threatened by a terrorist organization. Some authors have studied only the alliance with a neighbouring country to protect from an external attack. This is the reason why our model focuses on a possible coalition with a terrorist group even if this cooperation is frowned upon by the international community. The second model deals with the protection technology. Indeed, the alliance between countries enables the transfer of such a protection. The example of the NATO justifies this analysis because of the Partnership for Peace (PfP). Then, we show that helping a threatened country leads to negative externalities due to this collaboration. The effects of the parameters differ, resulting in the optimal choice of the targeted country concerning its security.

The occurrence of the financial crisis in Europe has offered enough space for the growth of populist alternatives in the public speech. Thus, the aim of this study is to connect the socio-economic consequences of the crisis with the populist rhetoric of SYRIZA (Radical Left Coalition), M5S (5 Star Movement) and PODEMOS (We Can) parties in Greece, Italy and Spain respectively. A comparative analysis will be conducted in order to identify their main characteristics as well as the differences and the commonalities of the three cases. Taking into account as analytical tools, the specificities of the South European area and the old and new theories of populism, this paper aims to offer lucrative incentives to the scientific discussion about the rise of populism in this region.

Le salut de l'Europe viendrait de la détermination à passer sous la toise de réformes de structure « incontournables » régulièrement exigées par Bruxelles et Berlin, en se protégeant au besoin des vents facétieux de la démocratie. Le libéralisme par ordonnance, une grande coalition à la française et le resserrement européen autour du « couple franco-allemand », promis par le nouveau président français, viendraient ainsi à point nommé. Funeste contresens. Les remèdes brandis ont déjà fait la preuve de leur contenu empoisonné, ravageur pour les cohésions sociales et les équilibres européens. Les populistes et les nationalistes peuvent en tirer d'autant mieux parti qu'ils ne sont jamais vraiment en rupture avec les logiques ordo-libérales de compétition et de puissance. Ils en radicalisent simplement les déterminismes. Comme le prouve l'AfD, l'extrême droite allemande.

The rise of identity politics has magnified the interest in and importance of identity in contemporary politics. Yet identity politics disguises intense contest and change behind its strong and simple identity claims. The concept of identity change is key to its analysis, giving analytic leverage into the identity-coalitions mobilized by elites, and the different reasons they are successful. This article argues for a new broad research agenda on identity change. The agenda builds on recent works on ethnic identity and boundary change while broadening the methodology and scope of analysis beyond changing identity categories to changing identity content and meaning, and emphasizing the intersecting processes of contestation and consensus, continuity and change. This mainstreams analysis of identity change in the wider political science analysis of social and political change.

Since 2011, Morocco has been undergoing a series of political, constitutional and institutional reforms, including the issue of rights. These reforms were a response to the February 20 movement that emerged against the background of the Arab Spring. Prompted by this movement and its nationwide protests, the King of Morocco delivered a speech in March 2011 on reform and modernization, resulting in the rapid drafting and adoption of a new Moroccan constitution in June 2011. After a referendum on the constitutional reforms in July 2011, parliamentary elections were held in which a coalition government led by the Justice and Development Party (JDP) came to power. This paper analyzes the context of the 2011 constitution and assesses the trajectory of the constitutional reforms up to 2015.

We investigate the effect of ethnic pluralism on mediation in interstate and internationalized civil crises from 1945 to 2010. We find that mediation succeeds when two conditions are met. First, success is more likely when there are fewer disenfranchised ethnic groups in the disputant population, because these groups are usually excluded from peace talks and often use violence to challenge peace. Second, mediators are more likely to succeed when politically included disputants, usually present at peace talks, comprise various different ethnic groups. Because such groups, numerous as they are, pull and tug for dominance at peace negotiations, they are unable to form decisive coalitions. As a result, third parties have a chance to serve in a more authoritative role and influence a settlement.

Hungary became a democracy and market economy in 1989–1990. As a result of the transition process, new ideas and solutions were adapted to the various problems of public policy. This paper analyzes the policy and political learning processes of Hungarian health policy within an advocacy coalition framework. We focus on a case study of health resource allocation reforms, and use it as a proxy for wider health policy analysis, given the pivotal importance of this field in health policy reforms, particularly at the beginning of the period observed. When defining the right principles and solutions, it appears stakeholders were influenced to a large degree by trial‐and‐error learning processes: this may be at least partially attributable to the technical nature of the policy problems.

It is argued that innovation policy based on notions of market failure or system failure is too limited in the context of current societal challenges. I propose a third, complexity-theoretic approach. This approach starts from the observation that most innovations are related to existing activities, and that policy's additionality is highest for unrelated diversification. To trigger unrelated diversification into activities that contribute to solving societal challenges, government's main task is to organize the process of demand articulation. This process leads to clear and manageable societal objectives that effectively guide a temporary collation of actors to develop solutions bottom-up. The combination of a broad coalition, a clear objective and tentative governance are the means to cope with the inherent complexity of modern-day innovation.

ABSTRACTService learning in political science is driven by a commitment to expanding what is meant by civic education. Following this tradition, this article presents an example of a course informed by critical service learning centered in a grassroots social movement. Partnered with the California Domestic Workers Coalition and the National Domestic Workers Alliance, this course involved students in direct political engagement to explore cultural citizenship, the legislative process, and the possibilities and limitations of grassroots movements for social change. Challenging traditional notions of what counts as service and who counts as an expert, the example of this course speaks to the promise of service learning pedagogy as a strategy to connect students in meaningful ways to critical social issues and as a tool for political education.

"The crisis is not solely Greek. The crisis is European."2 With these words, the Greek Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras addressed the parliament in his first speech after winning the elections on 25 January 2015. This was a powerful declaration, as for the first time since the fall of the Regime of the Colonels in 1974, power in Greece was taken over by the Syriza, a radical left-wing group that formed a coalition with the nationalist Independent Greeks party. In the face of a deep economic crisis, several years of recession and the de facto bankruptcy of the state, both the political powers stood against austerity and financial cuts, which the cabinets of the socialist PASOK party and the conservative New Democracy party had subscribed to." (fragm.)

We analyse voluntary coalition formation using a unique panel data for 1056 municipalities in the French region of Brittany between 1995 and 2002. We use a control function approach to develop a binary discrete choice model with spatial interactions. We find that a municipality's decision to cooperate over the provision of local public goods depends on the decisions made by its neighbours. In particular, the probability of cooperating with neighbouring municipalities is higher if the latter already provide joint local public goods. This suggests that functional cooperation is likely to emerge due to a mimicking motivation and is poorly motivated by political alignment. The results are in line with the recent applied spatial economics literature but are derived for a discrete choice model setting.