Suchergebnisse

n assiste en France, depuis une douzaine d'années, à un processus inédit de politisation de la prostitution, dont témoignent polémiques publiques, mobilisations associatives, rapports parlementaires et réformes législatives. Cette politisation ne doit pas tant aux transformations de la prostitution elle-même (marquées notamment à l'arrivée de prostituées étrangères supposées victimes de la traite des êtres humains) qu'à la manière dont se sont imposées ses définitions dominantes comme atteinte à la dignité et comme violence sexiste, dont l'abolition appellerait prioritairement l'instauration de mesures répressives. L'article aborde les étapes de cette construction de la prostitution en problème public, dont un des traits singuliers est de reposer sur la coalition de protagonistes (militants abolitionnistes, féministes, policiers, riverains, responsables politiques locaux ou nationaux, etc.) aux positions et aux enjeux disparates.

Something amazing happened in Georgia's 1 October 2012 parliamentary elections. The government lost and it gave up power, aside from the now-weakened presidency that it will hold for another year. A new coalition known as Georgian Dream ran under the leadership of Georgia's richest man, the billionaire Bidzina Ivanishvili, and won 85 seats in the unicameral, 150-member Parliament. Georgia's post-Soviet background and circumstances make the 2012 opposition win and subsequent orderly handover of power truly remarkable. Indeed, among the "competitive authoritarian" regimes found in what used to be the USSR, it is nearly unheard of. Georgia is lucky to be getting a fourth chance at democracy, after the opportunities under Zviad Gamsakhurdia (1990–92), Eduard Shevardnadze (1992–2003), and Saakashvili faded. But this chance remains a fragile one.

AbstractIn this article the extent to which political variables can explain the behaviour of constitutional judges in Italy when dealing with conflicts between the central government and regions is explored. Two competing hypotheses are tested. One hypothesis argues that one should expect some alignment between the political preferences of the judges and the success of the central government primarily due to the appointment mechanism. The other hypothesis suggests that there should be no systematic alignment between the political preferences of the judges and the success of the central government. Unlike previous literature, the empirical results presented in this article seem to confirm that when the Rapporteur and the court's majority are allegedly affiliated with the Prime Minister's coalition, the odds of success of the Prime Minister go up.

AbstractSociologist Peter Berger once said that if India is the most religious country and Sweden the least, then the United States is a nation of Indians ruled by Swedes. In terms of use of religious rhetoric by politicians, however, the United States actually comes closer to being a nation of Indians ruled by Indians, while Australia a nation of Swedes ruled by "Swindians," and Canada a nation of "Swindians" ruled by Swedes. This article provides evidence for these claims and assesses theories as to what causes greater use of religious rhetoric by politicians. Size of the religious population and the rights revolution are not decisive in determining whether politicians heavily use religious rhetoric. The article argues that the politicization of religion is related to coalition-building incentives with Catholics.

Le Parti pour la liberté (PVV) de Geert Wilders est depuis les législatives de 2010 le troisième des Pays-Bas, qui plus est un partenaire indispensable du gouvernement minoritaire de la coalition des conservateurs du VVD et des chrétiens-démocrates du CDA. Cette contribution retrace le parcours politique de Geert Wilders depuis ses débuts comme assistant du groupe parlementaire de Frits Bolkestein en 1990. Elle retrace le succès de son parti (qui en vérité n'en est pas un puisqu'il n'a pas de membres), dans le contexte du débat sur l'immigration, l'intégration et l'islam, des assassinats politiques de Pim Fortuijn en 2002 et Theo van Gogh en 2004 et de la montée de mouvements populistes anti-islamistes aux Pays-Bas. Elle présente enfin les grands traits de la géographie électorale du PVV.

Since the election of David Cameron as Conservative Party Leader there has been renewed interest in the functions and philosophies underpinning the responsibilities of the state. In 2008 David Cameron advanced the argument that Britain was 'broken'. During the subsequent 2010 election campaign he put forward a remedy seeking to 'fix' Britain. David Cameron's perception is that some social dynamics of our society are living without a comparable sense of social responsibility, seemingly devoid of any form of self control. Cameron's narrative was in part enhanced by the several days of rioting in 2011. The subsequent rhetoric of the senior Coalition partner was given rocket boosters in selling this argument to the electorate, and that only the solutions offered by the Big Society could tackle this divide in Britain's society.

Managers can craft effective integrated strategy by properly assessing regulatory uncertainty. Leveraging the existing political markets literature, we predict regulatory uncertainty from the novel interaction of demand and supply side rivalries across a range of political markets. We argue for two primary drivers of regulatory uncertainty: ideology-motivated interests opposed to the firm and a lack of competition for power among political actors supplying public policy. We align three, previously disparate dimensions of nonmarket strategy - profile level, coalition breadth, and pivotal target - to levels of regulatory uncertainty. Through this framework, we demonstrate how and when firms employ different nonmarket strategies. To illustrate variation in nonmarket strategy across levels of regulatory uncertainty, we analyze several market entry decisions of foreign firms operating in the global telecommunications sector.

The article assesses the ILO decent work agenda in the Global South: its objectives and coherence, its impact on labour relations and conditions, and its overall policy direction in relation to alternative labour rights and welfare policy thinking. This is followed by a case study of the Indian version of the decent work agenda and the extent to which the ILO–India collaboration has influenced regulatory frameworks and labour relations. From this, wider lessons for both the ILO decent work agenda and for Indian labour relations are drawn: it is argued that the present emphasis on progress in social protection has inherent dangers as this is not likely to overcome underlying inequalities and form the basis for broader welfare coalitions, including for the political mobilization of informal workers themselves.

Sweden commenced military operations against Prussia in 1757, following Austria's and France's efforts to include Sweden in the anti-Prussian alliance. Swedish politicians hoped that the coalition would lead to a quick victory without having to get too involved in the fighting, but that Sweden still would be rewarded for its support. Swedish military action was thus primarily designed to show the allies that Sweden participated in the war. Despite the low intensity warfare that characterized the fighting, the war was still extremely expensive. The Swedish state used mostly internal borrowing to finance the war, which led to negative economic and political consequences such as inflation and popular discontent. By participating in the war, the Swedish state sought to strengthen its commercial situation worldwide while preserving its military position in the Baltic region.

We propose a theory of political parties in which interest groups and activists are the key actors, and coalitions of groups develop common agendas and screen candidates for party nominations based on loyalty to their agendas. This theoretical stance contrasts with currently dominant theories, which view parties as controlled by election-minded politicians. The difference is normatively important because parties dominated by interest groups and activists are less responsive to voter preferences, even to the point of taking advantage of lapses in voter attention to politics. Our view is consistent with evidence from the formation of national parties in the 1790s, party position change on civil rights and abortion, patterns of polarization in Congress, policy design and nominations for state legislatures, Congress, and the presidency.

24 p. ; The two key events in the history of Greece and, to use an anachronistic term, the "Western World", were the Greco-Persian Wars at the beginning of the 5th century BC. They brought total war to the small, divided Greek world when the armies and fleets of the great king, Darius the Great (492-490) and later those of his son Xerxes (481-479) repeatedly suffered defeat at the hands the warriors of small independent cities, the poleis. After one of the least humiliating defeats in history (Thermopylae, 480) and two naval battles (Cape Artemisium and Salamina, 480), the coalition of free Greeks faced the bulk of the Persian forces at Plataea (479), with the Greek heavy infantry (hoplites) winning one of the most famous victories in military history. ; SI

This article puts forward the hypothesis that the sector-­based structuring of policy agendas, debates and decision-making can impede policy change when dealing with issues with an inter-sectoral scope. In so doing, it takes the politics of services of general interest regulation in the European Union as a case study for theory building. Drawing on historical and discursive institutionalism, it empirically demonstrates how feed-back effects of historically entrenched policy arrangements, on the one hand, and discursive interactions among agents, on the other, considerably constrain and shape the formation of preferences and coalitions. Since the sectorization of policy making is a salient feature of contemporary governance, this hypothesis is relevant for understanding policy change in connection with a broad range of policy issues and polities. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published

The transformation of the education system under the neoliberal principles of privatisation andmarket counted in Chile firstly on the military power of Pinochet's dictatorship (1973-1990) andthen on the consent of the coalition of centre-left wing parties which governed between 1990 and2010 without shaking the foundations of the model. The analysis of that process has concentratedpredominantly on the state actors, while less attention have been put on non-state actors. Thegoal of this article is presenting the results of an exploratory study of the think-tank 'Liberty andDevelopment [Libertad y Desarrollo], so describing and analysing its origins, components,educational project, and action strategies. It is concluded that the case allows identifying newforms of education policy-making which are related with the blurriness of the private and public.

The objective of this paper is to analyze the factors responsible for the delegitimization process of the Third Polish Republic, in particular in the period from 2001 to 2005, when power was in the hands of the coalition of the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) and the Polish People's Party (PSL). The analysis applies the concept of discursive structures of possibilities which identifies which properties of the political context made the delegitimization efforts of the right wing credible. The opposite mechanisms applied, and delegitimization messages sent by the SLD are the object of interest here as well, as are the results of these activities, that is the ideas which Civic Platform (PO) used to build and legitimize their own identity before the 2005 parliamentary elections.