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Symposium proceedings: papers presented in a symposium entitled "What is Military Psychology", held on 3 September 1979 at the 87th Annual Convention of the American Psychological Association in New York City ; Five papers representing different frames of reference examine the question 'What is Military Psychology?' Their objective is to ferret out the unique aspects of psychology as its is practiced in the military environment that differentiate it from research in, and applications of, psychology in other settings. The purpose in doing this is to sharpen the focus and improve the products of military psychology. Areas examined cover (1) human-machine systems, (2) military personnel, training, and organizational effectives; (3) psychological operations/warfare and the area of 'hearts and minds'; (4) community mental health, consultation to command, and the psychologist in uniform; and (5) stress, fitness, and the relationships of military psychology with its neighboring disciplines in the biomedical sciences. Constraints and ethical considerations in the use of psychology in the military environment and in the pursuit of military objectives are considered. (Author) ; Prepared for: Naval Postgraduate School Monterey, California ; http://archive.org/details/whatismilitaryps00arim

An argument for an election reform called "approval voting," which would permit voters to approve of or cast votes for as many candidates as they want in multicandidate elections. The problem posed by multicandidate elections is that a candidate can win a plurality election, or qualify for a runoff, with support from only a small % of the electorate; eg, in the 1977 New York City mayoral election, 80% of the electorate voted for candidates other than the winner. Under the present system, the winner is frequently a weaker candidate than one or more of the losers. Approval voting could ameliorate this situation by: (1) giving voters more flexible options, (2) increasing voter turnout, (3) helping elect the strongest candidate, & (4) giving minority candidates their proper due. Approval voting could easily be incorporated into existing voting-machine systems, & would require only a statutory, not a constitutional, change in most jurisdictions. The prospects for adoption of approval voting are discussed. An illustration is provided showing how approval voting could have changed the results of NH's 1980 presidential primaries. Modified Author Summary.

In this article, the social and political context of production of prime-time series and movies for television is examined to document the present struggle for control over content. The author contends that television drama is not necessarily a reflection of the tastes and ideology of either the creators or those who control the channels of communication; rather, it represents a negotiated struggle between a number of participants. In particular, these are the networks which presently control the means of communication, the advertisers, the government (especially Congress and the Federal Communications Commission), social critics, and citizen groups, as well as the program suppliers and the people employed by the program suppliers who create the drama (actors, writers, directors, and on-the-line producers). The struggle for control or access being described may exist in varying forms for all popular culture such as music, sports, and novels. For television drama in particular, the struggle has not been between the audience-which may be satisfied with the content of drama-and the creators, but among elites who value access for both social and economic reasons.

This study identified 100 North American based authors who have contributed 658 publications to the sociology of sport literature during the past decade. An analysis of the productivity patterns of these authors produced a perfect Bradford Distribution comprising ten core authors having fifteen or more publications each and accounting for over forty percent of all published work surveyed. In conclusion, findings of this study: 1. Provide insight into the emergence and development of sport sociology in North America, and raise several implications regarding its future growth, especially with respect to the problem of adequate critical mass. 2. Suggest that the literature related to the sociology of sport in North America provides an adequate data set for testing Brookes' formulation of Bradford's Law relating to journal distribution and author productivity. 3. Suggest the need, rationale and method for conducting comparative studies of the productivity patterns of authors and periodicals in the speciality of sport sociology in other areas of the world and, 4. Demonstrates the importance of identifying key authors and publications in the sociology of sport for purposes of comprehensive bibliographical searches.

To find out to what extent the violence and exploitative behavior of the opponent of a pacifist strategist could be controlled, the author tested within a laboratory context the impact of eight variables. Together these variables accounted for more than 50% of the behavior of the opponents. The predictions concerning the controlled variables were confirmed. A pacifist strategy tends to be most effective in reducing violence and exploitative behavior when the human distance between the subject and opponent is small, the subject is well informed about the intentions of the pacifist, the subject is required to justify his behavior post-facto, and when a partial third party is present. Male and female subjects did not differ with respect to the use of violence, but it was found that females had a higher propensity to stalemate, with a consequent reduction of their own and the pacifist's winnings. The strongest predictors of the effectiveness of the pacifist strategy were the demand characteristics and the image of the pacifist held by the opponent. A discussion of the controllability of these last two variables is included.

Heum, P.A. Foreigners as Domestic Citizens: Multinational Corporations and the Nation State. Coopera tion and Conflict, XIV , 1979, 35-47. The article poses two questions: First, the extent to which the multinational corporations may exert influence on policies executed by any nation state. Secondly, how the multinationals may generate problems for nation state regulations as they are able to do transactions across national borders but still keep them within the corporation. The first question is approached by presenting a framework for dependence analysis, and illustrated with data from the Norwegian Power Study. The second question is just briefly discussed by mentioning that the activities of multinationals may complicate, undermine and generate unintended effects of state actions. The article concludes that there is no reason to treat foreign and domestic multinationals separately; that the question of multinationals is relevant to any nation state; and that the problems they engender can only be solved through international coordination of national policies. The challenge, as the author sees it, is to formulate this strategy so that the effects of local actions may be secured.

Sources of power family for the United within the States and India are compared based on empirical studies from Blood and Wolfe for the United States and a replication carried out by the author in 1969. It was found that for both the United States and India the spouse with the greatest power was the spouse with the greatest competency. Urbanization increases power for women in the Indian sample, a factor not important in the United States according to Blood and Wolfe. However, the idea that "tradition" means lower power for women in India is not proved in that love matches seem actually to lower power scores for women. From evidence on family separations and other empirically based research in India, it is concluded that while structural changes in family and society lead to increased power for women, women seem to be using their power in India to de-emphasize the "love match" approach to the family and to re-emphasize the "business alliance" or power approach to marital decision-making. Several implications of this finding for social theory as it relates to the field of the sociology of the family are discussed.

Forecasting and politics. The Politician's Opinion. The position of politicians varies as regards the forecasting process according to administrative structures and political traditions. On the basis of his experience as administrator and politician in Denmark, the author believes that a study of the relations between forecasting and planning makes it possible to throw some light on the specificity of political issues. Forecasting is defined as study and evaluation of future developments in a given field. Planning is a comparison between various options of development and the choice of an optimum. The typical function of the politician is to decide on the avenues to be explored and the option to be chosen. Yet it is quite debatable where to draw a line between targets and means. The politician's role is not limited to the choice of the first while leaving it to the administrator to look after the second. Finally, the politician's attitude is ambivalent : it is not possible to rely completely on forecasting and planning for solving problems, but it is necessary to strive for an as transparent as possible presentation of public debate.

Recent progress in the statistical quality control field has led to the design of sampling plans which do not assume perfect inspection. Simple methods now exist for analyzing the effect of inspector error on the operating characteristic (OC) curve of a plan and further for redesigning the plan so that a predetermined OC curve is obtained. However, the usual assumption made about human inspection error is that it is constant. Many studies show that Type 1 and Type 2 inspector errors change systematically with many variables such as input quality, complexity of item inspected, type of fault, standards, individual differences, etc. This paper develops a methodology for including an explicit human inspector model into the sampling plan design. A particular model integrating visual search and decision making (proposed earlier by the author) is used to demonstrate the feasibility of including explicit human inspector data in the design process. The applications of this model to single and double sampling plans are discussed, together with evidence for the validity of the model under laboratory and field conditions.

Analyses of recent Presidential, Congressional, and Gubernatorial elections and elec torates have given rise to conclusions that traditional party loyalties are waning, while an incumbent, regardless of party affiliation, remains extremely difficult to unseat. How ever, analysis of "lower salience" New York City choices (such as for City Council, State Assembly, and State Senate) indicates that although incumbents run even stronger on this level, "electorate partisanship" has not been seriously eroded. The data consist of aggregate registration and voting information from a period (1968-1974) in which par tisanship was seen to be losing its impact as a voting cue in high salience races nation wide. The author finds that when one focuses on registration and straight-ticket voting at the bottom of the New York City ballot, one finds few "operational Independents." The specific findings are: (a) nearly 90% partisan registration, with no significant upsurge in Independent enlistments; (b) a sizable amount of partisan straight-ticket voting-in these lower salience contests; and (c) "switching" appears to be considerably more a high than a low salience election phenomenon.

The author analyses three different phases in Finland's trade policy: the liberalization of her Western trade in 1957, her association with the European Free Trade Association (EFTA) and the related Agreement on Customs Matters with the Soviet Union in 1960- 61, and her negotiations and agreements with the European Economic Community (EEC) and the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA) of the Socialist countries in 1970-73. The failure of the Nordic Common Market (NORDEK) is also briefly touched upon. All these negotiations and the ensuing solutions have been characterized in the Finnish debate as the most important trade policy decisions after the Second World War. They have affected the structural framework of Finnish economic relations with the other European countries and in this sense have been 'politicized'. They have been Finnish reactions to the changes in her immediate international environment and have thus supplemented the other facets of her foreign policy in the European context. They are also solutions to the problem of reconciling the requirements of an extensive trade with the planned Socialist economies in a market economy country, where the various aspects of foreign, internal and economic policies are deeply interlocked.

Small firms in Chinese cities, which before 1949 were private, have in the communist era gradually come under more government authority. The stages of this slow process can be treated as a case study in the political socialization of small units. They tell a tale of tensions between different levels of economic power, high, medium and low. Research into the kinds of power that promoted this step-by-step centralization, and also into those that resisted it, may suggest a more comprehensive approach to power in China generally.* The author expresses great thanks to the Joint Committee on Contemporary China of the Social Science Research Council and the American Council of Learned Societies for support related to this article. The Center of International Studies and the Woodrow Wilson School, Princeton University, supplied some clerical help, and the Foreign Area Fellowship Program supported the author's first researches on Shanghai. Very useful comments were received from James Nickum, Gordon Bennett, Bruce Reynolds, Thomas Rawski, Carl Riskin, Dick Wilson, and an anonymous reader for The China Quarterly. All opinions here are the author's solely.

Protestantism in the early Meiji era has long interested Western students as an aspect of the encounter between Japan and expanding European culture in the nineteenth century. Edward Warren Clark (1849–1907) and other American laymen, who went to Japan as teachers and not society missionaries, played a significant role in the process during the 1870s. Edward Warren Clark is known to Western scholars of the Meiji period for his contribution to the development of English-language education and as the author of books based upon his experiences in Japan. In his letters to William Elliot Griffis (1843–1928), Clark reveals opinions concerning Japan and Japanese acquaintances, and the hopes and tribulations of teaching Western studies. These are interesting in themselves as one American's views, and they also shed more valuable light upon Japanese attitudes toward the West between 1871 and 1875. In this study of cultural contact, particular attention will be paid to Clark's evangelistic work in Shizuoka and later in Tokyo, and the influence of his Christian ideas and misconceptions upon certain Japanese, especially Nakamura Masanao (Keiu, 1832–91).

By itself, development seems to have nothing to do with crime. But when considered as a dynamic process of change, development and deviant behavior become in separable. As the move away from traditional society gains momentum, the traditional institutions and way of life give way to new ideas of social organization, behavior, and author ity, and many see this change as an opportunity to discard old values. The situation is further complicated by the rapidity of change which leaves little time to adjust to development problems. Industrialization accompanied by population redis tribution, dissipation of traditional forms of social control, social mobility and technological changes, and improved mass communication are some of the factors of development which tend to increase opportunities for deviant behavior. Poor housing, disorientation of family life, unemployment, rapid population growth, and special labor needs of some enter prises also are conducive to crime and delinquincy. There is a need for a determined effort to correct or remove the socio-economic imbalances that are known to be detrimental to development through systematic planning and programming.

After explaining the adoption of Decision 24 in terms of (a) the logical need to regulate direct foreign investment and technology transfer within regional integrative systems so as to create conditions necessary for the accomplishment of other integrative goals, and (b) the needs of an emergent national bourgeoisie within certain of the Andean countries. the paper demonstrates the extent to which the absence of social forces supportive of re gulation in all of the member countries led to attempts to modify Decision 24 and to divergencies in its implementation by national authorities. By checking the extent to which Decision 24 was applied at the national level the author is then able to examine the impact of Decision 24 on the rate of divestment, on the degree to which direct foreign investment and technology contracts were being subjected to review and renegotiation, and on the inflow of direct foreign investment into the region. In addition the paper presents the results of a survey of the attitudes of 90 managers of chemical and metalworking firms in Peru, Colombia, and Ecuador towards the regulation of direct foreign investment and technology transfer.